В статье анализируются монои мультилинейные концептуальные подходы к развитию человечества, представленные в трудах таких выдающихся интеллектуалов как Н.Я. Данилевский, О. Шпенглер, А.Дж. Тойнби, Т. Парсонс, И. Валлерстайн, Ф. Фукуяма, Л.Н. Гумилев, С. Хантингтон, Гж. Колодко, Л.С. Васильев, Ю.И. Семенов, М. Музилис, Б. Витрок и др. Подчеркивается, что разнообразие линий социально-экономического развития народов основывается на различиях двух доминирующих макротипов цивилизации «европейского» и «азиатского». В контексте этих и локальных цивилизационных различий рассматриваются модели социально-экономической трансформации постсоциалистических стран; при этом особое внимание уделяется российскому вектору посткоммунистического транзита, в основу анализа которого, по мнению автора, может быть положена теория евразийства Л. Гумилева, Н. Савицкого, Н. Трубецкого и концепции современных российских авторов С.Г. Кордонского, В.Б. Пастухова, О.Э. Бессоновой и других ученыхThe discussion of transformation outcomes has become increasingly tense in the recent years and is now challenging contemporary social sciences. Two major approaches can be distinguished today. According to one of them, transformation is a linear process and it refers to logical transition from non-market to market economy. Such understanding of social development constitutes the classic theory of modernization (W. Rostow, T. Parsons). Similar lack of alternativeness is also a characteristic of the increasingly popular world-system analysis (I. Wallerstain). Yet it can be argued that institutional structure and value systems, which determine the inner logics of social development, are not so universal in nature. The end of 1990s has seen the rise of new theories of non-European modernity, the variety of capitalisms and the trend towards distinguishing modernization from westernization. These ideas have received much support in developing countries. We too argue that the difference of transformation outcomes in European and Eurasian areas cannot be adequately explained in terms of single-vector deterministic model. The reason for the emerging variety of socio-economic developments may very well lie in the inner civilization differences between countries. We argue that both, Marxist and liberal unitarisms with their optionless evolutionary approaches to certain sociohistoric organisms, ignore the interconnection of common and particular in the human history and thus become a subject to discussion. Along with unitarian approach, according to which the development processes within particular sociohistoric organisms follow a single logic in human history, there also exists a pluralist multilinear approach. It implies, that humanity is represented by a set of relatively autonomous historic entities, each of which has a certain life cycle with its own stages of birth, development and decease. The concept of monolinearity has been criticized as far back as in the late XIXth century by a Russian historian N. Danilevsky, whose notion of civilization concurrency ('ryadopolozhennost' tsivilizatsiy') [Danilevsky 2003] suggests that along with some universal essentials civilizations may have very specific goals of development and their own criteria of civilization's successful reproduction. Danilevsky is also the author of the idea that among the factors, which stipulate multilinearity of historical process and the variety of options of social development, a special role belongs to the type of civilization we choose. He also produced his own theory of cultural-historical types: '…civilization is a notion far more extensive than science, art, religion, political, economic or social development taken alone. Civilization includes it all. I am saying that even religion itself is a notion inferior to that of civilization.' [Danilevsky 2003, p.129]. He reckoned that such analysis of history-dependent types of civilization can help explain many phenomena in the past, the present and the future of different peoples, especially since he had learned about the particularities of Russian culture and history. Although he never criticized the Romano-Germanic culture, Danilevsky completely denied its universality and perceived his native Russian civilization as its equal but essentially different counterpart. In XXth century the popularity has come to such advocates of historical pluralism as O. Spengler, A.J. Toynbee, L. Gumilyov, S. Huntington and others. By accepting the possibility of concurrent development for countries, which belong to different civilizations, one does not have to deny the universality of technologies of existence in the very broad sense of its meaning. Although what we must consider is that institutional structure and value systems, which regulate development processes within certain social organisms, may not, and usually are not, universal in nature. Thus it makes sense, that different civilizations and, consequently, national states, which fall under these civilizations, are very likely to develop along different vectors. The institutional theory has also produced a hypothesis, according to which there exist different institutional matrices that can be regarded as latent mechanisms of functioning and reproduction of sociohistoric organisms. The matrix acts as a stable and historically dependent set of interacting institutions that are specific for particular civilizations. By applying this logics in comparative analysis of Eastern and Western macrocivilizations some Russian economists argue that in historical perspective Eastern matrix persistently features non-market mechanisms of distribution, centralized state and the priority of collective values over individual ones. The existing variety of development paths can generally be reduced to the differences that arise between two dominating types of civilization, which contingently can be referred to as European and Asiatic. The first one emerged from ancient polises and, basically, represents the chain of societies with private property, the balance between civil society and civil institutions, advanced personality and the priority of individual values. The latter type Asiatic one is historically connected to Asian despotisms, the domination of state property, all-powerful government institutional structures, the lack of civil society and so forth. We rely on the explanatory concept of basic institutional structures, which distinguish Eastern civilizations from Western ones the so called relations of power-property. This concept has been developed by an outstanding Russian orientalist L. Vasiliev in his works from 1960s 1990s. It is peculiar that in the course of human history this type of civilization has been dominating geographically as well as historically. And it also explains why in the XXth century etacratism (in other terms, etatism or statism) has developed in the countries, which fall under the Asiatic civilization area. Yet it should be underlined that there is no such necessity as to draw the dividing line between monolinear and multilinear approaches. We cannot as well ignore the experience of the previous centuries, which has been institutionalized in verifiable sources. This experience provides evidence of completely different options of social development not only for the organisms that have literally become history, but for those which survived until today. Some of them progressed from savagery feudalism and then onto capitalism; some have initially turned to the Asian mode of production and have only recently developed the advanced forms of capitalism (postindustrialism); the others got 'stuck' in a non-market phase of development and adapted it to the circumstances of contemporary global system. Yet we are only able to speculate within a definite historical horizon, that is measured by the life of a few nearest generations. The point is: there is no sense in crossing swords regarding the future of humanity beyond the XXIst century. Starting from the end of 1990s the Western literature brings an increasingly bigger number of publications, which support theories of non-European modernity and variability of development and attempt to separate modernization concept from westernization. These ideas have gained a lot of support in developing countries, where authors draw attention to the lack of explanatory power of existing social theories, which are incompatible with non-Western forms of contemporary society. According to multilinear approach in the modern world there coexist several main civilizations with distinct institutional, axiological and behavioral characteristics. These civilizations are connected with dominating religious systems. As applied to Central European, Southern European and Eurasian areas (post-communist countries, which are in the process of transformation) these religious systems are Catholicism, Protestantism, Orthodoxy, Islam. The social, economic and political situation in the corresponding countries is essentially different in a number of aspects. Moreover it explains the variation of development paths and the outcomes of liberal reforms in many post-socialist countries of Central and Eastern Europe. Consequently we argue that these civilization particularities must be closely studied. Even today many European researchers and analysts are still convinced that social and economic order of contemporary Russia is not essentially different from that of the developed European countries a still another type of capitalism. One of the most popular approaches is the so called variety of capitalisms approach [Drahokoupil 2009]. According to this approach the variety of social and economic systems, which exist in contemporary Europe, may be reduced to several fundamental forms (e.g. 'liberal market economies', 'controlled market economies' or even 'dependent market economies'). So it, basically, reduces the problem of determining the outcomes of various policies to the problem of diagnosing various states of capitalism in different countries depending on the structure of its economic institutions and the presence of foreign capital. Yet it is never discussed how and why Russia and its predominantly 'orthodox' post-socialist neighbours deviate from any of these classifications. Etacratism in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe was enforced from the USSR. The ones that resisted most were the countries which already had the most experience of market economy, some forms of civil society and the rule of law in the course of their history. During the 45 years of Soviet domination these countries have always been the most unreliable periphery of the 'true socialism'. All of them belonged to Catholic and Protestant Christian cultures. At the same time, etacratism voluntarily and rather autonomously developed in countries, which have never known capitalist relations and had a different history China, Vietnam and Mongolia. The contemporary societal system, which formed in CEE countries, was a result of a single anti-communist revolution of 1989 -1991, which according to V. Ilin had a system nature. These revolutions were encouraged by the idea of catch-up modernization. In CEE and Baltia the original goal of transformation, which included higher standards of mass consumption, social state and technological modernization was rather quickly reduced to two basics which represent the idea of progress market economy and competitive democracy (political pluralism along with democratic freedom) [Ilin 2006, p. 262-266]. The development in Russia, as well as some other countries of the former USSR, went in a different manner. The achievements of market economy and liberal democracy were far more modest than in the CEE neighborhood. We hold the following conceptual viewpoint on Russia's development. The contemporary Russian society, as well as Soviet, belongs to a particular civilization (Eurasian), which is essentially different from European (Atlantic) in relation to its institutional structure and system of values. Thus, in the social space of Europe there actually exist at least two substantially distinct 'Europes'.
Dear readers, authors and reviewers,As usual in RESI's issues, vol. 9, n. 2, brings papers from authors from many different institutions. This time, the authors of the ten papers come from eleven different universities. This provides clear evidence of the journal's spread of reach and capilarity. What calls the attention now is the fact that three of the papers were submitted in English, although there are Latin Americans among their authors. There are at least five other papers going through the review process right now that were also written in English in spite of their authors being native speakers of Portuguese or Spanish, which increases or perception that there is a trend towards that.RESI's editors consider this a very positive movement, because it increases the visibility of the journal among a broader audience. The fact that RESI pioneered the adoption of DOAJ, now the leading indexer of open access academic journals in the world, and that it started using DOI to identify its issues and papers prior to most other Latin American journals demonstrate our concern in providing more visibility to the research that is carried out in Latin America. Of course, publishing papers in English will make that effort more effective. RESI intends to become a connection hub between our scientific community and that of the Norther Hemisphere. Therefore, papers in English will always be very welcome.In spite of that, we would like to stress our commitment with the publication of sound research developed in Portugues or Spanish, because that is essential for the integration of ibero-american researchers, something which still needs a lot of promotion. We should also highlight that issues involving information systems many times have a relevant cultural component that needs to be addresses by researchers that are familiarized with local realities and generate results that can be discussed with local authorities and society in general. And that is, surely, easier to do using the national language of those concerned. We shouldn't be happy to only import technologies that were developed in "the developed world" (no matter what that means!) adapting them to our local problems without a thorough reflection on their capacity, or even usefulness, in solving them.Therefore, at the same time we celebrate the interest and the courage of our authors to try and express themselves in a foreign language, in order to increase the visibility of their work, we will always be open to papers written by authors in their native language, if we have the technical conditions to review it properly, which currently only happens to Portuguese, Spanish and English. After all, an electronic journal such as RESI can provide international visibility for those who seek it, while also creating a democratic environment for the discussion of local issues with those who have a particular interest on it, which may be less effective if not done in the national language of the stakeholders.Having this reflection been made, we invite our authors, reviewers and readers to keep this "caotic" diversity of languages, perspectives and ideologies which have always characterized the University and now call attention to the papers that comprise this issue, which will be briefly presented in the next few paragraphs:The first paper, "Information systems graduate education and research in Brazil", written by Renata Mendes de Araujo and Márcio de Oliveira Barros, opens this issue with an important issue to all of those involved with graduate education in the Information Systems' field, which is the way we are forming the next generations of researchers in our maters and doctorate programs. In this paper, the authors report their experience in consolidating their graduate school at Unirio. The paper is addressed to researchers that deal with IS from an informatics perspective, but could also interest those who see IS from a managerial perspective.Lisiane Barea Sandi and Amarolinda Zanela Saccol show their concern with the way our society is assimilating new technologies, highlighting the fact that, in spite of the obvious benefits, there are also reasons for concern. In " Information overload due to the adoption of mobile and wireless information technologies and its consequences to sales professionals" the authors use an exploratory survey with 75 sales professionals, trying to analize the impacts of mobile telephony on their quality of life."The influence of managerial work determinants on the perception of fitness between technology and task: an exploratory study" is the work developed by Débora Bobsin, Monize Sâmara Visentini and Mauri Leodir Löbler, where they try to contribute to the understanding of information systems as tools to support the activities that are expected to be carried out by managers in organizations. The authors conclude that the more experience managers have with information systems, the more they consider that technology can affect his/her tasks. Also, the more access a user has to a system, the more he/she perceives the fit between technology and task.In "Motivation to create free and open source projects and how decisions impact success", Carlos Denner Santos Jr. and Kay M. Nelson propose a theoretical model that helps assess the reasons that lead an organization to get involved in open software development projects, so that, in the future, such projects can have their success evaluated in a more objetive way. This is an interesting complement to another paper the first author had published at Revista de Administração de Empresas, v. 50, n. 4, late in 2010.In "Engagement or friendship? The perspective of customers and suppliers about business relationships in the software sector", Rita de Cássia de Faria Pereira, Carlo Gabriel Porto Bellini and Fernando Bins Luce use a very original approach (interviews of pairs of customers-suppliers in the software industry – 14 dyads) to analyze issues concerning their relationships (commitment, trust, adaptation, cooperation, and communication) and contextual factors that may amplify or moderate those attributes (uncertainty, interdependence, and the existence of alternative suppliers).Edimara Mezzomo Luciano, Leandro Pilatti, Maurício Gregianin Testa and Ionara Rech deal with the use of COBIT framework to improving management processes of outsourced activities for both involved companies. The paper's title is " Applicability of COBIT in managing outsourced information technology activities: an investigation based on two multinational companies".Perceiving the influence of information technologies on the way companies organize themselves and coordinate their activities with those of customers and suppliers, Dayane Mayely Silva de Oliveira and Max Fortunato Cohen (UFA), carried out a literature review and mapped 21 technologies that facilitate the integration of production processes and emphasize the collaboration among autonomous organizations. This is reported in: "IT use along the supply chain in conjunction with the major management collaboration techniques".Problems involving information security increase as companies integrate their processes and systems to those of their business partners by means of computer networks. Concerned with that, Alexandre dos Santos Roque, Raul Ceretta Nunes and Alexandre Dias da Silva developed, in their paper "Proposition of a dynamic model for managing security information on industrial environments", a dynamic model for information security management, in which interaction, cooperation and motivation (of upper-management, supervisors and workers) are emphasized in order to meet the new demands of information security management: responsibility, trust and ethics.In an environment of activity/process integration of organizations and their business partners and huge information flow among the interested partiesas discussed in a previous paper in this issue (see Oliveira and Cohen), it becomes essential to adopt information security policies to make sure that information is always available to those who need it and do not fall in wrong hands. Leonardo Guerreiro Azevedo, Diego Alexandre Aranha Duarte, Fernanda Baião and Claudia Cappelli developed a set of criteria and a method to assess tools for management and execution of authorization rules for the access and use of information systems, applying them to a real situation at Petrobrás, one of the leading oil companies in the world, which they discuss in "Evaluating tools for execution and management of authorization business rules".Finally, the paper "Requirements and wished features for software testing tools: a study based on the use of SQFD", authored by Ismayle Sousa Santos, Rodolfo S. Ferreira de Resende, Pedro Alcântara Santos Neto and Clarindo Isaias P. da Silva e Padua presents the adaptation of QFD (Quality Function Deployment), a Quality technique developed originally for industrial products, to sortware development. By means of intelligent argumentation and detailing of all necessary steps for implementing the methodology, the authors make it easy for the reader to understand its possible use in the new field and contribute for its dissimination among the software developers. I wope you all have fun reading the papers in this issue!Alexandre R. GraemlEditor ; Prezados leitores, autores e revisores,O volume 9, número 2, como tem sido usual nas edições da RESI desde a sua fundação em 2002, é marcado pela diversidade geográfica dos seus autores. Desta vez, há onze instituições representadas entre os autores dos dez artigos publicados. Isto evidencia a abrangência e capilaridade deste periódico, agora com a contribuição de autores de seis estados brasileiros: Amazonas, Minas Gerais, Piauí, Rio de Janeiro, Rio Grande do Sul e São Paulo, além de um norte-americano, do estado de Illinois, nos Estados Unidos. Mas o que chama mais atenção, e talvez já demonstre a preocupação dos autores brasileiros e latino-americanos em aumentar a visibilidade internacional da sua produção, é que três dos dez artigos ora publicados foram submetidos à revista em inglês. Há pelo menos outros cinco artigos de autores de língua espanhola ou português em análise no momento, para eventual publicação em edições posteriores da revista, o que reforça a percepção de que existe uma tendência nessa direção.Os editores da RESI consideram essa iniciativa louvável. O fato de a RESI ser o periódico brasileiro há mais tempo no DOAJ, o principal indexador de revistas de acesso livre no mundo, e de dispor de DOI para todos os artigos publicados nos últimos anos, individualmente, demonstra a nossa preocupação em dar visibilidade à pesquisa realizada na América Latina e para que isso ocorra mais eficazmente devemos começar a explorar mais o idioma inglês, não só no abstract, como sempre foi feito, mas também no corpo dos nossos trabalhos, sempre que possível. O esforço de internacionalização da revista, que pretende ser o principal fórum de discussões da área na América Latina, mas também um meio de conexão da nossa comunidade científica com os pesquisadores do Hemisfério Norte, deve ir nessa direção. Por isso, são muito bem