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Six articles addressing the multiplicity of methodological perspectives currently used & available to foreign policy analysis are presented. In the Introduction, symposium editor Jean A. Garrison articulates the need for contemporary studies to establish novel concepts that will overcome current obstacles in foreign policy analysis. In Foreign Policy Analysis in the Twenty-First Century: Back to Comparison, Forward to Identity and Ideas, Juliet Kaarbo recommends that foreign policy analysis adopt methodological frameworks that are either comparative in nature or address the relationship between identity & ideas. In Foreign Policy Analysis and Globalization: Public Opinion, World Opinion, and the Individual, Douglas Foyle contends that foreign policy analysis must consider the influence that public & world opinion & the global community possess over states' foreign policies in order to better account for the movement of people, capital, & ideas across international boundaries. In Science, Empiricism, and Tolerance in the Study of Foreign Policymaking, Mark Schafer suggests that foreign policy analysts demonstrate greater tolerance for certain subfields & methodological perspectives & that scholarship utilize three empirical techniques -- computer-oriented textual evaluation, state-level psychology, & experimental perspectives. In Foreign Policymaking and Group Dynamics: Where We've Been and Where We're Going, Garrison reviews existing research on group decision making to determine future applications of foreign policy analysis & investigate how individual cognition becomes assimilated into the decision-making processes of groups. In Crisis Studies and Foreign Policy Analysis: Insights, Synergies, and Challenges, Eric K. Stern notes the contributions that international crisis theory approaches have made to foreign policy analysis & identifies future research topics, eg, determining the limitations of existing deterrence policies. 315 References. J. W. Parker

Marking the 40th anniversary of the International Republican Institute (IRI), 2023 provided many key moments in our fight to advance democracy worldwide. From Ukraine to Nigeria and beyond, IRI continued to empower individuals, civil society organizations, political parties, and all those seeking a democratic future. As our 40th year comes to a close, here are […]
The post IRI's 40th Anniversary Year: Highlights of 2023 appeared first on International Republican Institute.

Russia's war against Ukraine has accelerated international competition for influence in Africa. Structural weaknesses and post-pandemic instabilities continue to threaten achievements in the fields of democratic governance, peace and security, as well as development. We present a select list and analysis of "ten things to watch" in Africa in 2023.
Politics: Democratic quality will depend on the nature of polls, as the electoral calendar is heavily packed. Important general elections that could trigger social unrest are scheduled in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Nigeria, and Zimbabwe.
Peace and security: Against the backdrop of continued structural-conflict risks, Jihadism and related ethno-regional tensions pose a major security challenge that may spill over to neighbouring states, especially from the Sahel to West African coastal countries. The recent ceasefire in Ethiopia's Tigray Region could be a first positive step towards peace.
International arena: Amid Russia's war against Ukraine, many African governments were reluctant to join the international coalition condemning the Putin regime. Continued Western pressure on African countries to isolate Russia fosters African agency. At the same time, we expect to see an intensifying "new scramble for Africa" that includes both China and Middle Eastern countries.
Socio-economic development: African countries will slowly rebound from the COVID-19 pandemic's socio-economic effects, but high poverty, inequality, and government debt hamper economic growth. Progress on joint efforts to counter the climate crisis remains slow.
Western support for African countries in their struggle for democracy, peace and security, as well as development requires a "new start" that focuses on prevention rather than ad hoc responses to current crises. The European Union and United States should avoid lapsing into Cold War habits of only assisting African governments if they "break away" from Russia. Germany needs to formulate a sound Africa policy that balances values and national interests with realistic assessments of the policy's potential in light of bigger players like China.

Housing benefit is an important component of the tax/benefit package. This article compares the contribution that housing benefit makes to the structure and value of the package paid to families with children in 22 countries in July 2001. It describes the demand-side housing subsidies that exist. It then examines how the value of housing benefit varies by family type and earnings level, using the model family method. Compared with other countries families in the UK receive rather small reductions in their rent, and because child tax credits are taken into account in assessing housing benefit, it is restricted to families with the lowest earnings and tends to be smaller for larger families. Some suggestions are made for reforming housing benefit.

