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The discipline of International Relations (IR) has been complicit in its representation of indigenous populations, often producing teleological narratives underpinning the superiority of the West and legitimizing colonial domination. The historical lived experiences of the indigenous peoples and their knowledge have been silenced and sidelined enabling the anchoring of discussions on political subjectivity and development from the vantage point of western modernity. The crisis of understanding modern statist practices of development plays out in the domain of 'onto politics'—the politics of being whereby current governing practices are merely reflective of the colonial past. The practice of finance and the use of capital during the colonial era contributed to the embedding and actualization of colonial enlightenment thought on the inferiority of non-Europeans, while corollaries of money (property, trade) helped to produce implement hierarchies even amongst the indigenous colonized communities. The article is exploring a double relationship between knowledge production and practice: the first is how enlightenment scholars provided the rubric for racial hierarchies, and the second is the way money reified and reproduced those racist classifications through practice by looking at the colonial and post-colonial Indian state. In doing so, it advances the case to examine the relationship between indigeneity and knowledge production as constitutive to the modern Indian state.

From 1880 to 1930, Argentina received hundreds of millions of pounds of British investments, making it in an economic sense a British dominion. The world economic crisis of the 1930s forced both Britain and Argentina t o reconsider many of these economic ties. The changing Anglo-Argentine relationship is reflected in the complex relations between a British tramway company, the Anglo Argentine Tramways Co. Ltd., that operated in Buenos Aires and the Argentine national government between the onset of the Great Depression and the early 1960s. The Anglo, as the company was popularly known, was the main tramway concern diat offered public transportation and contributed to the urban development of a cosmopolitan Latin American metropolis until 1914. Second, the history of the company illustrates political and economic problems that plagued the links between foreign public utilities and the host government from the 1930s onwards. Third, since the Anglo belonged to SOFINA, a transnational holding company with worldwide investments in public transportation and electric power stations, our case study shows the limitations of Sofina's political power in Britain and Argentina.

Report of the Texas State Auditor's Office related to determining whether 17 selected state agencies made a good-faith effort to increase their purchases and contracts with historically-underutilized businesses (HUBs) in fiscal year 1996.

Includes impact of the Act on establishment of a national criminal-history information network linking the states and the federal government; US.

The Brady Handgun Violence Prevention Act (in effect Feb 1994) calls for nationwide requirements for the sale of handguns, & a national criminal-background information system. Both these measures involve fundamental issues of federalism. The first involves the traditional give-&-take between the states & the federal government in sorting out specific authority over the prohibition of firearm sales. The second requires cooperation of all the states & the federal government. The Brady Act is reviewed here in the context of twenty-five years of federal gun-control activity; its impact on federal-state relations is examined, & development of a national criminal-history information network is discussed. 2 Tables. Adapted from the source document.

This article develops a gendered state-theoretical materialist framework to show how capitalism as an economic system and the nation-state reproduce gendered hierarchies on multiple levels. With a focus on the symbolic masculine cultural order and its hegemonic political rationality of governing, the current economic crisis and its effects on gender regimes is discussed more specifically. In a case study on a new economic governance form called 'Sixpack' within the European Union, the effects of these policies and their symbolic meanings are highlighted. The article therefore challenges the varieties of capitalism literature on gender, arguing that a broader framework of analysis is necessary to capture the intersectional dimensions of domination in capitalism for different subject positions.

This dissertation, with a standpoint of disentangling China's diplomacy "inside-out," explores the Chinese state-society relationship in domestic-foreign-policy interaction. With its analytic focus resting on the collective memory of national humiliation in modern Chinese history and the derived national identity, this project delves into the linkage between the ideational impetus of the diplomatic decision-making of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and the way that the authoritarian regime claims its internal and external legitimacy. In the state legitimation, collective memory and national identity are instrumentalized to enact the moral justification of the CCP's political authority and to justify China's persistent quest to regain a rightful place in the international arena. In the belief system of Chinese foreign policy ideas, these historical institutions shape the conception of the state interests and the goals of national foreign policy. The normative and purposive meanings and the affective dimension of these ideational factors have given ground to the ethical agenda of China's diplomacy. The CCP's policy calculation in its external legitimation can go against the moral standards by which domestic audience assesses its diplomatic performance. In the interrogation of the discrepancy between the state's foreign policy behavior and the CCP's role playing claimed for its memory-based legitimacy, the "scripts" of Chinese diplomatic drama derived from historical institutions have empowered the agency of the Chinese populace to contend with the authoritarian state.

The United States had an inbuilt constituency in India, a constituency that had its origins in the pre-independent period. Although the British were under fire, they enjoyed a certain amount of respect for their commitment to justice and law. The Indian elites were the products of English education. All these resulted in a love-hate relationship between the Indians and the Anglo-Saxon groups in general. Besides, the amount of importance the Indian nationalist leaders gave to the mediatory role of President Franklin D. Roosevelt and the liberal American Press in bringing about India's independence bears testimony to this formulation. Thus in 1941 when India won independence, the United States enjoyed considerable goodwill in India. The United States was willing and far abler than Stalin's Soviet Union to help in the economic betterment of India. The US launched the Point Four Programme, a politico-humanitarian package.1 Jawaharlal Nehru, the Prime Minister of India, was consciously warm towards it because, apart from other reasons, he found it good tactics to use against domestic communism, and the collapse of the Telengana rebellion in Southern India proved him right. During his first visit to the United States in 1949, Nehru and President Truman seemed to have achieved a reasonable desire of mutual sympathy in genera! outlook on. world affairs. What alienated India's diplomacy from that of the United States most was the difference in their views of the nature of Chinese Communist threat and what approaches could be made about it. The United States had not yet given in to Dulles's pactomania, nor had the dreadful McCarthy era started. Yet guided by their different experiences, the two countries began to choose their different paths which did not converge until the Communist Chinese massive invasion of India's north-eastern border in October 1962. So conflicting were the approaches of India and the United States that they found themselves ranged on opposite sides on many issues regarding China. This worked clearly to the disadvantage of both. The differences discouraged economic assistance to India while the United States lost the sympathy of the emerging Asian nations. My paper examines the various aspects of these Indo-American differences over Communist China in order to define the impact on their political relations. It establishes that the 'China Question'—the non-recognition by the United States, non-admission to the United Nations, the status of Formosa, etc., created bitter differences between India and the United States till the China War of 1962. This provided cause for an unparalleled deepening of the Indo-US involvement.

This study was designed to determine universal ethical values by examining ethics codes of public relations firms in the United States and South Korea. The contents of 1, 969 ethical statements (1, 891 United States and 78 Korea) were reviewed. "Respect to clients" and "expertise" were the most frequently mentioned values, and "honesty" and "openness" were the ethical values least frequently mentioned in statements in both countries. Statements showed similar patterns in both countries, though they were more often aimed at promoting the agencies' services to attract future clients, rather than presenting legitimate ethical values.