vindos os manuscritos em inglês.Apesar disso, gostaríamos de reforçar nosso comprometimento com a publicação de bons textos em português ou espanhol, porque eles são essenciais para a maior integração dos pesquisadores ibero-americanos, que ainda precisa ser muito fomentada. É importante lembrar que as temáticas de sistemas de informação estão (e em alguns casos deveríam ser ainda mais!) relacionadas a questões culturais que precisam ser exploradas na pesquisa de autores que estejam familiarizados com as realidades locais envolvidas e gerar resultados de pesquisa que possam ser discutidas com agentes governamentais e a comunidade local, algo que, seguramente, ocorre de forma facilitada no idioma nacional. Não basta importarmos tecnologias dos "países mais desenvolvidos" (o que quer que isso signifique!) adaptando-nos a elas sem uma reflexão sobre sua capacidade, ou mesmo utilidade, na solução dos nossos problemas, considerando que foram desenvolvidas em outro contexo e, possivelmente, para outros fins.Por isso, ao mesmo tempo que festejamos o interesse (e a coragem!) dos nossos autores de se utilizarem de idioma estrangeiro para tornar sua pesquisa mais visível no exterior, em uma atitude nítidamente expansionista, também queremos deixar claro que a RESI sempre estará aberta e acolherá com carinho os trabalhos escritos no idioma original do seu autor, desde que tenhamos condições técnicas de avaliá-lo competentemente, o que hoje ocorre para o português, o espanhol e o inglês. Afinal, uma revista eletrônica como a RESI pode fornecer grande visibilidade internacional para aqueles que a procuram, mas também um espaço de discussão democrático que possibilite a comunicação dos seus autores com a sociedade, principalmente nos casos em que houver questões culturais e sociais importantes em discussão, o que pode ficar prejudicado se não no idioma nacional.Feita essa reflexão inicial e o convite para que mantenhamos sempre a "caótica" diversidade de idiomas, de perspectivas e de ideologias que caracteriza a Universidade, gostaria de chamar a atenção de todos para os artigos que compõem essa edição, brevemente descritos a seguir:O primeiro artigo, "Information systems graduate education and research in Brazil", de Renata Mendes de Araujo e Márcio de Oliveira Barros, ambos da Unirio, abre essa edição da RESI discutindo um tema muito importante para os pesquisadores que estudam Sistemas de Informação no Brasil, que é a forma como estamos preparando as novas gerações de pesquisadores em nossos programas stricto sensu. No artigo, os autores relatam a experiência de sua instituição na consolidação de um curso de pós-graduação na área. O trabalho é mais voltado para programas com origem na informática, mas encontrará leitores também entre aqueles que estudam as tecnologias de informação a partir de uma perspectiva de negócios.Lisiane Barea Sandi e Amarolinda Zanela Saccol, da Unisinos, demonstram sua preocupação com a forma como a sociedade está se apropriando das novas tecnologias, salientando que, além dos óbvios benefícios, há também questões preocupantes, que precisam ser discutidas. Em "Sobrecarga de informações geradas pela adoção de tecnologias da informação móveis e sem fio e suas decorrências para profissionais de vendas" as autoras se utilizam de uma survey exploratória com 75 profissionais da área de vendas, procurando analisar os impactos do telefone celular sobre sua qualidade de vida."A influência dos determinantes do trabalho gerencial na percepção do ajuste entre a tecnologia e a tarefa: um estudo exploratório" é o trabalho de Débora Bobsin, Monize Sâmara Visentini e Mauri Leodir Löbler (UFRGS e UFSM), em que procuram contribuir para o entendimento dos sistemas de informação como ferramenta de suporte para a execução das tarefas que compõem o papel do gestor na organização. Os autores concluem que quanto mais aumenta a experiência do indivíduo com os Sistemas de Informação, maior o ajuste percebido por ele, entre a tecnologia e a tarefa que executa. Da mesma forma, quanto maior o acesso do usuário ao sistema, maior o ajuste percebido entre tecnologia e tarefa.Em "Motivation to create free and open source projects and how decisions impact success", Carlos Denner Santos Jr. e Kay M. Nelson (USP e Southern Illinois) propõem um modelo teórico que ajuda a avaliar o que leva uma organização a se envolver em projetos de desenvolvimento de software livre para que, no futuro, seja possível avaliar com mais propriedade o sucesso dessas iniciativas. Trata-se de um complemento interessante a outro artigo publicado recentemente pelo primeiro autor na RAE (v. 50, n. 4, out/dez 2010).Em "Namoro ou amizade? A visão de clientes e fornecedores sobre relacionamentos de negócio no setor de software", Rita de Cássia de Faria Pereira, Carlo Gabriel Porto Bellini e Fernando Bins Luce (os três primeiros da UFPB e o último da UFRGS) adotam uma abordagem bastante original (entrevistas com 14 díades cliente-fornecedor do setor gaúcho de software - 28 empresas ao todo) para analisar aspectos relacionados ao relacionamento entre essas empresas (comprometimento, confiança, adaptação, cooperação e comunicação) e fatores contextuais que podem influenciá-los (incerteza, interdependência e disponibilidade de fornecedores alternativos).Edimara Mezzomo Luciano, Leandro Pilatti, Maurício Gregianin Testa e Ionara Rech (todos da PUC-RS) analisam a forma como a adoção do framework do COBIT pode auxiliar no aprimoramento dos processos de gestão das atividades terceirizadas, tanto pela empresa terceirizada quanto pela que terceiriza o serviço. O título do artigo é: "Aplicabilidade do Cobit na gestão de atividades de tecnologia da informação terceirizadas: uma investigação com base em duas empresas multinacionais".Percebendo a influência cada vez mais intensa das tecnologias da informação sobre a forma como as organizações se organizam para a produção e agregação de valor, Dayane Mayely Silva de Oliveira e Max Fortunato Cohen (UFA), fazem um levantamento bibliográfico sobre o fenômeno, mapeando 21 tecnologias que facilitam a integração de processos produtivos e incentivam a colaboração entre empresas autônomas. Isto é relatado em: "Os usos da TI ao longo da cadeia de suprimentos e em conjunto com as principais técnicas colaborativas de gestão".Os problemas relacionados à segurança da informação aumentam, na medida em que as empresas se informatizam e integram seus processos aos de parceiros de negócios por meio de redes de computadores. Preocupados com isso, Alexandre dos Santos Roque, Raul Ceretta Nunes e Alexandre Dias da Silva (UFSM) desenvolvem, em seu artigo "Proposição de um modelo dinâmico de gestão de segurança da informação para ambientes industriais", um modelo dinâmico de gestão da segurança da informação em que a interação, a cooperação e a motivação das pessoas (alta-gerência, chefes e funcionários) são priorizadas para atender os novos requisitos da gestão da segurança da informação: responsabilidade, confiança e ética.Em um cenário de integração das atividades das empresas com parceiros de negócios e grande fluxo de informações entre elas, conforme discutido inclusive em outro artigo dessa edição (ver Oliveira e Cohen), torna-se essencial que se adotem políticas de segurança da informação, para garantir que ela esteja sempre acessível àqueles que precisam e devem ter acesso a ela e não caiam em mãos indesejadas. Leonardo Guerreiro Azevedo, Diego Alexandre Aranha Duarte, Fernanda Baião e Claudia Cappelli (todos da Unirio) desenvolvem um conjunto de critérios e um método para avaliação de ferramentas para gestão e execução de regras de autorização para o acesso e utilização de sistemas, aplicando-os ao caso real da Petrobrás, conforme relatado em "Evaluating tools for execution and management of authorization business rules".O artigo "Requisitos e aspectos técnicos desejados em ferramentas de testes de software: um estudo a partir do uso do SQFD", de Ismayle Sousa Santos, Rodolfo S. Ferreira de Resende, Pedro Alcântara Santos Neto e Clarindo Isaias P. da Silva e Padua (a primeira da UFPI e os demais da UFMG) apresenta uma adaptação ao desenvolvimento de software da ferramenta QFD (desdobramento da função qualidade), tão defendida pelos guros da qualidade para aplicação a processos industriais. A argumentação inteligente e o detalhamento dos passos a serem executados na implementação da metodologia facilitam a compreensão do seu uso pelo leitor e contribuem para a sua divulgação entre os informáticos. Desejo a todos uma ótima leitura!Alexandre Reis GraemlEditor
In: Breine , J 2009 , Visgemeenschappen als ecologische indicator voor estuaria: de Zeeschelde (België) = Fish assemblages as ecological indicator in estuaries: the Zeeschelde (Belgium) . Doctoraten van het Instituut voor Natuur- en Bosonderzoek = PhD theses of the Research Institute for Nature and Forest , no. INBO.T.2009.1 , Instituut voor Natuur- en Bosonderzoek .
The Schelde is a lowland river originating in the northern part of France (St. Quentin), and entering the North Sea near Vlissingen, The Netherlands. The estuary covers about half of its length (355 km) as the tidal influence is stopped by sluices near Gent 160 km upstream. We focused on the Zeeschelde, the estuarine part in Flanders comprising a mesohaline, an oligohaline and a freshwater tidal zone. The Zeeschelde is subject to severe eutrophication as it receives high inputs from domestic, industrial and agricultural activities. The ecological values and nature conservation interests of the Zeeschelde are taken into consideration by a series of (inter)national policy instruments, aiming at a sustainable management and conservation of this aquatic environment. As a result several management plans apply also to the Zeeschelde or to parts of it. The most far-reaching plans are the Long Term Vision for the Schelde estuary (LTVS) and the updated Sigmaplan which combine ecological rehabilitation and sustainable habitat creation with flood control measures and navigation requisites. Compliance with almost all national and international agreements requires monitoring of biota. In the WFD fish is one of the biotic quality elements to be used in order to assess the ecological status of transitional waters. Species composition, abundance and the proportion of disturbance-sensitive species should be quantified. Any distortion attributable to anthropogenic impact is calculated by means of the Ecological Quality Ratio (EQR), representing the difference between monitored data and reference conditions. The fish-based assessment tool that we developed was designed to comply with these criteria. In addition it can be used on a metric level to assess fish species of special interest under the Habitats Directive. The fish assemblages in the Zeeschelde were described based on sampling results recorded over a period of 13 years. An overview was provided of the temporal and spatial variation in those assemblages along the salinity gradient in the Zeeschelde estuary (Chapter 2). The species richness and abundance increased over these years in the different salinity zones of the Zeeschelde. Between 1991 and 2008 a total of 71 fish species were recorded within this part of the estuary. Each salinity zone is characterised by a typical fish assemblage, although some species are shared between all three zones. The observed increase since 2007 in species richness in the freshwater and oligohaline zones coincides with a remarkable increase in dissolved oxygen. Guild specific qualitative Maximal and Good Ecological Potential (MEP/GEP) lists were composed for the different zones within the Zeeschelde estuary and its tidal tributaries (Chapter 3). The geographical range and ecological demands of the detected fish species were assessed. The outcome was decisive for acceptance within these lists, which served to develop a fish-based index for the Zeeschelde. In chapter 4 the ecological goals and associated habitat needs were described for fish populations in estuaries. The Zeeschelde was presented as a case study for the description of ecological goals for the fish species listed in the MEP/GEP lists. In order to make the method more widely applicable we first classified fishes into guilds, relevant for the formulation of ecological goals. Next we described guild-specific ecological goals and defined habitat needs linked with a proper functioning of the estuarine ecosystem. The habitat needs ensure the completion of all lifecycle stages: spawning, breeding, feeding and growth to maturity. A hierarchical approach was adopted to define the goals and habitat needs: from a regional scale to habitat level. On a regional and basin wide scale the essential habitat need is connectivity, on an estuarine scale this is space and on a habitat scale diversity is most important. The proposed ecological goals need further quantification. However in general the rehabilitation of marshes and mudflats and the enhancement of flood control areas as fish habitats, with special attention for connectivity with the estuary, will significantly increase the carrying capacity of the Zeeschelde for most of the relevant populations. In Chapters 5 and 6 two essential habitat needs are discussed in detail. In chapter 5, we modelled the environmental constraints controlling the movements of anadromous and catadromous fish populations that migrate through the tidal watershed of the river Schelde. For remaining diadromous populations (flounder, three-spined stickleback, twaite shad, thinlip mullet, European eel and European smelt) a data driven logistic model was parameterized. We modelled the presence/absence of fish species in samples taken between 1995 and 2004 as a function of temperature, dissolved oxygen, river flow and season. We demonstrated that it is possible to make acceptable predictions about the future spatiotemporal distribution of migrant fishes, even if only relatively limited information is available. An important management issue that derived from our study is that it is essential to avoid at all times DO concentrations below 5 mg l-1 in the freshwater and brackish tidal estuary of the watershed. Restoration of habitats such as marshes and mudflat areas will enhance aeration of the water and help to avoid severe DO drops. The use of tidal marshes for fish and the influence of creek characteristics on the visiting fish assemblages were assessed (Chapter 6). As expected the influence of the salinity gradient is reflected in the different fish assemblages. We caught a high proportion of juveniles suggesting that the creeks are a juvenile habitat. The highest fish abundance was recorded in summer (after hatching) because then juveniles seek shelter in the creeks. It was also observed that the visit frequency was related to creek dimensions and inundation time. Larger creeks, lower in the tidal frame and with a more complex structure, as they include side creeks and permanent pools, are of higher interest for fish. We also observed a positive effect of rivulets on the mudflat adjoining the tidal marsh as they guide the fish towards the creeks. These observations are important for the design of tidal wetland restoration projects. In chapters 7 and 8 different approaches to define a fish-based evaluation tool to assess the ecological quality status of an estuary (the Zeeschelde) were described. The fish index comprises metrics which are ecologically relevant variables that are sensitive to human pressures. A first step in the selection of these metrics consisted in assessing how they evolve along a pressure gradient (graphical selection). In chapter 7 a new concept in the index development was introduced i.e. the balance between type I (false positive) and type II (false negative) errors. The magnitude of these errors was expressed as the area under the curve (AUC). Graphical screening assured the selection of metrics responsive to anthropogenic degradation. We scored metrics by judging the metric value variation in the best available site (quintiles). A forward stepwise regression selected the metric with the best balance between the type I and type II error. Metric selection was continued until the lowest AUC was obtained. To define the EBI thresholds we fixed the maximum type I error of each integrity class threshold at 10%. It was a major concern that not all quality classes can be discriminated because of unbalanced pre-classification data. Secondly the final index had a high type II error, although we believe both types of error should be small. Therefore in the next chapter a different approach was used in order to obtain a better index. In chapter 8 we described the development of a Zone specific fish-based multimetric Estuarine index of Biotic Integrity (Z-EBI) based on fish surveys data from the Zeeschelde estuary (Chapter 2). Again we pre-classified sites using indicators of anthropogenic impact and selected metrics showing a monotone response with pressure classes for further analysis. Metric values were calculated using pooled annual data within one salinity zone and expressed as catch per unit effort. Metrics were selected using a Principal Component Analysis (PCA) combined with a redundancy test. We defined thresholds for the Good Ecological Potential (GEP) from salinity zone specific references developed in chapter 3. andapplied a modified trisection for the other thresholds (moderate, poor and bad). The Z-EBI is defined by the average of the metric scores calculated over a one year period within each zone and translated into an Ecological Quality Ratio (EQR) to comply with the European Water Framework Directive (WFD). The indices integrate structural and functional qualities of the estuarine fish communities and can be used to assess the ecological quality of the Zeeschelde. We successfully validated the Z-EBI performances for habitat degradation in the various habitat zones. With this new index we encompass small temporal and spatial variations within the estuary. It accounts for the seasonal variation and covers the complete salinity zone, which is an improvement compared to the previous index. The developed indices are able to make the distinction between impacted and unimpacted (GEP) status. Our results showed that the ecological status of the Zeeschelde at present varies from bad to moderate. A comparison of the average scores obtained with EBI and Z-EBI indicated that in those cases where a different appreciation appeared, the EBI scores lower. This confirms our view that local and temporal appreciations are too sensitive to small variations, which do not necessarily represent an overall negative impact on the ecosystem functioning. Implementing rehabilitation and conservation measures will improve the ecological quality status of the Zeeschelde. At present the Z-EBI corresponds best with the demands from the different legislations and provides the most holistic information from an ecological point of view. ; De Schelde ontspringt in St. Quentin (Frankrijk) en mondt 355 km verder uit in de Noordzee nabij Vlissingen (Nederland). Tussen Gent en de monding is de Schelde over zowat 160 km onderhevig aan getijdewerking. In deze studie concentreerden we ons op de Zeeschelde (Belgisch estuarium) met haar drie saliniteit zones: een mesohaline zone, een oligohaline zone (inclusief de Rupel) en een zoetwater zone (inclusief de Durme, Dijle, Zenne, Grote en Kleine Nete). De Zeeschelde wordt vervuild door huishoudelijk en industrieel afval en ten gevolge van landbouwactiviteiten. Toch heeft de Zeeschelde een hoog ecologisch potentieel en een natuurwaarde die door nationale en internationale richtlijnen worden gewaarborgd. Voor het verzekeren van natuurherstel, gecombineerd met veiligheid en toegankelijkheid, werd gekozen voor het wenselijk alternatief van het geactualiseerd Sigmaplan. Als onderdeel van de studies die nagaan of aan de verschillende richtlijnen wordt voldaan, is in de meeste gevallen ook een beoordeling vereist van de status van biota. In de Kaderrichtlijn Water wordt vis vooropgesteld als een kwaliteitselement voor het beoordelen van de ecologische status van overgangswater. Een verschuiving tengevolge van menselijke activiteiten in de soortensamenstelling, abundantie en aantal gevoelige soorten wordt weergegeven in een ecologische kwaliteitsratio, die het verschil aantoont tussen de actuele en de referentietoestand. Daarom ontwikkelden we een visindex die gevoelig is voor dergelijke verschuivingen en die tevens elementen opneemt die van belang zijn voor de habitatrichtlijn. Op basis van vangstgegevens, verzameld over 13 jaar, beschreven we de vissamenstelling in de Zeeschelde langsheen de zoutgradiënt (Hoofdstuk 2). In totaal vingen we voor de drie saliniteitszones 71 verschillende soorten. Elke zone was gekenmerkt door een typische visgemeenschap, die we verder onderverdeelden in gildes of ecologische groepen. De toename van het aantal soorten in de verschillende zones viel samen met een verbetering van de waterkwaliteit (opgeloste zuurstof). Op basis van de recente en historische visstandgegevens stelden we referentielijsten samen diebeantwoorden aan het Maximaal Ecologisch Potentieel (MEP) en het Goed Ecologisch Potentieel (GEP) van de drie saliniteitzones in de Zeeschelde vis (Hoofdstuk 3). De geografische spreiding en ecologische vereisten van elke vissoort waren bepalend om deze al dan niet in de lijst op te nemen. Deze referentielijsten werden gebruikt voor het ontwikkelen van een zone specifieke visindex voor het Zeeschelde estuarium. We groepeerden de vissen uit de referentielijsten in gildes en expliciteerden hun ecologische doelstellingen en de ermee geassocieerde habitateisen (Hoofdstuk 4). De aanwezigheid van de vereiste habitatten garandeert dat de betrokken vissen hun levenscyclus kunnen voltooien. Op regionale en bekkenschaal houdt dat ondermeer ecologische connectiviteit in, op estuariene schaal is dat voornamelijk ruimte en op habitatniveau diversiteit. De bescherming en de maatregelen natuurherstel waarbij slikken, schorren en gecontroleerde overstromingsvlaktes worden gerealiseerd, verhogen de draagkracht van de Zeeschelde voor vis. De habitateisen beschreven in hoofdstuk 4 zijn kwalitatief. Om de connectiviteit te kwantificeren modelleerden we omgevingsvariabelen die een belangrijke invloed uitoefenen op de migratie van diadrome vispopulaties in de Zeeschelde (Hoofdstuk 5). Zo modelleerden we de aan- en afwezigheid van migratoren in de Schelde in functie van temperatuur, opgeloste zuurstof, stroomsnelheid en seizoen. We toonden aan dat met relatief weinig informatie aanvaardbare voorspellingen konden gemaakt worden van de ruimtelijke en tijdelijke verspreiding van migrerende vissoorten. Dat in het zoetwater- en brakwatergedeelte een zuurstofconcentratie van minstens 5 mg l-1 een noodzakelijke habitatvereiste blijkt te zijn, is belangrijk voor het estuariumbeheer. De realisatie en bescherming van afdoende oppervlakten slikken en schorren zijn noodzakelijk om de zuurstofuitwisseling te verbeteren. Het gebruik van schorren door vissen en het belang van kreekeigenschappen voor de bezoekende visgemeenschappen verduidelijkten we in hoofdstuk 6. Naargelang het zoutgehalte troffen we in de schorkreken andere visgemeenschappen aan. In alle schorkreken vingen we hoofdzakelijk juveniele exemplaren met een piek in de zomer. De positie van de kreek in het getijdevenster beïnvloedt de bezoekfrequentie van de vissen, dit is ook het geval bij aanwezigheid van een geul op het slik vóór het schor. Kreken die relatief lager liggen, breed zijn en vertakkingen hebben met permanente poelen worden het meest bezocht door vissen. In hoofdstuk 7 beschreven we de ontwikkeling van een op vis gebaseerd scoresysteem: de visindex (EBI). Deze visindex bevat metrieken of ecologisch relevante variabelen die gevoelig zijn voor verstoring. Een metriek die een staalnameplaats bijna altijd een zelfde status geeft als deze bepaald op basis van de omgevingsindicatoren is een goede metriek met een kleine foutenmarge. Het evenwicht tussen type I- en type II- fout kan met een curve weergegeven worden en het oppervlak onder deze lijn (AUC: area under the curve) is een maat voor de performantie van de metriek: hoe kleiner de oppervlakte hoe performanter. Met een stapsgewijze regressieanalyse selecteerden we eerst de metriek met de laagste AUC, waarna we de volgende metriek selecteerden die in combinatie met de eerste een nog kleinere AUC geeft tot uiteindelijk de AUC niet verder afnam. Finaal selecteerden we vijf metrieken en de spreiding van hun gemiddelde waarde werd gebruikt om de grenswaarden van de index te bepalen. Deze index is in staat op basis van één afvissing de kwaliteit van een staalnameplaats vast te leggen. Hij vertoont echter nog enkele tekortkomingen en daarom ontwikkelden wemet een alternatieve benadering nog een andere visindex voor de Zeeschelde (Hoofdstuk 8). Bij de alternatieve benadering opteerden we om voor het berekenen van de metriekwaarden alle gegevens per jaar binnen één zone te combineren. Dat impliceerde dat de resulterende index (Z-EBI) de Zeeschelde per saliniteitzone evalueert, gebaseerd op jaargegevens. Metrieken werden geselecteerd met behulp van statistische analyses, gecombineerd met ecologische achtergrondkennis. De referentielijsten werden gebruikt om grenswaarden voorelke geselecteerde metriek te bepalen. Het gemiddelde van de metriek scores berekend voor één jaar gaf de indexwaarde aan. Deze werd vertaald in een ecologische kwaliteitsratio (EQR) in overeenstemming met de Kaderrichtlijn Water. In elke zone beoordeelt de index structurele en functionele kwaliteiten en bepaalt hij de staat van de ecologische kwaliteit van de Zeeschelde. Door het gebruik van jaargegevens hielden we rekening met seizoensverschillen en door het beoordelen van een totale zone werden eveneens ruimtelijke verschillengeïntegreerd. De indexwaarden toonden aan dat de ecologische status van de Zeeschelde naargelang de zone varieert tussen slecht en matig. Bij een vergelijking van de EBI en Z-EBI scores stelden we vast dat bij een verschil de EBI steeds lager scoorde. Dit bevestigde onze hypothese dat het gebruik van locale en tijdelijke beoordelingen te gevoelig is voor kleine veranderingen die daarenboven niet noodzakelijk een negatieve invloed hebben op het functioneren van het ecosysteem. Momenteel beantwoordt de Z-EBI het best aan de criteria van verschillende richtlijnen en vanuit een ecologisch perspectief verschaft ze de meest holistische beoordeling.