The author of the article went beyond the analysis of the traditional bilateral relations between Pakistan and India, focusing on the confrontation of these countries at the regional and international levels. The struggle for influence in the region, for sales markets, for profitable multibillion-dollar commercial projects, for increasing labor quotas, in particular with the Gulf countries, is intensifying. Not being an Islamic state, India is strengthening its position in the Organization of Islamic Cooperation. The withdrawal of US/NATO troops from Kabul in August 2021 also had an impact on the Afghan vector of the countries' foreign policy. The Anti-Taliban case (2001–2021) of the Indian Foreign Ministry has failed. But the danger of losing the Afghan, and as a result, the likely logistical challenges of cooperation with the Central Asian states, convinced New Delhi to reconsider the approaches the Afghan Taliban. Pakistan welcomed it' return to power. However, his tough policy towards the terrorist organization the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) was the challenge for Pakistani-Afghan relations, which India took advantage of. The government of Prime minister Narendra Modi, since coming to power in 2014, characterizes Pakistan as a terrorist state; and refuses bilateral negotiations and cooperation in «small» regional organizations, in particular with the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) starting from 2016. It paralyzed the activity of this organization. But the Pakistani economy is facing the deepest economic crisis, that is why is interested in the increasing the volume of export of domestic products in region, and an influx of foreign currency, primarily to safe foreign exchange reserves. Logistically, Pakistan is 'cut off ' by the territory of India from the states of South East Asia. Continuing the theme of the 'terrorist state', New Delhi (Pakistan has been in the 'grey' list in 2018) insisted on the transfer of Islamabad to the 'black list' of the Financial Action Task Force on Money Laundering and Terrorist Financing (FATF). The result of the subsequent sanctions was, first of all, the downgrading of the country's investment rate, which hurt the country's business. New Delhi did not abandon its position even on the day the sanctions were lifted from Pakistan in September 2022. It is difficult to admit, but India's tendencies towards political isolation and measures indirectly aimed at curbing Pakistan's trade and economic ties in the region are evident.

Unmüßig, B.: Grüne Ökonomie - die neue Zauberformel? : Erwartungen an die Rio+20-Konferenz. - S. 3-9 Bauer, S.: Welche Zukunft wollen wir? : Die Rio+20-Konferenz soll die UN-Nachhaltigkeits-Architektur reformieren. - S. 10-15 Ekardt, F.: Gleiche Ressourcennutzung für alle : Konzepte für die globale Nachhaltigkeitswende. - S. 17-21

Presidential elections were held in Nigeria on 25 February 2023. The candidate of Nigeria's ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) party Bola Ahmed Tinubu won the election. He was known as a political 'godfather' in the South West. His major contender, Atiku Abubakar, 76, running on behalf of the major oppositional People's Democratic Party (PDP) lost, as well as the third, Peter Obi, 61, a candidate for the little-known Labor Party. He had hoped to break the two-party system that ruled the country since the end of military rule. But he failed despite enjoying passionate support on social media, especially among the Nigerian youth. Acting President Buhari, whose term has ended, had renewed his call for foreign powers not to interfere in Nigeria's internal affairs. Given the recent history of military coups in West Africa, including Russia's involvement, the military command again dismissed coup rumours. However, the latter were largely ignored by the general public anyway. Most people focused on more pressing concerns such as insecurity, fuel shortages and a shortage of new banknotes. Although Nigeria is a resource-rich country and oil and gas revenues have funded national budgets for decades, around 40% of Nigerians (83 million people) live below the poverty line while another 25% (53 million) are at risk. So far, Nigeria has not been able to benefit from rising global oil prices. Oil production has fallen to historic lows since 2021. Gasoline subsidies continue to consume too much of oil revenue. Nigeria's growth prospects are bleak due to further declines in oil production and heightened uncertainty. The new president has to cooperate closely with ECOWAS to tackle gang violence and insecurity in the West African region. The cooperation documents Nigeria's role as a political, economic and security policy hegemon in West Africa, often said 'too big to fail', as it is by far the largest and most powerful nation in sub-Saharan Africa alongside South Africa.

Richard Joly. NOTRE DEMOCRATIE D'IGNORANTS INSTRUITS. Ottawa: Les Editions Leméeac Inc., 1981. 239 pp.

Gospel Herald interview with Yoder on "The Politics of Jesus", published in 1978.