Suchergebnisse

"Der Sturz der kirgisischen Regierung im April, die Unruhen im Juni und die Parlamentswahl im Oktober lenkten 2010 mehrfach den internationalen Blick auf ein Land, das inmitten eines autoritären Umfeldes um politische Stabilisierung und Demokratie kämpft. Doch ohne Unterstützung von außen schwindet die Hoffnung, diesen Kampf zu gewinnen. Wenn Kirgisistan nicht zu einem zweiten Afghanistan werden soll, darf es keinesfalls sich selbst überlassen bleiben." (Autorenreferat)

This article provides a conceptualization of trust in interstate relations in terms amenable to research. In the field of International Relations trust is often equated with the willingness to take risks on the behavior of others. However, this approach is problematic because it does not provide a basis for distinguishing between trusting and non-trusting relationships. In contrast, I propose that trust implies a willingness to take risks on the behavior of others based on the belief that potential trustees will `do what is right'. Recognizing that trust involves particular beliefs about the motivations of others distinguishes it from the broader category of risk and enables trusting relationships to be identified more precisely. After elaborating my definitional approach, I discuss indicators designed to gauge the presence of trusting interstate relations in empirical settings.

For over a quarter of a century, the author has ventured systematically into the emerging field of international political economy, an area traditionally dominated by political scientists. Crossing Frontiers - the title refers both to national and disciplinary boundaries - brings together for the first time a dozen of his essays. These essays exhibit a pragmatism, a preference for practical applications over abstract theory, and a willingness to face the complexity of the real world rather than adopt simplifying assumptions.

AbstractObservers of international courts (ICs) note that several ICs carry out a broad range of non-judicial activities, ranging from legal training workshops and public seminars to visits with public officials. Despite the growing prominence of these activities, they have received little attention from scholars. Seeking to fill this gap, this article examines these activities as a form of 'judicial diplomacy', asking how and why ICs employ judicial diplomacy. The article argues that ICs use judicial diplomacy as a means of legitimation. They seek to boost institutional legitimacy through their judicial diplomacy by targeting the public and communicating norm-referential narratives about their processes and outcomes. This argument bears out in case studies on the judicial diplomacy of the African Court of Human and Peoples' Rights and the Caribbean Court of Justice. Both courts are shown to have judicial diplomacy that is public-oriented and people-centred. This argument has important implications for literature on international courts and the legitimacy of international institutions.

Greenhouse Effect and Emission Quotas: the Challenges of a New Form of International Trade, by Olivier Godard
In spite of all-pervasive differences between States, an international Convention on global climate change was adopted in Rio de Janeiro in June 1992 and followed by the Kyoto Protocol in December 1997. The latter introduced binding quantitative targets for industrial countries and, at the level of basic principles, mechanisms providing flexibility in the choice of national strategies. Such mechanisms are based on the 'emissions trading' concept. What can be learned from the diplomatic process about the ability of international negotiations to introduce cost-effective means of implementation ? What are the critical issues related to emissions trading for France in the post-Kyoto context ? Behind emissions we find issues of huge cost-savings, strategic flexibility and democracy in energy choices, while at the same time legitimate fears concern possible distortions of international competitiveness of industry and non-compatibility with green tax reforms. On paper, possible deviations can be mastered, since solutions do exist. The political will to implement them is more questionable.

Während das lateinamerikanische Rentensystem deutschen Ursprungs ist, werden nun einige, seit 1981 eingeführte lateinamerikanische Strukturreformen auch in die deutsche Rentendebatte aufgenommen. Aus der internationalen Rentenreformdebatte werden die gegensätzlichen Ziele bezüglich Finanzierung, Leistung, Verwaltung usw. benannt. Die zwei internationalen Idealmodelle (der Internationalen Arbeitsorganisation und der Weltbank) werden hinsichtlich der Vorstellungen über die drei "Säulen" eines Rentensystems einander gegenübergestellt. In diese beiden Modelle werden die von acht lateinamerikanischen Ländern durchgeführten strukturellen Rentenreformen eingeordnet. Die befürwortenden Argumente, besonders für die Reformen des chilenischen Typs, werden anhand empirischer Befunde der acht Länder überprüft. Insgesamt zeigt sich, daß einzig Chile eines der beiden internationalen Idealmodelle (das der Weltbank) vollständig anwendet. Seine Annahmen über strukturelle Reformen halten aber einer Überprüfung an der Realität nicht stand und bedürfen einer stärkeren Einbeziehung seiner nationalen sozio-ökonomischen Besonderheiten. (prf)

China, Japan and Korea's international relations are shaped by the fact that all three are significant importers of resources. This Introduction proposes two conceptual frameworks for understanding the politics that is taken up in the papers of this Special Issue. The first is to consider the extent to which there is an East Asian model of resource procurement. We find that there are some similarities in the approaches taken by all three countries; for example, their development assistance shares a focus on infrastructure building and a reticence to purposefully influence domestic politics. There are, however, also significant differences due in large part to the individual nature of the states as international actors. The second conceptual framework is the broad contemporary theme of the end of Western dominance of the world order. The main way this affects the international politics of resources in Northeast Asia is through the belief that the activities of those countries are threatening in some way. In some cases Northeast Asian approaches to resources are seen as a problem because they are not sufficiently liberal, whereas in others the problem is that Northeast Asian powers are seen as replacing Western powers in exploiting resource-rich developing countries.

Étranges destins que ceux de Willi Münzunberg et d'Henri Curiel. Tous deux organisateurs exceptionnels de la solidarité internationale, l'un avant-guerre, l'autre après-guerre, et tous deux assassinés dans des circonstances jamais élucidées.
L'article se propose de faire connaître l'action de Willi Münzunberg liée à l'émigration bolchevique en Suisse et notamment à Lénine qui avait deviné très vite son génie organisateur avant 191 7. Chargé de maintes missions par l'Internationale, il fut au cœur des enjeux de la montée du fascisme en Allemagne dans les année 30 et, créant plusieurs organisations à caractère unitaire, il fut le véritable inspirateur des fameux «compagnons de route». Il fut parmi les premiers à mesurer l'importance de ce qui allait devenir le tiers monde et distinguera dans son action la notion de charité, d'humanitaire, avec la solidarité concrète avec les peuples en lutte.