Issue 34.4 of the Review for Religious, 1975. ; Review ]or Religious is edited by faculty members of the School of Divinity of St. Louis University, the editorial offices being located at 612 Humboldt Building: 539 North Grand Boulevard: St. Lot, is, Missouri 63103. It is owned by the Missouri Province Educational Institute; St. Louis, Missouri. Published bimonthly and copy-right @ 1975 by Review [or Religious. Composed, printed, and manufactured in U.S.A; Second class postage paid at St. Louis, Missouri. Single copies: $1.75. Sub-scription U.S.A. and Canada: $6.00 a year; $11.00 for two years; other countries, $7.00 a year, $13.00 for two years. Orders should indicate whether they are for new or renewal subscriptions and should be accompanied by check or money order payable to Review ]or Religious in U.S.A. currency only. Pay no money to persons claiming to represent Review ]or Religious. Change of address requests should include former address. Daniel F. X. Meenan, S.J. Everett A. Diederich, S.J. Joseph F. Gallen, S.J. Editor Associate Editor Questions and Answers Editor July 1975 Volume 34 Number 4 Renewals, new subscriptions, and changes of address should be sent to Review for Religious; P.O. Box 6070; Duluth, Minnesota 55802. Correspondence with the editor and the associate editor together with manuscripts and books for review should be sent to Review for Religious; 612 Humbuldt Building; 539 North Grand Boulevard; St. Louis, Missouri 63103. Questions for answering should be sent to Joseph F. Gallen, S.J.; St. Joseph's College; City Avenue at 54th Street; Philadelphia, Pennsyl-vania 19131. Women Priests and the Episcopal Church Leonel L. Mitchell Leonel L. Mitchell, whose most. recent publication is: Liturgical Change: How Much Do We Need? (Crossroad Books, 1975), is an Episcopal priest and Assistant Professor, Department of Theology; University of Notre Dame; Notre Dame, IN 46556. It is the intention of this paper to treat the topic of the ordination of women quite narrowly. It will not deal with the general question of the biblical, historical, and theological considerations involved in the ordination of women to the priesthood, but will attempt the more modest task of reporting the con-temporary debate as it exists in the Episcopal Church. This debate has two related but distinct foci: (1) the desirability of amending the canon law of the Episcopal Church so as to permit the ordination of women to the priesthood, and (2) the "ordination" last year of 11 women to the priesthood by three bishops without diocesan jurisdiction in violation of the presently existing canons. There are many in the Episcopal Church who strongly favor the or-dination of women, but condemn the action th~it was taken in Philadelphia on July 29, 1974. ". The 1973 Canterbury Statement of the Anglican-Roman Catholic Inter-naiional Commission ( A R CI C ) entitled "Ministry and Ordination" detailed in 16 headings a common statement of Anglica.n and Roman Catholic understand-ing of the meaning of "ordination in the apostolic succession." A few quotations from this statement should make clear what ministry it is to which women seek ordination in the Episcopal Church, and why this debate is of con-cern to Roman Catholics: Despite the fact that in the New Testament minisiers are never called 'priests' (hiereis), Christians came to see the priestly role of Christ reflected in these ministers and used priestly terms in describing them . Not only do [Christian ministers] share through baptism in the priesthood of the people of God, but they are--particularly in presiding at 51~. / Review for Religious, Volume 34, 1975/4 the Eucharist--representative of the whole Church in the fulfillment of its priestly voca-tion of self-offering to God as a living sacrifice (Rom 12:1) Nevertheless their ministry is not an extension of the common Christian priesthood but belongs to another realm of the gifts of the Spirit. (Par. 13) Ordination denotes entry into this apostolic and God-given ministry, which serves and signifies the unity of the local churches in themselves and with one another. Every in-dividual act of ordination is therefore an expression of the continuing apostolicity and catholicity of the whole Church. (Par. 14) What is involved, then, in the Anglican discussion is not whether women are full members of the Body of Christ and share in the priesthood of the Church, nor is the question one of their suitability to serve as Christian ministers. Women can and do serve in non-sacerdotal ministries in the Episcopal Church. The question is solely whether women can (not should) be ordained to the ministerial priesthood and serve as presidents of the Eucharistic assembly. I do not believe that arguments based on the inexpediency of ordaining women deserve serious consideration. It will always be inexpedient to do something we do not wish to see done. If women can be priests, then what but masculine prejudice prevents them from being so ordained? The question then turns on the hinge of "Are women proper subjects for the sacrament of priestly ordination?" Anglicans do not usually formulate the question in this way, but it is what they mean. Unlike the Roman Catholic Church, the Episcopal Church permits the or-dination of women to the diaconate. In 1862 the Bishop of London revived the order of deaconess in the Church of England by ordaining a woman by "im-position of hands." In 1885 the first such ordination was performed in the United States by the Bishop of Alabama, and in 1889 the American Episcopal Church regulated what it called the "setting apart" of deaconesses by ap-propriate canons. By setting up separate regulations for deacons and deaconesses, however, the canons raised the question of whether deaconesses were deacons, or ministers of some other sort. They did not wear stoles, nor assist in ministering Communion. In remote mission areas without a priest, deaconesses often led prayer ser~iices, officiated at Matins and Evensong, and conducted baptisms and funerals, but in ordinary parishes they served as sacristans, parish visitors, and directors of Christian education. They were, in fact, considered by many priests to be, as it were, "secular nuns" who could do useful things around the church. The fact that the diaconate itself was not well understood did not help to clarify the role of the deaconess. The apostolicity of the order of deacon has been continuously asserted by the Anglican Church, but in fact, deacons who are not fledgling priests have been almost totally unknown since the 16th cen-tury. The.revival of the "perpetual diaconate" for men in the period following World War II has produced a revival of interest in the diaconal ministry, and a beginning of the study of the diaconate as a ministry in its own right, not as a rung on the ladder of ecclesiastical preferment. Women Priests and the Episcopal Church In the Episcopal Church the question of the status of deaconesses was forcefully raised by the late Bishop James A. Pike, who (whatever his failings) was never afraid of a good fight. In 1965 he declared on his own authority as Bishop of California that deaconesses were women deacons, and proceeded to act on that assumption by recognizing Deaconess Phyllis Edwards of his diocese as a deacon. In a ceremony at Grace Cathedral, San Francisco~ he in-vested her with the deacon's stole and presented her with the New Testament from which she read the eucharistic gospel. She also assisted in the ministra-tion of communion in the manner usual for Anglican deacons, by ad-ministering the chalice. The lawyer-bishop was careful to explain that the ser-vice was not an ordination, since, in his view, Deaconess Edwards had already been ordained a deacon when she was "set apart" as a deaconess. Since most Episcopalians had never given any thought to the subject of the ordination of deacons of either sex, they were horrified. The bishops reacted (as Anglican bishops frequently do) by appointing a study commission to report on "The Proper Place of Women in the Ministry of the Church." At about the same time in England a similar report, entitled "Women in Holy Orders," was presented to the Archbishops of Canterbury and York. In 1968 the Lambeth Conference, the decennial meeting of Anglican bishops from all over the world, accepted the principle that deaconesses were "within the diaconate" and referred the question of the ordination of women to the priesthood to the various national churches or provinces, for further study. In 1969 the General Convention of the Episcopal Church, meeting at the University of Notre Dame, amended its canons to permit women for the first time to be licensed as lay readers and to administer the chalice. The 1970 Convention formally endorsed the position that deaconesses were women deacons and amended the canons to that effect. From 1970 on, therefore, men and women have been ordaindd to the diaconate in the Episcopal Church under the same set of regulations, by the same rite, and clearly to the same office. There was, of course, one important difference. Male deacons were either candidates for the priesthood, or they intended to combine service as a "perpetual" deacon with another occupation from which they expected to derive their income. The women, on the other hand, were go-ing into full-time professional ministry, like most of the men with whom they had graduated from seminary. Few of them saw their vocation as being to the "perpetual" diaconate, but the possibility of ordination to the priesthood was denied them. In 1971 the Bishop of Hong Kong and Macao, acting after consultation with his diocese and the Bishops of South East Asia, ordained two women to the priesthood. The previous bishop had pe~'formed a similar ordination in 1944, during World War II, but the Archbishop of Canterbury had formally refused to recognize the ordination, and the woman ordained, ki Tim Oi, renounced her orders for the peace of the ChurCh. This time the Anglican Con-sultative Council (which is a secretariat rather than a decision-making synod) interpreted the resolutions of Lambeth 1968 to permit him to act: ~i14 / Review for Religious, l~olume 34, 1975/4 This Council advises the Bishop of Hong Kong, acting with the approval of his Synod, and any other bishop of the Anglican Communion acting.with the approval of his Province, that, if he decides to ordain women to the priesthood, his action will be accept-able to this Council. (Resolution 28, Anglican Consultative Council, Limuru, Kenya, 23 February-5 March 1971) The resolution carried the Council 24-22, and it was on the strength of this ap-proval that Bishop Baker p~:oceeded with the ordinations. In that same year the American bishops were asked to endorse the princi-ple of the ordination of women to the priesthood and the episcopate, and to prepare legislation for that purpose. The resolution was presented by the Bishops' Committee on Ministry. The House of Bishops (in customary fashion) appointed a study committee of seven bishops. This was the second study commission of the American bishops on the ministry of women in l0 years. The complaint of women that the question has been sufficiently studied would seem to be justified. The report was presented to the bishops in 1972. A straw vote was then taken on the question of the ordination of women to the priesthood. This was a simple expi'ession of personal opinion, not a legislative vote. The bishops voted 74-61 in favor of admitting women to the priesthood. This is the approval of the bishops so often mentioned in the debate since. The report itself exhibits an internal schizophrenia, including two different versions of a section on "Scripture, Tradition, and Images," one favoring the ordination of women, the other opposing it. It was distributed, not only to the bishops but to all priests and other interested persons, in mimeographed form, and was later printed in the 1973 Convention Journal. It begins with the assertion that the Church admits both men and women to the diaconate, and cites New Testament precedents (Romans 16:i, Acts 9:36, I Tim 3:8-13) and the opinion of C. H. Dodd: We may fairly suppose that the order of deacons which emerged in the second century. had its origin in Paul's own time; and that it included women as well as men. (Dodd, C. H., The Epistle of Paul to the Romans, p. 235) The report describes the contemporary understanding of the diaconate as ':murky and confused" and calls for a fresh statement of the meaning of the diaconal ministry. It is interesting that the acceptance of women as deacons is not considered controversial by the bishops, but is the assumed starting ground for further discussion. Certainly no such consensus could have been obtained in 1965. Turning from the diaconate to the priesthood, the report describes the or-dained priest as "called of God and authorized by the body" to act for both the Lord and his Church "in ways far beyond our understanding." It asserts: His priesthood is not derived from the Church nor has anyone a right to claim priesthood; the priest is called to receive a gift in ordination, which comes from the Father. But his call and the gift are alike recognized and ratified by the Church; he acts for them in exer-cising the gift. Thus the authority and accountability conferred in ordination have a dou-ble reference. No man exercises priesthood in a vacuum. Women Priests and the Episcopal Church / 515 When it considers the possibility of the ordination of women to the episcopate, the report confronts the question directly: In the case of episcopacy, as in that of priesthood, the suggestion of a duality of repre-sentative roles raised in some of our minds the question as to the significance of male-hess as a necessary attribute or characteristic of the Bishop. Perhaps even more than the priest, the episcopal Father-in-God imagery is that of a male figure and none of us doubts the extraordinary tensions and problems which would confront the Church were women to be chosen to be bishops. But the question remains, in some of our minds, whether it can be said that female-ness is a diriment impediment to their consecration as bishops. I believe that this puts the question in proper terms. It is not a matter of whether one thinks a specific woman would or would not make a good priest. That is a pastoral question to be answered by those specifically charged with approving candidates for ordination. Some women, like some men, would make unbelievably bad priests. If this is true of some of the 11 women or-dained in Philadelphia in July 1974, it is demonstrably true of many of the already ordained male priests in the Episcopal Church, and, 1 assume, in other churches as well. The report then proceedes to two sections upon which the committee was divided. In the first it presents arguments again~st the ordination of women, and in the second it presents arguments for it. Most of the debate on the sub-ject in the Episcopal Church has been simple and straightforward. Opponents of the ordination of women have said that there is no support for it in Scripture or Tradition, that the Church has never ordained women, and to do so now would be stark novelty, and therefore both uncatholic and heretical, its ad-vocates have countered that there is nothing in Scriiature to forbid it, that there is no a priori theological reason for not doing it, and that the mere fact that it has never been done is no argument at all. They point out that to argue simply on the basis of contrary practice is to commit the Church to the view that change is either impossible or wrong--a doctrine which all admit has been widely believed, but which deserves to be relegated to oblivion--and which is demonstrably untrue in such cases as the Church's attitude toward slavery. A great deal of the literature which supports the ordination of women has argued with undeniable truthfulness that much of the opposition of male priests to the ordination of women stems from the men's insecurity in their own sexual and ministerial roles. Itis undoubtedly also true that at least some of the women seeking ordinat.ion have comparable problems, but neither point seems worthy of serious consideration, and the bishops' report does not raise it. It is, of course, theoretically possible to argue that although all of the people actually opposing the ordination of women are doing so from unworthy motives, the position itself is true. It is likewise possible to argue that although none of the candidates actually presenting themselves should be ordained, it is proper to ordain women. More concretely, it is hardly reasonable of the Church for it to set up a system in which all but the most stout-hearted will become discouraged long before they are actually accepted as candidates for ordination, and then complain about the lack of humility and modesty of the 511~ / Review for Religious, l/olurne 34, 1975/4 survivors. The principle of abusus non tollit usum needs to be applied with great rigidity here. The section of the bishops' report which opposes the ordination of women to the priesthood may be taken as representative of the best argumentation on this side in the Episcopal Church. The "prominent and honored place" of women in the ministry of the New Testament and the Early Church is freely admitted. Phoebe is recognized as a deacon, Dorcas as a "disciple," the daughters of Philip as prophets, and others as teachers and evangelists. It further affirms that women have an honored place in the ministry today, but that place is not in the presbyterate. It permits, even urges, the ordination of women to the diaconate, and condemns the failure of the contemporary Church, including that of many priests and bishops, to understand the meaning of the diaconate as ari order separate from, but not subordinate to the presbyterate. It makes a sharp distinction between the priesthood which is shared by all Christians, men and women alike, as full members of the community, and ad-mission to the cultic ministry: To belong to the cultic ministry is no part of the perfection of Christian membership in Christ. That the Church has acted as if it were, and as if lay-people were second class Christians is only too true. It is only too true that lay women have been excluded from the decision making processes of the Church; this is one of the causes of their present anger and frustration. But we cannot right this wrong by committing another. The actual arguments raised against the ordination of women to the priesthood appear to be two, one symbolic and one historical. The symbolic argument is summed up in the conclusion: The ordained Christian priest must act officially in the person of Christ, and male-ness is therefore required for a priest to act in this way. A woman priest, it is claimed "must lack the full symbolic meaning of Chris-tian priesthood, and to that extent must be defective." Masculinity and male-ness are seen as symbolizing the initiating creative and recreative act of God toward mankind, an act transcending nature, and constitutive of the Church. The historical argument is that, although women exercised a multitude of ministries in the early Church, there were no women presbyters or bishops. On the evidence, to admit women as Bish'ops and Priests is to overturn the practice of the New Testament Church, and the Catholic Church ever since. It considers that some evidence of an unmistakeable intervention of the Holy Spirit "such as we find in Acts" would be necessary for so momentous a change, and rejects the idea that the fact that some women genuinely believe themselves called to the priesthood is evidence of such an intervention. It has always been the duty of the Church to tell a man whether or not he has a true voca-tion to the priesthood, and the Church has this task today. If the Church says no to these aspirants, it would seem proper to assume that their question has been answered by the guidance of the Holy Spirit. Women Priests and the Episcopal Church This section of the report