Suchergebnisse

Untersuchung der 3 Fragen: Besteht in Südostasien eine revolutionäre Situation? Kann dort das chinesische Revolutionsmodell als Vorbild dienen? Ist die VR China bereit, organisierte Aufstandsbewegungen in den einzelnen Ländern zu unterstützen? (DÜI)

Since the Communists came to power in 1949 Chinese art has seen extraordinary changes. For 30 years, the Party apparatus and its Marxist-Maoist ideology exerted so tight a control over cultural life that it is natural for the art of that period to be viewed primarily as a reflection or expression of political forces. To some degree that is unavoidable, and it is the approach taken by the authors of two important books on post-1949 Chinese art, while Jerome Silbergeld's monograph on the Sichuan eccentric painter Li Huasheng is a fascinating study of the way in which these forces affected the life and work of an individual artist.

The discovery of a bronze tripod in 113 B.C. was one of the first recorded occasions on which imperial Chinese authorities expressed an official interest in the material evidence of earlier stages of their civilization. The event was hailed as a highly favourable portent for the Han dynasty and it was commemorated by the restrospective adoption of the regnal title Yuan–ting, which was applied to the years 116 to 111 B.C. Other discoveries which have been of sufficiently great importance to attract the eye of a contemporary chronicler have included the find of several versions of the Classical Scriptures during the Han period, of the uncorrupt body of one of the Han kings of Ch'ang–sha (c. A.D. 225), and of manuscript copies of certain historical texts (c. A.D. 280).

Because the Chinese do not publish detailed industrial and economic data, the analysis of the petroleum industry is very difficult indeed. Its defence significance makes it additionally hard to establish a firm picture of the situation. Despite the speculative content of any article on the subject, however, it seems worthwhile attempting to evaluate what information is available on Chinese oil because of the industry's growing domestic and international importance.

Since the Ch'in dynasty first divided the area under its control into forty administrative districts, the Chinese countryside has experienced a bewildering variety of units of local organisation. Although beneath this variety there is a discernible continuity (for example in the maintenance of the provincial level of organisation since Han times), the student is often hard put to give adequate explanations of the changes which have occurred. This is particularly true of the Republican period, when local governmental organisation was not only a topic of heated discussion but also a focus of considerable explicit experimentation.

Explores developments and issues in compulsory education in China; includes structure, reform goals, financing and quality of education, and other issues.

Der Beitrag beleuchtet den Diskurs, der sich in China in den letzten Jahren um den Begriff "Zivilgesellschaft" entfaltet hat. Der Begriff steht seit der Aufklärung des 17. und 18. Jahrhunderts auch für den utopischen Entwurf einer Zivilisation, in der die Menschen sich als verantwortungsvolle mündige Bürger und Bürgerinnen ohne Gängelung des Obrigkeitsstaats selbständig und frei an der Entwicklung des Gemeinwesens beteiligen, als Privatpersonen, in Familien und in Assoziationen. In der internationalen Debatte hat sich ein Begriffsverständnis von Zivilgesellschaft durchgesetzt, das sich in Abgrenzung zur politischen Gesellschaft (Staatssphäre) und zur ökonomischen Gesellschaft (Marktsphäre) versteht. Eine Interpretation, die Freiheit, Selbstorganisation und Unabhängigkeit vom Staat für zivilgesellschaftliche Organisationen postuliert, lässt Fragen und Zweifel aufkommen, ob ein solcher Terminus in China in Wissenschaft und Politik schon auf Resonanz stoßen kann. Die Ausführungen zeigen demgegenüber, dass die Ideen und Sichtweisen, die sich mit dem Begriff Zivilgesellschaft assoziieren, auch in China in den letzten Jahren einen großen Aufschwung erfahren haben. Mehr als eine Millionen sogenannte Public Service Units mit insgesamt etwa 30 Millionen Mitarbeitern werden in den nächsten Jahren entstaatlicht, d.h. entweder kommerzialisiert oder in den gemeinnützigen Bereich überführt. (ICA2)

Cover -- Title -- Copyright -- CONTENTS -- Editors' Acknowledgments -- Editors' Introduction -- Introduction -- PART I -- CHAPTER 1 The Constitution of the Territory and Politics of a Large State -- CHAPTER 2 Ancient China's Cultural Constitution: A Unified Script and Mandarin Chinese -- CHAPTER 3 Scholar-Officials -- PART II -- CHAPTER 4 The Mixed Han-Tang-Song Structure and Its Moral Ideal: A Reply to Professor Su Li's Account of the Chinese Constitution -- CHAPTER 5 The Symbolic and the Functional: Su Li on the Constitution of Ancient China -- CHAPTER 6 The Ideal of Civilization and Formation of Institutions in Ancient China: A Reply to Su Li -- CHAPTER 7 History, Culture, Revolution, and Chinese Constitutionalism -- PART III -- CHAPTER 8 Response to My Critics -- Glossary of Key Terms -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Contributors -- Index

Looks at changes in American perceptions of human rights abuses in China, up to and including the suppression of the 1989 pro-democracy demonstrations in Tiananmen Square.

In dem Beitrag werden die Beziehungen der drei Länder Japan, China und Sowjetunion untersucht. Zunächst werden die historischen Hintergründe der Beziehungen seit 1945 erörtert. Nach einer Phase der politischen Außeinandersetzungen und gegenseitiger Kritik wird als Wendepunkt in den Beziehungen zwischen Tokio und Peking der Amtsantritt des Tanaka-Kabinetts im Sommer 1972 bezeichnet. Die neue Basis der japanischen Außenpolitik, die vor allem im Verhältnis zu Peking und Moskau deutlich wird, wird herausgearbeitet. Es werden einige Faktoren aufgezeigt, die die Beziehungen zwischen Japan und der Sowjetunion belasten. Insgesamt wird festgestellt, daß die Beziehungen zwischen Japan, China und der UdSSR eine recht eigenartige Ausprägung haben, die vor allem durch ihre asymmetrische Ausstattung gekennzeichnet sind. (KW)

The Chinese success depends upon five decisive factors: concise and pragmatic development theories, strict and efficient administrative system, economic structure supporting capitals with restriction, opening-up policy being implemented in a well-controlled and gradual manner, hardworking people with a creative spirit. The Chinese development confronts several problems: its cost is too high; some important relations have lost their balance; the reform of the political institutions has lagged behind the economic reform; some countries feel nervous about China's development, etc. To maintain its sustainability China must deal with five pairs of relations, namely those between social justice and efficiency, political reform and economic reform, economic development and ecological protection, native culture and foreign culture, and between righteousness and benefit. Finally, improving the China model will be beneficial to the world development.

This study of the philosophy of war in early China examines the recurring debate, from antiquity through the Western Han period (202 BCE-8 CE), about how to achieve a proper balance between martial (wu) force and civil (wen) governance in the pursuit of a peaceful state. Rather than focusing solely on Sunzi's Art of War and other military treatises from the Warring States era (ca. 475-221 BCE), Christopher C. Rand analyzes the evolution of this debate by examining a broad corpus of early Han and pre-Han texts, including works uncovered in archeological excavations during recent decades. What emerges is a framework for understanding early China's military philosophy as an ongoing negotiation between three major alternatives: militarism, compartmentalism, and syncretism. The book offers a look into China's historical experience with a perennial issue that is not only of continuing relevance to modern-day China but also pertinent to other world states seeking to sustain strong and harmonious societies