concludes: This momentous step must not be taken by a small branch of a particular Catholic Church on its own initiative, without reference to the remainder of catholic Christendom, and, 1 am sure, against the convictions and sentiments of a majority of its members. The appeal to the consensus fidelium of the Catholic Church of the ages strikes strong responsive chords in most Anglican hearts, and their concern for the effect of any unilateral action on the Anglican-Roman Catholic or the Anglican-Orthodox dialogue is genuine. The section of the report defending the ordination of women compares it with the adoption of the Canon of Holy Scripture or the development of the threefold ministry as "legitimate developments of what was implicit in the revelation of Christ from the beginning." It makes extensive use of the article "Biblical Anthropology and the Par-ticipation of Women in the Ministry of the Church" by Professor Andr6 Dumas of the Protestant Faculty of Theology in Paris, which was published in 1964 in Concerning the Ordination of Women. a report of the World Council of Churches. This article contrasts the Jahwist account of the creation and fall in Genesis 2:4-3;24 with the Priestly account in Genesis 1, in which man and woman are both made in the image of God and given joint authority over crea-tion. According to Dumas, the only theologically significant reason for the ex-clusion of women from the Old Testament priesthood was the belief that woman's true vocation was to be a mother in order to perpetuate Israel until the coming of the Messiah. This, he says, Christianity specifically rejected as anti-Messianic. There is, he points out, nothing in the New Testament about motherhood as a sacred vocation, since that vocation has been fulfilled by the motherhood of the Blessed Virgin Mary. The report admits the power of the male imagery applied to priests, but comments: Its power is derived from deep springs in the human spirit and from important forces in our culture and his.tory. Insofar as it reflects truths about masculinity and femininity it can be a significant instrument in our grappling with reality. Its limitations lie, of course, in the fact that there is no analogy in Deity to such imagery, no way t6 identify in Deity the anguish and the beauty inescapably part of the man-woman differentiation in humanity. The overwhelming tradition of the Church against the ordination of women is freely admitted, but declared to be irrelevant. The profound changes in the roles of men and women in society, it feels, ~eans that any decision in-volves change: The problem for Christians is not how to get back to what was, but to bear witness in the midst of what is; and even the choice to stay where we are, if we make it, will be the choice of a new position which has got to be mai:le in the presence of real people, not ghostly memories. The report notes that thep0sition of other Churches is also changing, and the effect of permitting the ordination of women on the ecumenical scene may 51~! / Review for Religious, I/olume 34, 1975/4 as easily be positive as negative. It also points out that popular opinion, and the spirit of "women's lib" are not valid considerations, but the Church must deal solely with the question "Is God now calling women to Priesthood?" If the answer is yes, the Church must respond, whatever the cost, and if it is no, the Church must also take the consequences of that decision. The final section of the report raises a number of questions, on the answers to which the committee was presumably divided: Is it not true that Christ's priesthood is too comprehensive to be contained by the sym-bolism of one sex, that in fact its variety and d.epth call for full sacramental feminine ex-pression in order to represent a God who sustains both masculinity and femininity? If this is true, might we not be on the threshold of a new dimension and awareness of the un-searchable riches of Christ? Far from confusing sexual roles or affirming "unwise" values, might not the ordination of women assure the enrichment of our understanding of humanity in Christ by guaranteeing the presence of both its components visibly present in the offering of the Oblation which is Christ's and ours? Like many discussions of synods of bishops, the report ends with no recommendations, except to "meet the issue head on." The bishops concluded their discussion with the straw vote already mentioned. When the Anglican Consultative Council met in Dublin in July 1973, they reaffirmed their position that individual national or regional churches might proceed to ordain women, if they so decided according to their synodical processes. The vote in favor was 50-3, compared with the 24-22 vote in 1971. The next significant step in the process occurred when the General Conven-tion of the Episcopal Church met in Louisville in September-October 1973. Legislation. to change the canons to permit the ordination of women to the priesthood and the episcopate was introduced into the House of Deputies, and was there debated at length. The final vote fell short of the needed majority. Since this vote has been the subject of much subsequent controversy, it re-quires further elaboration. The General Convention is the legislative body of the Episcopal Church. It consists of bishops and clerical and lay deputies. The deputies are elected by diocesan synods, four priests and four lay persons from each diocese, regardless of size. On substantive matters the deputies vote by dioceses and orders and a majority is required in both orders for passage. The vote on the ordination of women was clericalmYes 50, No 43, Divided 20; Lay--Yes 49, No 37, Divided 26. The divided delegations were split 2-2 and therefore unable to vote either for or against the resolution. The result was that although the proposal had a plurality of votes, it did not receive the absolute majority re-quired. This situation is not a "fluke." The rule, like that requiring the ratification of amendments to the U.S. Constitution by three-quarters of the States, was written into the Constitution of the Episcopal Church to make it difficult to change basic items of Church structure, and to make it impossible for a bare majority to do so. The question of whether the majority of clergy and laity of the Episcopal Church actually favor the ordination of women to the priesthood is difficult to answer. Certainly many have made it abundantly clear that they will "leave Women Priests and the Episcopal Church / 519 the Church" if such action is taken. On the other hand, at least one bishop has promised to resign if the ordination of women is not permitted, and some women have indicated that they will withdraw from the Church if the ordina-tion of women is finally defeated. Since the resolution did not pass the House of Deputies in Louisville, it was neither debated nor voted upon by the bishops. "A Statement of Conviction concerning Ordination of Women'~ signed by 60 bishops was inserted into the minutes, on a point of personal privilege by the Bishop of Indianapolis. This was intended to encourage the women deacons, whose genuine disappointment in the failure of the Convention to authorize their ordination to the priesthood was recognized by all. I share the opinion of many of those present at the Louisville Convention that a number of those who voted against the ordination of women did so in the firm belief that the Church was not prepared for this step at that time. Their opposition was not absolute, but conditioned by the need to prepare the "folks back home" for such a radical change in practice. As the Anglican Con-sultative Council had phrased it in 1971: Anglicans have genuine difficulty in entertaining the idea that there might be women priests, and, lacking experience, they cannot forsee the consequences if any were to be or-dained. In the days following the defeat of the resolution by the Deputies, rumors spread through the Convention that some bishops intended to go ahead without authority and ordain one or more women. The House of Bishops, wishing to squelch these rumors, passed a resolution of collegiality and loyalty, pointing out that the Deputies had rejected the principle of the ordina-tion of women, and that the Presiding Bishop was appointing a "competent committee" to study the matter in depth. The resolution affirmed the adherence of the Bishops "to the principles of collegiality and mutual loyalty, as well as respect for due constitutional and canonical process." It was clearly the failure of four bishops to abide by this decision which caused the House of Bishops to react as it did to the July ordination in Philadelphia. They looked for a full discussion and decision in 1976 at the next General Convention. But the situation was not to remain static till then. On July 10, 1974, four bishops, all retired or otherwise without jurisdiction, met in Philadelphia, at the urging of a group of lay and clerical leaders, to con-sider the possibility of proceeding to ordain women to the priesthood. Bishop Charles Hall, retired of New Hampshire, withdrew after this first meeting. On July 20, the Rt. Rev. Lyman Ogilby, Bishop of Pennsylvania, in whose diocese the service was actually held, refused both his consent and his approval to the ordination. On July 25 the Most Rev. John Allin, the new Presiding Bishop, telegraphed the eleven women and three bishops, asking them to reconsider their decision. At this same time Bishop Ogilby notified his diocese that clergy who par-ticipated in the proposed ordination would be "conducting themselves in viola- 520 / Review for Religious, P'olume 34, 1975/4 tion of the Constitution and Canons of the Church," and would thereby be subjecting themselves tO possible discipline. He and the Diocesan Standing Committee also met personally with the Rt. Rev. Robert DeWitt, the former bishop of that diocese, and asked him to withdraw from the proposed ordina-tion. On July 29 the ordination took place. The ordaining bishops were the Rt. Rev. Robert DeWitt, formerly of Pennsylvania, the Rt. Rev. Edward Wells, Retired Bishop of West Missouri, and the Rt. Rev. Daniel Corrigan, formerly director of domestic mission work for the Episcopal Church and later dean of Bexley Hall Divinity School in Roches~ter, New York. The Bishop of Costa Rica, the Rt. Rev. Antonio Ramos, was present but did not participate in the ordainiiag. He was the only diocesan bishop in the group. On July 31 the Presiding Bishop called the House of Bishops into special session August 14-15 in Chicago to consider the situation. In the meanwhile, formal charges were filed against the participating bishops by the Bishop of Western New York. They were later withdrawn, then reinstated, and at the present writing are still pending. 146 bishops voted at tha~ meeting. They adopted this resolution by a vote of 129-9 with 8 abstentions: The House of Bishops in no way seeks to minimize the genuine anguish that so many in the Church feel at the refusal to date of the Church to grant authority for women to be considered as candidates for ordination to the priesthood and episcopacy. Each of us in his own way shares in that anguish. Neither do we question the sincerity of the motives of the four bishops and 11 deacons.who acted as they did in Philadelphia. Yet in God's work, ends and means must be consistent with one another. Furthermore, the wrong means to reach a desired end may expose the Church to serious consequences unforseen and undesired by anyone . Resolved, that the House of Bishops, having heard from Bishops Corrigan, DeWitt, Welles, and Ramos the reasons for their actions, express our disagreement with their decision and action. We believe they are wrong; we decry their acting in violation of the collegiality of the House of Bishops as well as the legislative processes of the whole Church. Further, we express our conviction that the necessary conditions for valid ordination to the priesthood in the Episcopal Church were not fulfilled on the occasion in question; since we are convinced that a bishop's authority to ordain can be effectively exercised only in and for a community which has authorized him to act for them, and as a member of the episcopal college; and since there was a failure to act in fulfillment of constitutional and canonical requirements for ordination. The resolution went on to call for the 1976 General Convention to recon-sider the issue of the ordinationof women, and for all involved to wait for that reconsideration. Apparently this is not going to happen. There have been several occasions on which various of the women have functioned as priests. The most publicized events were the celebration of the Eucharist at Riverside Church, and the ap-pointment of two of the women priests to the faculty of Episcopal Divinity School in Cambridge, Mass., with the provision that they will function as priests in the seminary chapel. There are at least two cases being prosecuted Women Priests and the Episcopal Church / 521 against male priests, for allowing one or more of the women to celebrate or con-celebrate the Eucharist in their parishes. The truly important aspect of the Bishops' August statement is not their disapproval of the ordination. No one seriously expected them to approve the flaunting of canon law and their own resolution of collegiality. It is the ap-parent acceptance of Bishop Arthur Vogei's theological analysis of the ordina-tion, and the bishops' refusal to accept the "validity," not simply the "regularity" of the ordination. It is freely admitted on all sides that the ordina-tion was in violation of the actual canon law of the Episcopal Church on several counts: 1. There is no provision for ordaining women to the priesthood. 2. The women were ordained neither by their own ordinaries, nor with their consent. 3. The required canonical consent of the Diocesan Standing Committees was not obtained. Two of the candidates did attempt to obtain this consent, but it was refused. One diocese (Central New York) has granted it post fac-turn. (The Standing Committee is an invention of the American Episcopal Church in the 18th century which sought successfully to limit the arbitrary power of bishops by requiring the formal consent of a Standing Committee of priests and lay persons to all ordinations, sales of church property, and certain other acts.) Prior to voting on the motion, the Bishops received the report of their Committee on Theology, delivered by the Rt. Rev. Donald J. Parsons, Bishop of Quincy, and formerly Dean and Professor of New Testament at Nashotah House Seminary, and the Rt. Rev. Arthur Vogel, Bishop of West Missouri, a member of the Anglican-Roman Catholic International Commission and formerly Professor of Systematic Theology at Nashotah. The resolution adopted quotes verbatim from their reports. Bishop Vogel's view, expressed in his report, is that validity means "juridical recognition of a ministry by the Church." In this view to call a ministry "invalid" does not mean that it is not true, efficacious, or genuine, but simply that it is not juridically recognized. It is apparently this recognition which the House of Bishops denied the ordination of the women. My personal interest in this decision is that it shifts the ground of "accepted" Anglican theology from the old mhnual theology which calls sacraments valid if the criteria of proper matter, form, intention, minister and recipient are present, to a newer concept. There can be no doubt, in the old terms, that the ordaining bishops intended to ordain the women to the priesthood. They went out of their way to use the "right form," by using the official 1928 version of the ordination rite, rather than the commonly used provisional form of 1970. There has never been any dispute about the right of retired bishops to continue to exercise episcopal functions, and, in fact, many retired bishops have been the principal consecrators of their successors. The stand is taken by Bishop Vogel, and the House, instead, on the nature of the Church as a Eucharistic community, under the presidency of the Bishop. 522 / Review for Religious, l/olume 34, 1975/4 The Holy Eucharist is offered by the whole community; the bishop unifies the action of the community by his presidency of the assembly. The bishop at one time, in a sacramen-tal manner, (1) represents the Son to the assembly, (2) represents the people of God, (3) represents the Church to itself. His actions in ordaining, then, are actions within the Community. He ordains "not as an individual but as the head of the eucharistic community." Bishop Vogel quotes the Orthodox theologian Dr. J. D. Zizoulas in saying, "There is no ministry in the Catholic Church that can exist in absoluto," and again, "there is no apostolic succession which does not go through the concrete com-munity." He comments: Within a diocese the bishop and presbyters form a college among themselves; the bishop and deacons constitute another community. The important point is that ordination, ac-cordingly, is entrance into a new community--the ministerial community--rather than the bare bestowal of a power. In ordination bishops do not pass on a power which they possess as individuals to other individuals who do not have it. That would be a baton-passing theory of ordination; the community would count for no more than the crowd watching a relay race. Here we find sacramental theology and theology of ministry tied solidly into ecclesiology, so that they are not left to wander in absoluto, causing endless problems for sacramental theologians. Ministry is within the eucharistic community of the Church. This is a primitive, and patristic view, often associated with the name of St. Cyprian of Carthage, and is, in the best sense of the word, "Episcopal" ecclesiology. Bishop Vogel concludes: The intention must originate in the community and be sacramentally personified by the community's bishop or his delegate within the episcopal college. Such authorization is necessary, or the people and bishop are not acting as a community--as one with the Church. Where there is no such authorization, where the jurisdiction of one bishop and com-munity is usurped by a bishop (or bishops) without jurisdiction, community and collegiality are broken . The ingredients of an ordination simply were not present. The bishops' conclusion that the group assembled in P, hiladelphia was not a real eucharistic community can, of course, be debated. On the other hand, the bishops, priests, deacons, and lay people who gathered in the Church of the Advocate in Philadelphia on July 29, 1974 did not claim to be a local con-gregation gathered around their bishops, nor did they claim to be the "rem-nant" of the True Church, separating themselves from a false institution. They claimed to be acting in and for the Episcopal Church, of which they were all members. But, the bishops object, they were not only unauthorized to act for the Episcopal Church in ordaining these women, the ordaining bishops were specifically bound by an undertaking with their brother bishops not to act in this way. The inevitable result is that the Church does not recognize their act. At this point, some people cry "Foul!" They object that they have meticulously followed the rule~ of the manuals to make sure that their acts would be recognized as valid, but the bishops have changed the rules, moving from a Medieval scholastic conce.pt of validity to a Cyprianic and Eastern one. Women Priests and the Episcopal Church / 523 The protest certainly has point, but it is paradoxical that most of the usual supporters of the kind of manual theology which the bishops rejected in Chicago are opposed to the ordination of women, while those most vocally concerned with the communal nature of the Church support their ordination. The idea, however, is not novel in Anglican theology, and fits well, in fact better, into traditional Anglican teaching than does manual theology. Both William Temple and Michael Ramsey spoke of the bish@ in ordination as not acting apart from the Church. This presentation, of its nature, cannot end with conclusions, but only with an observation, and a number of questions, which I believe to be those that presently face the Episcopal Church. They will, 1 believe, illuminate the dis-cussion of related issues in other Churches. The observation is that the Bishops of the Episcopal Church appear united in their belief that women have been given too small a share of the decision-making processes of the Church, and, whether or not the ordination of women to the priesthood is authorized in 1976, it seems clear that women will get more important positions in the "power structure." The questions are these: 1) Is female gender a diriment impediment to ordination to the priesthood? In this context the remarks of Robert F. Capon are exceptionally apt: If women are human, we can no longer go on talking about them as if they were some of our best friends. They are us. Any doctrine of the ministry, therefore, which effectively says that they are anything less must be abandoned. ("The Ordination of Women: A Non-Book," in Anglican Theological Review, SS 2 [Sel~t. 1973] p. 77) There are, nevertheless, a few Anglican theologians, and several bishops who would respond to our question with a solid yes. 2) If it is granted that women can be ordained, should a Church as numerically insignificant as ~he American Episcopal Church, even with the support of the worldwide Anglican Communion, alter 1900 years of contrary custom and proceed to do so? Many Anglicans would answer with the Orthodox that such things must await the summoning of the 8th Ecumenical Council. Anglicans are com-mitted to the view that they are only a part of the Catholic Church, and are reluctant to go out on a limb alone. Ordaining women will certainly cause the Episcopal Church problems in its dialogue with both Roman Catholics and Orthodox, but if it is right, then fear of unjust excommunication has never been an acceptable defense for failure to act. 3) Granted that it is possible, is it necessary for the Episcopal Church to ordain women, even at the cost of splitting our own Church? Certainly, if we do ordain women, we must be aware of the'havoc we shall raise with thestatus quo. There is already a shortage of"payingjobs" for priests in the Church and ordaining women will compound the problem. The women themselves are also likely to wind up underpaid and overworked in parishes that men have turned down. These dangers must be honestly faced. 524 / Review for Religious, lZolume 34, 1975/4 4) Finally, there are the large questions of the meaning of ordination. Can bishops, simply by virtue of their orders, and without the authority of the com-munity whose bishops they are, confer orders? Traditional Western sacramental theology has said yes, but that it is wrong for bishops to act in this way. Traditional Eastern sacramental theology has said no, that they act only in and for the Church. This is the position which the American House of Bishops took in Chicago. It is a position which seems to hold promise for a sacramental theology based upon the doctrine of the Church as the Body of Christ, and Christ Himself as the true minister of the sacraments. Reprints from the Review "The Confessions of Religious Women" by Sister M. Denis, S.O.S. (25 cents) "Institutional Business Administration and Religious" by John J. Flanagan, S.J., and James I. O'Connor, S.J. (20 cents) "Authority and Religious Life" by J. M. R. Tillard, O.P. (20 cents) "The Death of Atheism" by Rene H. Chabot, MoS. (20 cents) "The Four Moments of Prayer" by John R. Sheets, S.J. (25 cents) "Instruction on the Renewal of Religious Formation" by the Congregation for Religious (35 cents) "Meditative Description of the Gospel Counsels" (20 cents) "A Method for Eliminating Method in Prayer" by Herbert Francis Smith, S.J. (25 cents) "Religious Life in the Mystery of the Church" by J. M. R. Tillard, O.P. (30 cents) "Profile of the Spirit: A Theology of Discernment of Spirits" by John R. Sheets, S.J. (30 cents) "Consciousness Examen" by George A. Aschenbrenner, S.J. (20 cents) "Retirement or Vigil?" by Benedict Ashley, O.P. (25 cents) "Celibacy and Contemplation" by Denis Dennehy, S.J. (20 cents) "The Nature and Value of a Directed Retreat" by Herbert F. Smith, S.J. (20 cents) "The Healing of Memories" by Francis Martin (20 cents) Orders for the above should be sent to: Review for Religious 612 Humboldt Building 539 North Grand Boulevard St. Louis, Missouri 63103 Revision of the ConstitiJtions: Meaning, Criteria and Problems Juan Manuel Lozano, C.M.F. Father Juan Manuel Lozano was Visiting Professor of Spirituality in the Divinity School of St. Louis University during the past semester. He is on the faculty of Lateran University and of his Institute's seminary: Claretianum; Via Aurelia 619 15, 00144 Rome, Italy. Religious communities are at present engaged in the final stage of the revision of their Constitutions in the aftermath of Vatican Council 11. Most of them, indeed, have already celebrated their first General Chapter after the Special Chapter of Renewal; and, according to the norms in force they must send the resulting text to the Holy See after the last touches are made by the next General Chapter. Institutes are still bustling especially because all the members of the various communities have been called to participate in the review of what had been their basic codes. Perhaps it will be helpful to set forth some personal ideas and experiences on the meaning of the present work of revision and on the problems which have been created by it. 1. The Starting Point The revision of their Constitutions by all religious institutes had been made obligatory by Vatican II in its decree, Perfectae Caritatis (par. 3). From the text of the decree itself, it is evident that the center of gravity of this paragraph was not the revision of documents, but rather the spiritual renewal and adapta-tion to the times of religious life in all its various aspects: the manner of living, praying and working, and the government of the various institutes. The revi-sion of the Constitutions emerges as a consequence of this in the second part of the paragraph cited: "Therefore let constitutions, directories., be suitably revised and, obsolete laws having been suppressed, be adapted to the decrees of this sacred synod." 525 526 / Review for Religious, l/olume 34, 1975/4 The principle for the revision of the Constitutions, basic documents that are intended to inspire and rule the life of a religious community, is, therefore, to be drawn from the preceding paragraph of Perfectae Caritatis (no. 2) where both renewal and adaptation have been defined. In fact, even if in the text, probably because of Latin usage which prefers to join adjective to a substan-tive rather than two substantives, has the form: accommodata renovatio, in-stead of renovatio et accommodatio, the rest of the paragraph makes it clear that the council is referrit~g to two different realities by the term: a movement of spiritual renewal in fidelity towards the Gospel and towards the spirit of the founder, and another movement of fidelity to the real, historical condition of man: "renewal" and "adaptation." In speaking of the first movement, the council uses a biblical term: to go back, to return (sh~b) with God as its object is an expression commonly used in the Bible to designate conversion.~ A constant return to the sources of Christian Life and to the founder means, therefore, that a permanent move-ment of conversion must characterize religious communities. Religious life has always to return to being the privileged expression of Christian and authentic religious sentiment. Since this privileged expression was formulated in the past, in those historical periods in which the Church and the religious com-munity were founded, this conversion implies a return to the past, a pilgrimage back to the sources. Yet this return to the past happens only on the surface, since neither Christ nor the gifts of the Spirit that were granted to the founder belong!to the past; they are always alive. From this perspective, renewal might better be termed "a going inside" rather than "a going back." For its part, adaptation also should mean "a going inside"--an entering into actual, living humanity. And thus, religious life, following the logic of the Incarnation, must embrace both the Spirit that comes from God and the needs that come from society. Both renewal and adaptation, then, are two different expressions of a constant search for authenticity. This means that there are two basic facts, subsumed by the council in its recommendation of renewal and adaptation, that will influence the revision of the constitutions: human fallibility, and human historicity. In terms of these realities, religious life is constantly exposed to a series of trends that originate both from within (the community itself) and from without (society). And so religious life must constantly return to its double source of inspiration. As a matter of fact, human fallibility seems to have more effect on the daily life of the religious than it does on his Constitutions. For, even if the charism of infallibility does not extend to the spiritual doctrine that is ex-pressed in the Constitutions (they remain, after all, a purely human comment on the Gospel), it is nevertheless true that very often they have been written by one who was a faithful disciple of Christ, and that they have always received the approval of the Church. And this approval of the Church guarantees that the Constitutions are at least a sufficient guide by which to lead a life that is ICf. Jer 3,22; 4,1. Hos 6,1; Joel 2,12 . . . Revision of the Constitutions: Meaning, Criteria and Problems / 527 committed to divine service. On the other hand, the approval of the Church does not assure us that the text of a given Constitution will keep its value per-manently, or that it is the best possible expression of spiritual doctrine, etc. This reality, of course, is connected rather with human historicity than with human fallibility. Nor does it seem to me that the approval of the Holy See guarantees fidelity on the part of the community to what had been the idea of the founder. The Church, to be sure, gives canonical approval to those ideas that the com-munity believes best expresses its spirit. And in so doing, the Church recognizes that the community in pursuing its project has a right to exist within the People of God without interference in regard to the more technical problem of the fidelity of some later changes to the idea of the founder. There are some communities which have obtained from Rome approval for a change in the formulation of their ministries which research has demonstrated were not truly faithful to the idea of the founder; they are now going back to the older formulation. On this level of being faithful to the original idea of the founder, Constitutions are subject to human fallibility, just as is religious life itself; and a revision may thus be necessary. Historicity touches the Constitutions more deeply, In certain instances, even when they were actually written by the founder, Constitutions appear too strictly conditioned by the limits of a mindset that was common at a certain time and in a certain society. Founders were, thank God, real, living men; they were not only the recipients of a charism, but they were also the products of a particular ambience. Some Constitutions, composed in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, i.e., in a time when spiritual theology was in decadence, show an approach to some features of Christian religiosity that may hardly be kept as permanent, classical formulations: for example, a purely negative ap-proach to consecrated chastity, a negative way of expressing mortification, a passive doctrine of obedience. Now, can we honestly think that a text which spoke of chastity only to forbid any kind of sexual acts expressed the basic value of consecrated chastity? Or that a text which expressed a very austere image of self-denial without enlightening it by the glory of the Resurrection could be the direct reflection of the Gospel? Or, on the contrary, were these the fruit of the spiritual attitude of a particular culture the natural causes of which can be uncovered by historians? We have to come to the conclusion that in the area of spiritual theology there are obsolete expressions just as there are ob-solete juridical or disciplinary norms. Not only Canon Law, but theology, too, is a product of history. Other, more recently written Constitutions have a purely juridical-disciplinary character in that they reproduce with few variations the Normae secundum quas, a document that was elaborated by the Congregation for Bishops and Regulars at the end of the last, and beginning of this century.2 2Published, e.g., by L. R. Ravasi C. P. in De Regulis et Constitutionibus Religiosorum. Rome 1958, pp 187-226. 52~1 / Review for Religious, l/olume 34, 1975/4 Now the Normae expressly exclude from the Constitutions every kind of text dealing with theology and spirituality.3 This was quite understandable as a reaction against the simple exhortatory booklets that had been sent to the Holy See by most of the founders during the last century. It was also the result of the juridical optimism which had engulfed the Church in years in which Congregations of simple vows received their first official acknowledgement as religious institutes, receiving for the first time definite norms concerning their status in the Church, and years in which the entire Latin Church became in-volved in the creation of its first Code of Canon Law. What we have is the product of a certain mentality, one which belongs neither to the basic evangelical values of religious life nor to the charism of particular founders. This mentality is connected with a certain historical situa-tion. And, of course, it is impossible for any text to be in complete abstraction from its own times. Even the Rules of St. Augustine, St. Benedict and St. Francis are historical monuments, the reflection of a particular period of human history, as well as source documents of profound spirituality. In calling for renewal, th~n, th6 Church is clearly not asking that religious remove their Constitutions from every historical context, since, in any case, this would be quite impossible. But there are different ways of being related to history. A classic text, even if it keeps the flavor of the times in which it was composed, can give a balanced formulation of values that are permanent, and for this reason it will appeal to many generations. Other texts, however, re-main more on the surface, and tend to be influenced more strongly by the limitations of the culture in which they were written. This should neither sur-prise nor disappoint us. It takes time, after all, to develop a classical master-piece! Immediately after the promulgation of the decree, Perfectae Caritatis on October 25, 1965, two tendencies began to emerge among religious. One tendency, the more conservative, tried to limit the revision of the Constitutions to the suppression of obsolete norms and to adaptation to the new decrees. Revision, understood thus, followed the criteria which had inspired the earlier re-edition of Constitutions that had been necessary after the promulgation of the Code of Canon Law in 1917. The other tendency, more liberal and aware of cultural conditioning, pres-ent in many texts, affirmed the need to adapt the entire text of the Constitutions to the "spirit of the Council," i.e., to the theological and spiritual vision which had been growing in the Church during recent decades but which has burgeoned enormously in the aftermath of the Second Vatican Council. Since the decree, Perfectae Caritatis, speaking in a very general way, could not fix precisely the extension of the revision it called for, the problem remained aNormae I, IV n 33: Ravasi p 183. The prohibition was practically abolished in the new Normae issued in 1921. Cf Ravasi p 231. But at that time most .of the Constitutions of the modern Congregations had already received their last form. Revision of the Constitutions: Meaning, Criteria and Problems / 529 unsolved until the motu proprio, Ecclesiae Sanctae, was promulgated, in which Paul VI fixed criteria for the revision that was to take place. Prior to this, it had been possible to suppose that the depth of any revision would de-pend in every case on the quality of the original basic text. But this was precisely what was at issue in the discussion between both tendencies within the various communities. 2. Criteria for Revision On August 6, 1966, Pope Paul VI published his motu proprio, Ecclesiae Sanctae, which looked to the implementation of four decrees of the Council, the second of which was Perfectae Caritatis. In this portion of the document, one section is dedicated to the laying down of criteria for the revision of Constitutions: Ecclesiae Sanctae II, 12-14. The motu proprio, in dealing with principles for the revision of Constitutions, showed genuine development. Not only did it fix some points firmly, but it traced the general pattern that all Constitutions must follow. The criteria he gave can be summarized as follows: A. Constitutions, as religious life itself, must have a twofold aspect: doc-trinal and canonical. "Doctrine" here embraces two different facets: 1) the common elements that are essential for religious life in its union with the Church; 2) the par-ticular charism of the institute, expressed by the original idea of the founder and developed by an authentic living tradition. The "canonical elements" are to define the character, purpose and means of the institute. Character refers to an Order with autonomous monasteries or with centralized government, a Congregation of simple vows, an Apostolic Society, a Secular Institute, etc. Purpose embraces the general goal of religious life, and the particular charism of the individual community. Some communities have special ministries. Others are oriented in general towards evangelization in all its forms. The universal or particular character of their mission in the Church should be clearly expressed. In the Normae secundum quas that is followed by most of the modern Congregations, the general and particular goals were separated in two different paragraphs? These two paragraphs can be blended into one rich formulation that reflects the living unity in which they are associated in reality. Means are all the particulars that further community life, the profession of the evangelical life and the special ministry of the community. Therefore, they include spiritual and canonical 4No~'mae 1901 il, I, 1 nn 42-46, Ravasi p 195. cf also p 234. In the Normae the two purposes were called primary and secondary, using a terminology which sounds at least strange when applied to institutes whose founders had been first moved by the idea of responding with an apostolic ministry to certain concrete needs of the Church. The apostolic purpose (sometimes expressed through a fourth vow, or an equivalent commitment) has been the core around which the religious life has developed in many Institutes, from the Knights of Malta, to the Dominicans, Jesuits, Lasalle Brothers, Claretians . This is the reason why the praxis of calling both purposes general and specific has prevailed. ~i30 / Review for Religious, Volume 34, 1975/4 norms, basicstructures of government, requirements of formation and incor-poration, and the works of the apostolate. The introduction of this first principle in the motu proprio, i.e., that both doctrinal and canonical elements are required in any proposed revision, con-stitutes a fortunate change of direction in the policy that had formerly been followed by the Church. We have seen that the Normae secundum iluas ex-cluded every kind of doctrinal expression. And even if the idea was later tempered, in actual fact Constitutions remained mostly juridical codes. Now, if this might have been acceptable for Constitutions of the Regular Orders which also have a "Spiritual Rule" as part of their basic documents, in all in-stitutes founded after the Mendicant Orderg, the Constitutions are their only basic code. Therefore they have need of a doctrinal definition of the vocation and spirit of their respective communities. B. Constitutions are to be a text of essentials. The motu proprio emphasizes this characteristic. Constitutions must con-tain "the principles of religious life/and/the necessary juridical norms" (no. 12). For this reason, all elements that are not related to the basic features of the kind of religious life professed by the particular institute should not be in-cluded in its Constitutions. This recommendation of the Pope offers a very rich idea of what Constitutions ought to be. Constitutions should be a "charter" of charity, of communion,5 in which all the members of the institute, though they belong to different times and cultures, are able to recognize their own vocation and spirit. This implies that only the really essential features, of that vocation and spirit should be defined in the Constitutions, leaving the res~ to the initiative of the Holy Spirit and to the inescapable pluralism that varying circumstances demand. St. Benedict had well expressed this idea when, in explaining why he is opposed to setting down many norms about food and abstinence, he states in his Rule: "Everyone has received from God his own gift, one in one way, another in a different way. So it is with some hesitation that we fix/any/ measures for others.''6 From this point of view, Constitutions should express a minimum--the essential minimum. C. The motu proprio explicitly excludes from Constitutions all elements which are subject to change, which are now obsolete, or which correspond to local usages. Behind this criterion lies the idea 'that Constitutions should, as far as possi-ble, retain a permanent value.A community cannot change its Constitutions frequently without jeopardizing the peace and stability of the community. Therefore Constitutions should now tend to be what the "Rule" was for the Orders: a permanent and undiscussed source of inspiration. D. Regarding the form of Constitutions, the motu proprio recommends concision and precision. SThis was the. title given by the Cistercians to their most ancient constitutional text. Cf PL 166,1377-1384. 8Regula 40,1-2. Revision of the Constitutions: Meaning, Criteria and Problems / 531 Concision: "necessary norms., not excessively multiplied" (no. 12, b). Precision: "in suitable and clear words" (no. 12, a); "in an adequate manner" (no. 12, b). 3. Conclusions and Problems The first criterion, viz., that Constitutions should contain both doctrine and laws, often de facto means the redaction of a new text. As we have already mentioned, many modern Constitutions had only a juridical-disciplinary character. This is probably the main reason why the Sacred Congregation for Religious and Secular Institutes, in a statement published on July 12, 1968, declared that the revision of the Constitutions could be understood as the writing of a new text. The only condition is that the individual community must remain within the limits set by the nature, aims and spirit of the institute. Another reason that recommended the composition of a new text was the great difficulty experienced by many communities when they began to in-troduce partial emendations such as new paragraphs on obedience, celibacy, community, liturgy. There were deep differences between two approaches to spirituality: the one being largely individualistic and ascetic, the other being communitarian, liturgical and ecclesial, and these began to appear more strongly. Some communities which had begun to modify the old text finally arrived at the decision to write a new text. Other communities had decided from the beginning to write a new one. In my own experience with different in-stitutes, this decision to rewrite has been a wise one. The application of the criteria laid down by the Ecclesiae Sanctae has given a new shape to Constitutions. This fact has provoked a certain uneasiness among many religious. At first, they did not know what to do with the new doctrinal style. They missed the old disciplinary norms. And we cannot blame them for this. They had been accustomed for years to another kind of legisla-tion. Some of them even expressed their suspicion that the suppression of prac-tical norms was of[en the fruit of a certain relaxation. This attitude seems to result from a twofold misunderstanding: First of all, the new texts do not really make concessions in the direction of relaxation. Certainly they show a more positive approach to the basic features of Christian life and, therefore, the negative vocabulary~ that had been cherished by the Christian spirituality of the last two or three centuries tends to disappear. But if emphasis is placed on the positive and central elements of Christianity, this does not dissipate the negative consequences. Even if new Constitutions focus on following Jesus, they do not forget that in order to follow Him, we have to leave everything for Him. We cannot forget that this is the precise perspective of Christian spirituality as it is presented in the Gospels. On the other hand, there are doctrinal statements which are much more exigent than practical rules prescribing certain austerities. The invitation to be "a sign of contradiction" found in a new text is much more exigent than the rule requiring permission every time a sister leaves the house. The second misunderstanding concerns the value of the doctrinal section. 532 / Review for Religious, Volume 34, 1975/4 Religious are commonly agreed that the new doctrinal texts express in most cases a very rich spirituality. But some of them do not seem to appreciate the exact value of these statements which seem to them to be less binding than the old, disciplinary texts. This is a mistake. The doctrinal texts of the Constitutions do not contain a mere theological reflection. They express the idea that the community itself has of its own vocation and spirit in the Church. And therefore, they bind all the members as long as they desire to remain in the community. Far from being a merely theoretical explanation, they contain what might be called a "constitutional doctrine." Religious who are uneasy with the new style of Constitutions should recall that a text which traces the basic features of a vocation and spirit, a text which describes a mode of existence instead of prescribing a set of practices, a text which prefers the indicative to the imperative is actually more in line with the evangelical idea of Law. The deep difference between the Old Law and the Sermon on the Mount is that Jesus proposes a vocation to men who are no longer servants but friends.7 And who will argue that the Beatitudes are less binding than the Decalogue, even though they move on a different level? The commandments of not killing, of not committing adultery, of not stealing re-quire a material observance, because they express a minimum. The beatitudes on peacemakers, on purity of heart and on poverty on the other hand require a growing fidelity to the Spirit. They express the basic features of Christian ex-istence. If, from one point of view, as has been mentioned, the Constitutions should be the definition of an essential minimum, at the same time the principle that states they should contain the doctrinal formulation of the vocation and spirit of the community makes them also to be the expression of an ideal maximum. They propose a calling which is never completely fulfilled; they show a path on which no one should stop; they set forth the means by which religious can grow in the Spirit. This, also, is the exact meaning of the Beatitudes. We are never completely "poor in spirit," but the poorer we are, the more blessed we are. "You came here to be one heart," writes St. Augustine at the beginning of his Rule for the Servants of God? But he knows that on this earth we are never completely "one heart.''a St. Benedict, too, is well aware of this fact, when he finishes his Rule with the invitation to grow and to grow yet more.~° Constitutions are supposed to reflect the dynamic tendency of Christian ex-istence. Consequently, their observance implies a double fidelity: fidelity to the letter of the essential common laws, and, more profoundly, a dynamic, grow-ing fidelity to the Spirit. 4. Constitutions and Complementary Norms The reduction of the Constitutions to an essential "basic rule" implies as a 7Saint Ambrose, De l~iduis 12,72-73, PL 16,256-257. aRegula ad Servos Dei I, PL 32,1378. Epistola 211,5 PL 33,960. aDe bono coniug. 18,21 PL 40,387-388. ~°Regula 73. Revision of the Constitutions." Meaning, Criteria and Problems / ~i33 consequence the need for a complementary code that should contain more detailed norms. The idea of this complementary "Directory" was suggested by the Pope in Ecclesiae Sanctae. Such a code formerly existed in many Congregations: called in French institutes the Directoire, in the Roman canonical tradition of other Congregations it has been called the Codex luris Addititii (the code of complementary laws.) This Directory is supposed to contain the norms that are ordained to im-plement the Constitutions in all the aspects of the life of the community; prayer, particular traditions, formation, government. All norms which can easily be subject to change should be inserted into this complementary text rather than into the Constitutions. The Directory remains under the exclusive responsibility of the General Chapter while the Constitutions, after their ap-proval by the Holy See, can no longer be modified by the community without approval from Rome. There is today an even greater need for a complete legislation in each in-stitute, for, if the criteria followed in the provisional draft of Canon Law in regard to religious becomes definitive, many norms which were before fixed by common law will be left to the initiative of the individual institute. Since such a "complete legislation" will be made up of two texts, the Constitutions and the Directory, the institutes which have postponed the composition of the second text should now begin to work towards the formulation of their Directory. In suggesting this, we are aware of the heavy burden that such a procedure places on the religious especially of smaller communities. On the other hand, it is worth cautioning against an attempt to fix rapidly an abundance of such com-plementary norms just for the sake of having a "complete legislation." However, at least the most important norms, such as those concerning elec-tions, requirements for certain offices, incorporation into the institute, re-quirements for formation, etc., should be fixed, and the decisions made by the General Chapter should be listed clearly and in order (following the same order as the Constitutions). Furthermore, the Directory should be provisional. Since it will remain within the competency of the institute, the General Chapter will be able to improve upon it in progressive fashion. 5. Definitive Approval of the Constitutions and the New Canon Law The announcement that a new draft of Canon Law in regard to religious is now under study seems to have introduced a new factor of uncertainty in the process that leads to the fixing of a definitive text of the Constitutions. And we can surmise that definitive approval for revised Constitutions will not be granted by the Holy See until the promulgation of the new Canor~ Law. Cer-tainly, since both the new Canon Law and the Constitutions of each com-munity will contain fewer details, there will be less possibility that some points of the Constitutions will be in contradiction to the new code. But there will be many points in which it would be better if the Constitutions used the ter-minology adopted by the code. Will this mean that the period during which the Constitutions will remain under the responsibility of the individual institutes 534 / Review for Religious, Volume 34, 1975/4 will be prolonged by the Holy See? Since religious seem now to have overcome in large part the insecurity which had accompanied the change of their con-stitutional norms, it is possible that the Holy See will study the possibility of giving more time to the maturation of both the Constitutions and the Direc-tory. But it is also possible that the Sacred Congregation for Religious will prefer to open a period of dialogue with individual communities in which the Constitutions will be subjected to examination from both sides, even if they will no longer be under the exclusive responsibility of the individual institute. Surely in either case Roman sagezza will find a way of avoiding the repetition of what happened in the first decades of this century when many Constitutions approved in the first fifteen years of the century had to go back to Rome ten years later to be adapted to the then new Code of Canon Law. Back Issues of the Review The following is a list of the back issues of Review for Religious that are presently available: The first twenty-five volumes (1942-1966) inclusive of the Review have been reprinted in twenty-five clothbound volumes. Volumes 1 to 20 (1942- 1961) sell at $6.50 the volume; volumes 2l to 25 (1962-1966) sell at $7.50 the volume. 1967: All issues 1968: All issues 1969: All issues 1970: All issues 1971: All issues 1972: All issues 1973: All issues 1974: All issues 1975: All issues (except January) (except January) Some of these issues are available only in small numbers. The issues cost $1.75 (plus postage) each and should be ordered from: Review for Religious 612 Humboldt Building 539 North Grand Boulevard St. Louis, Missouri 63103 Affirmation: Healing in Community Sister Gabrielle L. Jean House of Affirmation, Inc., is an international therapeutic center for clergy and religious, located at 120 Hill Street; Whitinsville, MA 01588. Sister Gabrielle L. Jean, Ph.D., is Director of the Worcester Consulting Center; 201 Salisbury Street; Worcester, MA 01609. Founding of the House of Affirmation The House of Affirmation is an outgrowth of the Worcester Consulting Center for Clergy and Religious which was established in 1970 in response to the expressed needs of the religious professionals of the diocese. The impact of Vatican II had been strongly felt by the clergy and religious who had to meet increased pressures from the demands of decentralization and responsible in-volvement in social and ecclesial issues. The services of the Consulting Center provided a religious professional the opportunity for self-discovery through the contemporary approaches of psychiatry and psychology in ongoing dialogue with theological developments. The Vicar for Priests and Religious, Diocese of Worcester, when ap-proached by the members of the Interim Senate for Religious, was informed of the fact that a sister-psychiatrist was working at the Worcester State Hospital; it was suggested she would probably help in the organization of mental health services for the religious and clergy of the area. The sister, Anna Polcino, a Medical Missionary physician-surgeon who had returned from West Pakistan a few years earlier, was invited to membership on the planning committee which had been brought together to think through the logistics of the enter-prise. She then became the first director of what was to become the Worcester Consulting Center. A young diocesan priest, Thomas A. Kane, was then com-pleting his doctoral work in clinical psychology and he became co-director of the Consulting Center. 535 636 / Review for Religious, l/olume 34, 1975/4 The overriding goal of the Consulting Center was to help the clients become fully human, consistently free persons within the context of their ecclesial calling and social insertion. Sister Anna and Father Kane undertook to meet this goal through a threefold program of service, education and research. Since its opening, the services and programs of the Consulting Center have included individual consultation, group consultation, group process communication labs, personal growth groups, candidate assessment, lectures and workshops. After two full years of operation, however, it became apparent to Sr. Anna that the outpatient facilities were not sufficient for some religious and clergy who had come to the Consulting Center; there was definite need for an inten-sive residential treatment program. Thus was the House of Affirmation con-ceived. It became a reality in October, 1973, when the doors were opened to its first residents in Whitinsville, Massachusetts. Dr. Anna Polcino assumed the responsibility of psychiatric director of therapy and Dr. Thomas A. Kane became its executive director. The residential center pursues the same goals as the Consulting Center; namely, service, education and research. Philosophy of the House of Affirmation The philosophy underlying the House of Affirmation's existence and operation can be succinctly stated as: treatment of the whole person in a wholly therapeutic environment. Mental health professionals adhering to this basic philosophy meet a real challenge when their clientele is constituted by other professionals whose religious values are central to their vocational choice and identity. Religious men and women have chosen a celibate way of life which jars with the usual Freudian model of therapy. And so an alternative had to evolve to meet the needs of this relatively important and clearly delineated sociological group of celibate religious professionals seeking psy-chological help. A group situation provides a favorable environment for the social relearn-ing that constitutes therapy. Modern psychology emphasizes the tremendous power of the environment on human development and behavior; our sur-roundings exert a molding influence on our behavior. In "milieu therapy," the expectancies and attitudes of the treatment staff are central to bringing about social rehabilitation but the "psychotheoiogical community" concept of the House of Affirmation goes beyond this milieu therapy with its inherent psy-choanalytic orientation and reductionism. There is an existential concern with rediscovering the living person amid the compartmentalization and dehumanization of modern culture. Interest centers on reality as immediately experienced by the person witl~ the accent on the inner-personal character of the client's experience. The therapeutic community supplies the type of accept-ing or impartial reactions from others that favor social learning. Besides, the therapeutic environment prevents further disorganization in the client's behavior by reducing his intense anxieties. Affirmation, Healing in Community / ~i37 Psychotheological Therapeutic Community The House of Affirmation has developed a unique model in its psy-chotheological therapeutic community. The expression "psychotheological community" implies a quest for communion with God and with man. It is an accepted fact that personhood can only be realized in community, and this phenomenological aspect of man's human predicament aligns the model with the existential therapeutic movement.-It seeks to analyze the structure of the religious professional's human existence in view of understanding the reality underlying his being-in-crisis. It is concerned with the profound dimensions of the emotional and spiritual temper of contemporary man. The importance of community looms large in the current psychological literature. Stern and Marino state that "religion and psychotherapy encourage community engagement with life; both can be distorted to emphasize a kind of pulling back in order to ensure personal safety. Insofar as they foster openness, they become true protectors of the role that love can play in cement-ing human relationships, and consequently, the reconciliation of society. The establishment of relationships is the first step in establishing the community. As a stranger becomes familiar, we are in a better position to reach out to him, to join our lives more closely. Our differences will never disappear and we will find it necessary to sacrifice a degree of autonomy.''1 Each person in the community remains a unique individual. He may grow and change in the community but he will retain his identity. Personal union of community members serves to bring out and enrich what is uniquely true of each individual. "Growth in community will be effected by all those active and passive elements that created favorable conditions for the growth of unity and charity: openness, receptivity, sharing, giving, receiving. Community connotes oneness without loss of identity, a sharing in the interiority of another without the sacrifice of personal integrity.''~ The adaptations recommended and wrought by the Second Vatican Coun-cil have changed the pattern of environmental demands on Christians at large, but it has wrought this change even more on formally professed religious men and women. Some have adjusted quickly and almost with eagerness to these changes wliile others have been.floundering in the insecurity of a slow and painful assimilation of change. The poignant experience of confusion, doubt and sense of loss has taxed the coping ability of many who, cut off from safe moorings, question their identity and authenticity in what they consider an un-charted land. The post-Vatican period demands maturity and balance on the part of those chosen to minister to the people of God especially because much risk is involved. ~E. Mark Stern and Bert G. Marino, Psychotheology (Paramus, N.Y.: Newman Press, 1970), p. 66. ~Sister Daniel Turner, "The American Sister Today," in The Changing Sister (Notre-Dame, Ind.: Fides, 1965), pp. 309-310. Review for Religious, l/olume 34, 1975/4 The Dogmatic Constitution on the Church, Lumen Gentium, emphasized the aspect of community when it spoke of the Church as a "sign and sacrament of man's union with God and of the unity of the whole human race" (LG, 1). The religious community as such cannot form the person although it should provide a setting in which the individual human being can emerge as a fully functioning adult. For too long, religious communities of men and women as well as priests in rectories have had. a task-oriented rather than person-oriented environment. Yet personal development is a basic prerequisite to a meaningful life in society at large and in the local community where the celibate lives. This follows logically from the principle that love of self precedes love of others. However, I can only know myself if another reveals me to myself just as I can only come to a real love of self when I come to the realization that I am loved by another. Likewise does man find his meaning and sense of identity in and through others. The person-oriented group helps man realize his personhood when, through the truth and goodness'of his con-freres, man's own powers of knowing and loving are released. In the therapeutic community of the House of Affirmation, the resident can formulate his own reactions, share them in social communication and thus become aware of the commonness of his own anxieties. By sharing his reac-tions with peers, he is practicing the very techniques of social interaction in which he has typically remained unskilled. In the reactions of his peers with whom he shares his daily activities, the resident finds the acceptance, support, protection, challenge and competition which enable him to develop more valid self-reactions. In addition, the therapeutic milieu provides the opportunity for social interaction among residents and staff. The House of Affirmation is neither a place of confinement nor a haven for "rest and recreation"; rather, it is a miniature social-religious community planned and controlled to facilitate the social learning of its residents. The professional staff members have accepted as the general goal of psychotherapy to help the "unfree," childishly dependent person become a genuine adult capable of "responding affirmatively to life, people and society.''3 The focus is on self-understanding and insight-building of an immediate and current nature in view of helping the individual to grasp the meaning of his existence in its historical totality. Ultimately, the mentally healthy client will attain freedom to choose, maturity in outlook and responsible independence. The life of the celibate can be viewed as an ongoing process of interaction with the religious, social and natural forces that make up his environment. The meaning that life assumes for a celibate depends on his personal response to these forces. The celibate community constitutes a union of persons who par-ticipate in a common love-response to the call of Christ.4 The key to a proper 3John Dalrymple, Christian Affirmation (Denville, N.J.: Dimension Books, Inc., 1971), p. 10. 'Sister Helen Marie Beha, OSF, Living Community (Milwaukee, Wis.: Bruce Publishing Co., 1967), p. 21. Affirmation, Healing in Community understanding of community lies in participation which becomes a unifying force which, at the same time, allows for individual differences. Is not willingness to receive from him one of the dearest gifts one can give to another? Participation characterizes the relationship of individuals united by love in community. All encounters assume meaning in that context; they become avenues to change. The difference his presence makes in the overall community process gives meaning to the celibate's life. Being human really means coming to grips, in a creative way, with the concrete situation in which we find ourselves. The ex-perience of here-and-now is crucial, for life is today--not yesterday or tomorrow. The same applies in the therapeutic situation be it individual or group: the ongoing, immediate experience of residents and therapists as they interact becomes the phenomenological focus in therapy. The total phenomena ex-perienced at any moment in time is what describes man's existential situation; the experienced event is what is brought to therapy. Listening to others as per-sons, looking into their eyes, mind and heart with deep sympathy, feeling that this person is suffering, is appealing to us as a person--is this not affirmative response to Christ's summons: "Love one another as I have loved you" (.In 13:34)? The call to Christian life is ideally expressed in the experience of the Eucharist which is the community experience par excellence. The Eucharist builds up a community of faith, and so it stands at the very center of the psy-chotheoiogical community that is the House of Affirmation; it reveals the solidarity of all members in Christ. It is the same solidarity that is expressed in the opening words of the Pastoral Constitution on the Church in the Modern World, Gaudium et Spes: "The joys and hopes, the sorrows and worries of the men of our time are ours" (GS, 1). The House of Affirmation has thus accepted the challenge of the Fathers of Vatican II who urged, in the same document that we make appropriate use "not only of theological principles, but also of the findings of the secular sciences, especially of psychology and sociology" (GSo 62) to help the faithful live their faith in a more thorough and mature way. In its Decree on the Ap-propriate Renewal of the Religious Life, Perfectae Caritatis, the Council Fathers pursued the same line of thought: "The manner of living, praying, and working should be suitably adapted to the physical and psychological con-ditions of today's religious., to the needs of the apostolate, the requirements of a given culture, and to the social and economic circumstances" (PC, 3). In the article pertaining to chastity, religious are urged to "take advantage of those natural helps which favor mental and bodily health . Everyone should remember that chastity has stronger safeguards in a community when true fraternal love thrives among its members" (PC, 12). Celibate religious professionals who are trained in psychiatry and psychology can bring to bear their own experience in coming to a better understanding of the emotional problems of religious and priestly life today. Such is the case in both of our outpatient Consulting Centers and the residential treatment center of the House of Affirmation. ~i40 / Review for Religious, l/olume 34, 1975/4 For too long, celibates have been frustrated when seeking professional help since they were limited to psychiatrists and psychologists who had little un-derstanding of their religious commitment; the misconceptions that could arise often deterred religious and priests from seeking psychiatric-psychological help. Our residential treatment center has been set up to minimize the threat and the possible alienation attendant on presenting oneself to a professional-type establishment. A home-like atmosphere has been developed which has proved most therapeutic and which prepares the individual to respond to therapyin a very positive manner, and that contrasts with the resistance that is frequently found when working with the laity. At present, there are twenty residents at the House of Affirmation of which thirteen are men. An attempt is being made to establish a better men/women ratio but the fact is that more men than women are referred for residential treatment. The professional staff presently includes one psychiatrist, six psy-chologists, two pastoral counselors and one registered nurse. The basic com-ponents of the therapeutic program are: Mode of therapy Time per session Weekly Individual 1 hour twice Group (same therapist) 1 1/2 hours twice Intercommunication lab I 1/2 hours once Psychodrama 1 1/2 hours once Residents' group (no therapist present) 1 hour once Group design I hour once Ancillary therapies: Photography I 1/2 hours once Movement therapy 2 hours once Physical therapy 1 hour once Alcoholics Anonymous 1 hour once Ceramics 2 hours once Yoga 1 hour once Art therapy 3 hours once Lectures; Psychology/psychiatry 1 hour once Psychotheological reflections I hour once Spirituality 1 hour once An individual priest, sister or brother may be referred to the House of Af-firmation for the purpose of coming to a better understanding of his emotional problems and/or to resolve them. However, the client is always informed that unless he comes of his own free will, therapy will be of little avail to him. No resident is accepted for treatment on the mere recommendation of his religious superiors; the applicant must indicate willingness to come for therapy. The principle of confidentiality is crucial to the operation of the House of Affirma-tion; privacy is maintained at all times. This has produced a sense of security Affirmation, Healing in Community / 541 and trust and the clientele has grown geometrically. Since its inception, it has been stressed that the purpose of the House of Affirmation is not so much keeping the celibate in the religious or priestly life as helping him become truly human and consistently free. Through therapy, he can come to his own deci-sion about his future. In the course of therapy, the client comes to view his experience in wider perspective and he gains a better future orientation. Self-growth demands that the individual have something to aim for, a goal which can be brought into reality through committed action. The individual's task will then be to ac-tualize this possibility, to make it a reality. As a person begins to respond to his feelings, he sees possibilities in his future and makes attempts to achieve these; by so doing, responsible independence increases in his life-style. Many of the problems that have been presented at the consulting centers and at the residential center have been classified as deprivation syndromes and as what Freud has described as repressive neurosis. In the first case, lack of love and acceptance (lack of affirmation) has crippled the psychological func-tioning of individuals; in the latter case, one encounters priests and religious who have made excessive use of the defense mechanism known as intellec-tualization. Many of these individuals are not aware of their emotions and have even repressed anger in their life as celibates. The repression in this in-stance often came about by faulty training which presented the emotion of anger as "unvirtuous," an emotion not to be expressed at any time. Yet Christ found it appropriate to express His emotions: "The angry man who picked up a cord to drive the buyers and sellers out of the temple, who wept in sadness over Jerusalem, who was bathed in sweat before His arrest was not a stoical, emotionless man.''s Through therapy, individual clients become aware of their emotions, are informed that their emotions are basically good and are encouraged to express them in a healthy way within the context of a celibate life. Individual therapy is supported by group therapy where anger-feelings may be expressed and accepted as such. The re-educative process is somewhat long and painful but it "pays off" in a more personally satisfying and productive life. Having been af-firmed by a significant other in the course of individual therapy and, in turn, affirming others, the healed resident knows and feels who he is. He finds that he is different from others but that he is acceptable, that he belongs in com-munity, that he is contributing to it and changing it. He has come to realize that there is a unique place for him in society, that he has a unique contribu-tion to make to it, that he can choose freely to do and to love.6 The effectiveness of this model has already been substantiated by in-house research. It is very likely that it will find still further support for its claims with the passage of time. 5Dalrymple, op. cir. p. 111. nThomas A. Kane, Who Controls Me? (Hicksville, N.Y.: Exposition Press, 1974), pp. 75-76. Prayer: A Thematic Bibliography Compiled by David Ricken Mr. David Ricken is a seminarian of the Diocese of Dodge City, Kansas. His current address: 1501 Belleview--Apt. //3; La Junta, CO 81050. The purpose of this bibliography is to present some of the best authors and books on prayer to a variety of people who are in(erested in prayer for a variety of reasons. This bibliography is divided into several themes so that the reader may easily select that book which is best suited to his interest and purpose. Of course, division brings limitation, and the placement of each work into one particular theme is, on occasion, arbitrary and personal. Attempt has been made, however, to classify each work according to that theme which appears to be central to the book. Obviously, there are many more books on prayer which have not been listed here. However, better to have read one book and to pray than to have read many books and to not pray. l--Prayer: Introductions: Bloom, Archbishop Anthony. Beginning to Pray. Paramus: Paulist. This book is an experience in prayer and contains helpful suggestions and en-couragements to begin one's quest of love for God. Chapman, Dom John. The Spiritual Letters of Dora John Chapman. London: Sheed & Ward, 1935. This work is a compilation of letters, and does not pretend to be a survey or summa of the spiritual life; );et it has become a classic, mostly because of its sound advice on spiritual life in general and mysticism in particular. Guardini, Romano. Prayer in Practice. New York: Pantheon, 1957. 542 Prayer." A Thematic Bibliography / 543 Written by an excellent theologian of several years ago, Prayer in Practice is a thorough, highly intelligible introduction to prayer. The scope of the book is broad, and the author delicately intertwines and balances theory and practice. Jarrett, Bede, O.P. Meditations for Lay-Folk. St. Louis: B. Herder This book is a series of well-thought-out essays on every aspect of Catholic thought and living, but the few sections on prayer are especially fine. Father Jarrett shows prayer to be, in one sense, the "pondered love of God," the lifting of the mind through the heart, and the gradual taking on of God's point of view. It also tries to relate prayer to every possible circumstance of life, thus broadening the base of prayer, making it something more than a narrowly spiritual activity. Father Jarrett shows that there is a totality to prayer, as there should be a totality to man's life with God. He also shows that prayer is normal, since God is interested in every human being and every human being is called to a deep and intimate life with Him. For Father Jarrett, prayer is eminently the "'voice of faith," the living embodiment in one's life of what one believes. It is the natural blossom-ing of the knowledge of the Faith in one's life. It is the voice and nourishment of a per-sonal seeking of God. Maritain, Jacques and Raissa. Prayer and Intelligence. New York: Sheed & Ward, 1943. Comprising less than fifty pages, it is a study of prayer based on St. Thomas and St. John of the Cross. It is not written in philosophical or theological language, but sets forth in very simple language the path of prayer for Christians and is applicable not only to the learned theologian and religious teacher, but also to the ordinary housewife who is a child of God and called to a life of prayer. McNabb, Vincent, O.P. The Path of Prayer. Springfield, 111.: Templegate. This small book is written in the form of a "diary of Sir Lawrence Shipley," and in it Father McNabb embodies some of the fundamental principles of prayer, based on the theology of St. Thomas Aquinas. Prayer is shown to be the habit of leaning on God and the total ordering of one's life to God. It also shows that prayer does anything but produce passive men. Rather it opens up every human possibility and the use of every human gift in God's service. It is a careful reflection on the principles and implications of the life of prayer, enabling one to begin building a personal "pragmatic" of prayer. Rahner, Karl, S.J. On Prayer. Paramus, N.J.: Paulist. With that bold insight and careful respect for the truth so characteristic of him, Rahner has given us the fruit of his search for God. It is clearly discernible that for this eminent theologian, there is hardly.a distinction between theology and prayer. In a style which is easy to understand, he articulates his vision of prayer, one which is truly authentic and truly beneficial. ll--Prayer: Reflections: Caretto, Carlo. Letters From The Desert. Maryknoll: Orbis, 1972. This is prayer incarnate. Prayer as passion, as compassion, as the life and breath of a virile and contemplative mind in a passionate search for the core of his being. Prayer drove Carlo Caretto into the desert, where he could listen to the voice of God in silence and solitude. There is a freshness and primitive innocence to his words as God begins to take hold of his whole being. This is the chronicle of one man's desert experience. Caretto, Carlo. The God Who Comes. Maryknoll: Orbis, 1974. ~i44 / Review for Relibious, Volume 34, 1975/4 This is another presentation of Brgther Carlo's thoughts and reflections from his solitude in the Sahara desert. Written in a simple and direct style, the main thrust of his writing deals with man's hope for "the God Who comes." The book treats ofthe Church as an in-stitution of men and women and as a divine reality which through its renewal and change will evermore make known the gratuity of God. In parts, Brother Carlo speaks of his own life in solitude, his prayer, his contempla-tion and his own dialogue with Jesus. Farrell, Rev. Edward J. Prayer is a Hunger. Denville: Dimension, 1972. Father Farrell writes of prayer as a hunger to be intensely experienced and as a journey to be creatively undertaken. These reflections in solitude encourage the reader to keep a "journal" as an enticement to prayer. The book itself exemplifies this "'journal" ap-proach and helps one to begin to see what prayer is all about. Nouwen, Henri J.M. With Open Hands. Notre Dame: Ave Maria, 1972. With gentleness and authenticity, Nouwen has here developed an artistry which is at once rare and most welcome. With Open Hands is a prayer, for it helps the one who enters into it to allow the walls which he has built around himself to crumble. The author truly teaches the reader to open his hands. Turro, James. Reflections--Path To Prayer. Paramus, N.J.: Paulist, 1972. The beautiful blend of captivating color photographs and a profound text has produced a masterpiece which can lead to prayer with ease. Ill--Prayer: The Presence of God. Abhishiktananda (Henri Le Saux, O.S.B.) Prayer. Philadelphia: Westminster, 1972. To be Christian is to be contemplative. To be Christian is to live in awareness of the presence of God. Contemplation is not the private possession of monks and nuns, priests and religious. It is a gift of God to every man to be exploited and enjoyed. Born in the West, this monk has completely immersed himself in the spiritual heritage of the East. He is one of those phenomenal men who has not lost the roots of his own tradition, but is himself a bridge between East and West. Brother Lawrence. The Practice of the Presence of God. Springfield, I11.: Templegate, 1963 (3rd Edition). This little classic is Franciscan in its primitive simplicity, almost like a page out of a diary of St. Francis. The sheer beauty of God has captivated the heart of Lawrence, and the glimpses that he gets of God in the world around him and in God's Word shatters his heart, developing a spirituality that destroys every last ounce of the fear and diffidence that once motivated him. The introduction by Dorothy Day puts the times of Brother Lawrence into focus and the trans.lation by Donald.Attwater is limpid and clear. This is an account of growth in genuine prayer and the gradual opening of one man's mind and heart to the loveliness of God. It is a paradigm of prayer of great depth and beauty. IV--Prayer: Hesychasm or Prayer of the Heart: Anonymous. The Way of the Pilgrim, and The Pilgrim Continues His Way. (translated from the Russian by R. M. French) New York: Seabury Press, 1965. Prayer." A Thematic Bibliography / 545 After hearing in an Epistle the exhortation of St. Paul "to pray without ceasing," a pilgrim sets out on a journey to do exactly that--to pray ceaselessly. In inspiring narratives, the author instructs the reader about continual interior prayer. This is an ex-cellent introduction to the "Jesus Prayer." Chariton, Igumen (compiler). The Art of Prayer: An Orthodox Anthology. London: Faber & Faber, 1966. Dove Publications. This great anthology is concerned chiefly with one particular prayer, the "Jesus Prayer." This simple prayer has become the edifice upon which many Orthodox have built their spiritual life and through which many have penetrated to truth. This compilation of texts from spiritual men of many ages demonstrates the depth and riches of such a simple prayer.*** Kadloubovsky, E., and Palmer, G. E. H., translators. Writings from the Philokalia on Prayer of the Heart. London: Faber & Faber, 1951. "Philokalia" means "'love of the beautiful" and it was the purpose of the Fathers of the Eastern Church to instill a sense of the beautiful and the sacred in their disciples. Concerned with hesychasm or prayer of the heart of which the "Jesus Prayer" is the prime example, these writings instruct and exhort the Christian in the way of the prayer of the heart.*** Maloney, George, S.J. The Jesus Prayer. Pecos: Dove Publications, 1974. George Maloney is steeped in the Russian hesychasm tradition, and this little booklet is an invaluable introduction to this form of prayer. A Monk of the Eastern Church. On the Invocation of the Name of Jesus. Ox-ford: S.L.G. Press, 1970. Nearly every sentence of this little book is loaded with power. To really appreciate it one must live with it, almost devour it. The author proceeds very logically from an explana-tion of the form of the "Jesus Prayer" to the explication of the theological implications and nuances contained in the "Jesus Prayer." A Monk of the Eastern Church. The Prayer of Jesus. New York: Desclee, 1965. This is considered the ciassic guide to, and explanation of, the "'Jesus Prayer." V--Prayer: The Scriptural Approach: The Psalms by God and man. Von Balthasar, Hans Urs. Prayer. Paramus, N.J.: Paulist Press, 1961. Father Hans Urs Von Balthasar has divided prayer into three main sections: "The Art of Contemplation," "The Object of Contemplation," "Polarities in Contemplation." He approaches the subject in a very masterly fashion, applying copiously many texts drawn from Sacred Scripture. He re-orientates prayer by re-orientating man, reminding him that he is redeemed, a son of God. Bro, Bernard. Learning to Pray. Staten Island: Alba House, 1966. 546 / Review for Religious, Volume 34, 1975/4 Despite his many assertions of generous disposition and openness to God, man always seems to find an excuse not to pray. Expanding on the texts, "Lord, teach us how to pray," and "could you not watch one hour with Me?" Bro sets out to show that prayer is a very necessary and vital part of faith. Johnston, William. "The Mystical Reading of the Scriptures--Some Suggestions from Buddhism." Cistercian Studies, #1, 1971. Johnston maintains that while Scriptural exegesis has "boomed ahead with great 61an," the understanding of Scripture at a deeper level than scholarship has made little progress. He suggests that Christians can learn from Buddhism ways of understanding Scripture at a deeper level--primarily through the use of the Koan and mantras taken from Scripture. Worden, T. The Psalms are Christian Prayers. London: Chapman, 1962. The purpose of this book is to re-orient andto change the reader's outlook on the ideas of the Old Testament. It attempts, and succeeds in creating a new mentality in the reader, one which assents to the truth that the Psalms are Christian prayers. VI--Prayer: Mental: Lehodey, Dom Vitalis, O.C.S.O. The Ways of Mental Prayer. Dublin: M. H. Gill & Son, 1955. Noted for its simplicity and clarity of style, Lehodey has succeeded in writing an excellent guide for mental prayer. The accomplishment of Lehodey in this work should not be dis-missed or overlooked because of what appears to be, in recent decades,, a declining in-terest in mental prayer. Rohrbach, Peter Thomas. Conversation with Christ: An Introduction to Men-tal Prayer. 3rd Ed. Denville: Dimension, 1965. Modeled after the prayer of St. Theresa of Avila, Conversation With Christ makes one point: mental prayer is "conversation with Christ." The style is simple and lucid. This makes an excellent introduction to this form of prayer. VII--Prayer: The Oriental Approach: Johnston, William. Christian Zen. New York: Harper & Row, 1971. Almost entirely practical in nature, this little book tries to make sense of Zen for the Christian by explaining some of the methods which can lead to "enlightenment." (cf. The Still Point, a book by this author which gives a psychological explanation of Zen and a discussion of the meeting point of Christian mysticism and Zen.) (cf. Silent Music, another book by this author which treats of the science of meditation. He writes of the similarities of the deep states of consciousness in various religious traditions. A good scientific evaluation.) Stevens, Edward. Oriental Mysticism. New York: Paulist, 1973. This is an integrated treatment of mysticism which combines experience, theory, and practice. Treading Buddhism, Zen, Hinduism, Taoism, the author discusses the necessity of meditation and the need of Western man to develop this ancient art. Temple, Sebastion. How To Meditate~ Chicago: Radial Press, 1971. Prayer." A iThematic Bibliography / 547 The author, a former Hindu monk, provides here n.ot only a "'complete guide to yoga techniques," but also an excellent resource book foi" meditation. VIII--Prayer: Contemplative and Mystical: ' Anonymous. The Cloud of Unknowing and the Book of Privy Counseling. (ed. William Johnston) Garden City: Doubleday, 11973. This is the classic Western exposition of the Byzan~tine tradition of mysticism which found its richest form in the writings of the "Pseudo-Dionysius." Recognizing that God is beyond all our concepts, that the Lord of Heaven add Earth is clothed in Mystery, the "Cloud," formulates a pragmatic of prayer based upon this profound insight into the transcendence of God. The unknown author recognizes that the vitality of prayer must be maintained and that the very obscurity of faith can deter from prayer. Prayer here is not understood as a static act, however, and that is where the author recognizes that he may be misunderstood: it is an attitude of mind, a "looking towards God," a life-style and a modality of thinking and acting. The Introduction by William Johnston is scholarly and thorough, linking the Cloud with other prayer traditions. The Cloud itself is a tightly reasoned book and is meant rather as an encouragement to those who find themselves quite alone in their searching and pursuit of God. This aloneness, this "forgetting," this "unknowing" is part of the pursuit, and the profound advice of the author of the Cloud leads to a number of important convictions in the whole business of prayer.*** Borst, J.M.H.M. "A Method of Contemplative Prayer." Review for Religious 33:4 (July, 1974), 790-816. The author makes an orderly recommendation of different "phases" of contemplative prayer and strongly urges that if one wants to be contemplative, he must practice con-templative prayer regularly. Catherine of Sienna. The Dialogues of St. Catherine of Sienna. Westminster: Newman Press, 1950. St. Catherine's dialogues are a lucid commentary on a living relationship with God and in them she mediates and articulates the full implications of theology regarding man's relationship with God. She lays down the conditions for growth in a vibrant and vital relationship and by the use of stirring and striking imagery communicates something of the scope and texture of true holiness. What is especially significant is the positive view of human things and the role of personal initiative and responsibility. From the theological point of view, she articulates the reality of a "personal providence," the intimate care and concern that God has for each one per-sonally and the tension and dynamics of this personal Providence. The end result is the strengthening of the spirit in a profound and personal hope in God and the growing ability to read the living signs of this hope in one's own life. This is "mysticism" at its best, but a mysticism completely devoid of subjectivity, opening up the mind to the rich possibilities of a personal encounter with God. Unfortunately, the translation is a bit archaic, but the living thought of St. Catherine still comes through.*** Higgins, John J., S.J. Merton's Theology of Prayer. Spencer, Mass.: Cistercian Publications, 1971. 54B / Review for Religious, Volume 34, 1975/4 This study of Thomas Merton's theology of prayer shows the total consecration to com-panionship with God which was Merton's legacy. It shows the unity of Merton's thought and development, the spiritual passion that characterized his early years and the develop-ment of that passion to something close to spiritual genius. Merton's ability to nourish his prayer-life from hundreds of different sources, and the blossoming of that prayer-life in his varied writings reveals the depth and dimensions of this remarkable spiritual per-sonality. Prayer, in all its richness and beauty, is shown to be the result of normal faith and normal intelligence--but as fully exploited in a personal pursuit of God. This is different than is to be found in some other studies of prayer, in that it shows the embodi-ment of a prayer tradition in the life of one man, a man for whom God and prayer were the totality of life. Merton, Thomas. The Ascent.to Truth. New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1956. The finest introduction in any language to the mystical theology of St. John of the Cross. A lucid and clear exposition of the whys of prayer in the Juan de la Cruz tradition, with distinctions and clarifications which make it a very valuable theological work. Perhaps the finest of Merton's early works in which he shows himself to be a superb and masterly theologian. Merton, Thomas. Contemplative Prayer. New York: Herder & Herder, 1969. In Merton's solid "educated English," he traces the steps to an "educated awareness of God," the cultivation.of which is the finest fruit of faith. His thought ranges from the lim-pid simplicity of the early monks to the most brilliant insights of contemporary theology. This is adult spirituality at its best, with the Merton mind showing the full human and personal implications of a life of prayer. In this book, Merton becomes the guru, the prayer-tutor, sharing his own convictions and prayer-life with a wider audience. Merton, Thomas. New Seeds of Contemplation. N.Y.: New Directions. in this book, Merton covers all the elements of the interior life building up to a solid con-templative life of prayer. This is a very good psychological description of the experience of contemplative prayer. It is a revision of one of Merton's early works, perhaps the most enduring of the early writings. Morales, Jose L. (editor) Contemplative Prayer according to the Writings of St. Theresa of Jesus and St. John of the Cross, Doctors of the Church. An excellent compilation of texts about contemplative prayer by two great con-templatives.*** Underhill, Evelyn. Practical Mysticism. New York: Dutton, 1960. This highly competent and well-known author in the area of mysticism has here succeeded in clearing up the nebulous, ethereal thinking that is often characteristic of things dealing with the mystical. Voillaume, Rene. The Need of Contemplation. London: Darton, 1971. Contemplation is ndcessary for man's very survival, and it is time for man to begin to cultivate a contemplative attitude by proceeding to the heart of things. Love will overflow from the reservoirs of each individual's living contact with Christ. Love begets love; love begets contemplatives. Whalen, Joseph, S.J. Benjamin: Essays in Prayer. New York: Newman, 1972. An initiation into the world of wonder is an appropriate description of Benjamin. Whalen perceives the contemporary human situation and introduces the reader to the con-templative act--to wonder. Prayer." A Thematic Bibliography / 549 IX--Prayer: The Holy Spirit: Bennet, Dennis & Rita. The Holy Spirit and You: A Study-Guide to the Spirit- Filled Life. Plainfield, N.J.: Logos Int, 1971. This is an especially thorough and helpful explanation of that facet of the experience of God which is often called "the Spirit experience." Well done. John of St. Thomas. The Gifts of the Holy Ghost. (tr. by Dominic Hughes, O.P.) New York: Sheed & Ward, 1951. This classic work, using the framework of the traditional teaching on the Gifts of the Holy Spirit, focuses on the action of God leading a person to freedom, to openness to God and to a deep life of prayer. The book shows how the gifts and action of the Spirit prepare a man for his encounter with God, giving him clarity of vision, flexibility and resilience, making fertile his freedom, and leading him to explore the wonder and magnitude of God. The book is difficult reading in places, but the implications of the teaching are critical to any real life of prayer. John of St. Thomas shows that the gifts are purification, education, insight and are the full blossoming of faith and a vibrant love of God. By the gifts, the seeker of God begins to share, in some small degree, in the abundance and plenitude of God. In the words of St. Thomas, the gifts are the deep interior currents of a life of prayer, giving to a man a certain kinship, a connaturality with Divine Things. They make a man a lover of God, the~, bring about a state of intimacy with God and Divine Things, and give a foretaste of beatitude. By tl~e gifts, a man exchanges a human standard for a Divine one, and begins to measure his life and his expectations by a Divine yardstick. They open wide the horizons of loving God, enabling a man to "'dream the im-possible dream." Sherrili, John. They Speak With Other Tongues. N.Y.: Pyramid, 1964. A very skeptical journalist relates his contact with and eventual experience of the gift of tongues. This is a valuable explanation of the not-too-long-ago unusual phenomenon which has become wide-spread and highly significant. X--Prayer: Best Sellers: Carothers, Merlon R. Prison to Praise. Plainfield, Logos, Int., 1970. Praise and thank God for all things, even for bad situations and circumstances. This is the basic tenet of a series of books on praise, written by this author. Carothers uses l Thess 5:16-17 as the basis for this form of prayer which has proven itself a powerful aid in revolutionizing people's lives. Parker, Dr. William F. and St. Johns, Elaine. Prayer Can Change Your Life. New York: Pocket Books, 1957. This best seller discusses "prayer therapy," a psychological experiment in prayer which helped forty-five people to grow to greater emotional wholeness and to gain peace of mind. For a good understanding of the nature of Western Mysticism, see "The Nature of Mysticism" by David Knowles in the Twentieth Century En-cyclopedia of Catholicism. ***It is to one's advantage to bring to this book some experience in prayer and especially an understanding of the spiritual, theological and philosophical milieu of the age in which the author wrote, in order to appreciate the full impact of the work. it is also to one's advantage to read this book under the guidance of a spiritual advisor. Models of Poverty Gerald R. Grosh, S.J. Gerald R. Grosh, in addition to teaching theology at Xavier University in Cincinnati, is a member of the staff of the Jesuit Renewal Center; P.O. Box 289; Milford, OH 45150. In his latest book, Models of the Church,~ Avery Dulles elucidates five models2 of the Church which he finds operative "in the minds of the faithful. He analyzes each one in terms of the advantages and disadvantages that each model has in aiding Christian living. Ultimately, Dulles says that the Church is a mystery and that no one model can adequately encompass a mystery. Rather, he states that the models are mutually complementary like the ¯ different shades and colors that blend together to create a total picture. The book is very freeing since it allows for various models and opens up other dimensions of the Church--especially for those persons who are locked into one framework. The aim of this article is to do for our notion of poverty what Dulles has done for our notion of the Church. In our time religious generally are uneasy about their practice of poverty. Often it seems that specific features of our practice of poverty can be amply justified if they are taken one by one. But the features taken all together, the total picture, clearly leave much to be desired. What is wrong? Where do we fail? Perhaps the failure in poverty, if indeed it is failure, results from a too exclusive concentration on one model of poverty, from our failure to let our own dominant model of poverty be balanced ade-quately by other models. It is the belief of this author that a clarification of the 1Avery Dulles, Models of the Church (Garden City: Doubleday and Company, inc., 1974). 2A model is an attitude of mind or a mental framework. It is a way of looking at and understand-ing a particular phenomenon, it points more to a structure of the mind than to a particular con-tent. 550 Models of Poverty / 551 models involved would facilitate the discussion as well as the choices that are made. I shall delineate seven models which 1 see operative in our discussions of poverty. I shall briefly describe each model, indicate the spiritual value which it strives to encompass, indicate its advantages and disadvantages, and list some practical suggestions which might be in accord with a given model. 1. Pnverty as Cnmmunitarian Sharing The call to religious life is a call to living the vows in community. Religious life witnesses to the experience of community as we share our lives together and work toward the common goal of preaching the good news of Jesus Christ. The vow of poverty, then, calls us to share not only our living together and working together but also our material goods. This is rooted in the experience of the early Church: "The whole group of believers was united, heart and soul; no one claimed for his own use anything that he had, as everything they owned was held in common" (Acts 4:32). This model of poverty as communitarian sharing points to the fundamental unity which we have as religious--namely, a unity of heart. We are all believers. We share a common vision of faith and hope. We are united in love. Each person's value is not what he owns or has, but who he is. So deep is our oneness that we live in community and share our possessions. The goal is the underlying unity of mind and heart. One of the advantages of this model is that it aims at eliminating differences between "rich and poor" and focuses on the equality of all. It at-tacks the roots of ownership which can so easily foster vanity and greed. Thus whatever is given to one is given to the whole community and goes to "the common barrel." The spiritual foundation for this mutual sharing of goods is the mutual care that the members of a given community have for one another. The disadvantage of this model is that it becomes more difficult to live as life becomes more complex. We know that we need certain things for apostolic use. How, then, does one regulate the quality and quantity of goods that are needed? How does one maintain the equality of all and the non-ownership of all? The traditional response t6 this dilemma has been to link the acquisition and use of goods with receiving permission for them from the superior. The underlying purpose of asking permission has been to aid our acting as non- . owners and to help free us from the power that is present in ownership. But it has been difficult for individuals not to compare what they have with what others have and therefore to justify their own acquisition of the same thing or of something else. It has been difficult for a superior to say "no" to one where he has said "yes" to another. Furthermore, critics of the system have pointed out that an adult makes his own decisions and that this practice has often seemed infantile. Also, as superiors so readily grant permission, the require-ment has come to be seen by many as a formality to be gone through or even ignored. It has also been difficult to draw a fine line between what one needs and what one wants. 552 / Review for Religious, Volume 34, 1975/4 In the judgment of this author, in so far as poverty has been linked to ask-ing permission for goods, it has failed--whether one blames the notion itself or the persons who have failed to live it. However, the model of poverty as com-munitarian living does have something to offer us today. The essence of the model is the mutual sharing of material goods in community. It would seem to preclude the private appropriation of goods (personal TVs, personal cars, etc.). It would also seem to preclude the free disposition of one's salary, e.g., the buying of books or equipment, travel, relaxation, or even almsgiving. 2. Poverty as Simplicity of Life- The second model of poverty is that of the frugal life-style or "simplicity of life." This model focuses clearly on poverty as a fact, i.e., material poverty. The spiritual foundation of simplicity of life is that it aids to singularity of pur-pose and locus--namely on the Lord and His work. Nothing else matters that much. This model of poverty is easily linked with the model of poverty as un-ion with the poor. Stated simply, this model of simplicity of life points to the fact that a poor man does not have a lot of material possessions or the free dis-position of a lot of money. The advantage of this model is that it can act as a deterrent or as a negative norm for how we spend our money. Does a poor person have a color TV or is he able to jet across the country, or have a stereo set? How often can the poor person or family afford steak? Lavish spending is seen as an insult to the poor who struggle for their food and their meagre existence. Such spending is also seen to imply contempt for human w~rk and the dignity of man involved in working hard for a day's pay. Also, as with the model of poverty as com-munitarian sharing, this model takes away the sense of power that is involved in the possession of goods and in the lavish disposition of one's finances. The advantage, then, of this model of poverty is that it keeps one mindful of his union with the poor Christ and honest in terms of what he spends. Its primary disadvantage is that it can cause one to be so absorbed in bookkeep-ing and penny-pinching that he loses the perspective of apostolic service. However, there are also other possible disadvantages that can accompany this model. Too great an emphasis on material things can lead to a pharisaism which overlooks the more important poverty of spirit. It can also result in divisiveness and criticism within communities as some will need more things than others to carry out their apostolic work. The particular way of living according to this model would call a person to be continually mindful of how his or her standard of life compares with' the poor. Such things as careful personal and community budgets, economical automobiles, buying articles on s.ale, adjusting budgets to meet emergencies, are evidences of the
Background Having investigated avoidable deaths and other occurrences of harm to patients at Mid-Staffordshire Hospital, the Francis Inquiry made 290 recommendations for actions to reduce the likelihood of such events recurring. A prominent part of the government's response was to ask Don Berwick to chair a National Patient Safety Advisory Group to advise the government on a 'whole-system' Patient Safety Improvement Programme. The Group proposed establishing Patient Safety Collaboratives (PSC), drawing upon the experience of Quality Improvement Collaboratives, particularly the Institute of Healthcare Improvement (IHI) 'Breakthrough Series' From 2014, Collaboratives in the NHS were implemented through the regional Academic Health Science Networks (AHSN). Most research about the effects of Collaboratives has been uncontrolled and fragmented across a range of activities and target outcomes, often self-reported. Few studies report clearly how Collaboratives carried their work out, making it hard to identify what the 'active ingredient' is. Few contained evidence about the determinants of 'success' (as opposed to abundant hypotheses and conjectures). Neither is it known what kinds of clinical work (e.g. for which care groups) may be more amenable than others to improvement by PSC methods, although Collaboratives based hospitals have been most widely reported. We evaluated how this action taken in response to the Francis Inquiry was implemented and some of the consequences, and used our findings as the evidence base to present some some policy implications and further research proposals. Research Questions (RQ) This study addressed six research questions: RQ1: How has PSC implementation varied across the 15 Academic Health Science Network (AHSN) regions? RQ2: What organisational changes have providers made? How have they done this and what have they learned from the PSCs? RQ3: How were resources used for PSCs' implementation activities? What are the costs of participation and implementation? RQ4: Have the PSCs made a detectable difference on rates of harm and adverse events involving patients as measured using routine data? RQ5: Has change in practice taken place on the front-line of services? RQ6: What generalisable knowledge can be shared about this? Methods We made a mixed methods observational comparison of PSC mechanisms, contexts and outcomes. We combined three methods each of which broadly corresponded to one stage of PSC implementation: 1. An Implementation study of how PSCs were set up, of AHSN roles in establishing and maintaining regional networks, and of how provider-level NHS managers and clinicians used PSC-initiated ideas and resources to influence clinical practice, monitor and improve clinical quality and safety. Our study looked at all 15 PSCs, studied three of them in greater detail, and within them selected different types of provider for in-depth study. 2. Patient safety culture surveys. The Francis and Berwick reports emphasised strengthening safety culture as a method for making clinical practice safer. Using the Safety, Communication, Operational Reliability and Engagement (SCORE) survey, we measured changes in patient safety 'culture' in six clinical teams undertaking PSC-initiated activities. We also analysed NHS Staff Survey data. 3. Analysis of routine administrative data. To assess how much patient safety and outcomes had changed we quantitatively analysed routinely collected administrative data relevant to PSCs' intended outcomes. Our data sources were 61 semi structured in-depth interviews of key informants: SCORE survey data from 72 sites (first round) and from the six of these sites which had also made a second-round (repeat) survey during the study period: and England-wide data on in-patient satisfaction, quality improvement, managerial support for staff, fairness and effectiveness of procedures for reporting errors, recommendation of one's own work-place, incident reporting and hospital mortality. Findings How PSC implementation varied across the 15 AHSNs (RQ1) Each AHSN applied elements of three strategies for improving patient quality and safety at provider level: • A facilitative strategy, which built where possible on existing QI and safety work in healthcare providers, but was constrained by the local history and resources – or lack of them – in these areas of work. A facilitative strategy made it harder to attribute any changes in working practices and outcomes unequivocally to PSC activities. • An educative strategy of educating, training and developing individual 'change agents' to implement changed working practices to improve patient safety at clinic level. • A national priority focussed strategy of adopting 'work-streams' from among the current national priorities, resulting in several PSCs developing similar work-streams (e.g. sepsis prevention). There were tensions between the facilitative approach and the national priority focus, which some informants thought was closer to a performance management approach. In general, PSCs and NHS staff favoured shifting from a 'blame' culture to learning culture focused on service development as more conducive to activities to improve patient safety. Where SCORE surveys were used (which was increasingly, but from a small base), they were implemented the same way everywhere. PSCs differed in terms of which elements and mechanisms of collaboratives they emphasised. Partly because the Francis report was a response to problems in hospital services, and because Collaboratives originated in (US) hospitals, participation was proportionately greater among acute hospitals than elsewhere, which partly reflected the technical challenges of making the Collaborative model relevant to non-hospital services. General practices apart, the only non-NHS providers participating were some care homes and pharmacies. Organisational changes that providers made and what they have learned from the PSCs (RQ2) Not all provider organisations participated in the PSCs. The willingness of NHS senior managers to engage with PSCs varied across setting. When they were willing, organisational upheaval including leadership changes made trusts' engagement harder to sustain. In providers that did participate, the main organisational factors reported to aid PSC implementation were: • Initial expenditure for start-up training and preparing management information systems to serve (also) as a measurement system for clinical teams' QI work • Recruiting trained QI and safety experts or 'champions' at all organisational levels, most critically at Board and clinical team levels; this was often done with PSC support and encouragement. • Ensuring that these champions had the leadership skills to motivate and empower clinical teams and to create safe spaces for staff to speak up or suggest changes. • Building structures and processes, at both whole-organisation and at clinical team levels, to sustain the changed working practices. • Allocating staff time not only to engage in QI and learning events, but so that they can subsequently utilise their learning at work. • 'Bottom-up' approaches to safety improvement promoted provider-level engagement and motivation by adapting the activities that PSCs were promoting to local needs. • Measurement support for front-line staff At the time of this study, the development and use of formal measurement systems to support QI activities had not yet materialised. The other change we had expected but did not observe was in safety climate, particularly at clinical team level. Although PSC activity, including the SCORE surveys, had impacts upon clinical teams' working practices in the sites we studied (see below) these changes occurred without measurable changes in workplace safety climate. In summary, we found: 1. Some qualitative evidence of safety climate change in the intended direction, including increased staff engagement and shifts away from a blame culture towards a more 'open learning culture'. 2. No significant change safety climate in six study sites by early 2018 on most of the SCORE survey domains. 3. Change in the intended direction in the relevant NHS staff survey data domains, but evidence that this change began before PSCs existed. To suggest that any safety culture changes in particular clinical teams are diluted within much larger NHS Digital data-sets might be valid for the NHS Staff Survey but is not applicable for the SCORE survey results, which were precisely localised to the relevant clinical teams. A possible explanation is that safety climate changes are as much a consequence as a cause of changes in working practices, in a virtuous circle of mutual reinforcement. Organisational changes do not occur straight away; sufficient time is required to implement a complex set of activities across all levels of the NHS: 1. At least 18 months for PSCs and then providers to establish themselves and start to change working practices. In practice this can take a lot longer before any impact is seen at the patient level. 2. Allowing individual staff members time at work to attend learning events and then put what they learnt into practice. 3. Continuing the PSCs long enough to engage 'late adopters' besides 'early adopters'. 4. Time for plan-do-study-act (PDSA) cycles and other QI activities be repeated and become institutionalised on an open-ended time-scale. Other major constraints surrounding the activities of PSCs we found were NHS providers' concurrent operational pressures and the concomitant resource and financial constraints, staff shortages and turnover. At an individual level the barriers included difficulties utilising expertise post training due to factors including a performance culture (i.e. conflicting priorities in the work-place), lack of time, high staff turnover (including shift rotations and moves between work locations), and psychological resistance to change. Costs of participation in and implementation of PSCs (RQ3) One of our study PSCs provided broad information how spending on PSCs had been allocated at AHSN level (to which programmes, and to broad categories such as support staff, training etc.). At the time of our fieldwork detailed information to account for; the training and network activity the PSCs provided, monetary flows from PSCs to providers, as well as indirect opportunity costs the provider organisations incurred was not completely available. The same applied to information about how these extra resources impacted on health benefits for the patients due to changes in working practices noted below, making it unfeasible to evaluate the cost effectiveness of the PSC programme. Have the PSCs made a detectable difference to rates of harm and adverse events involving patients as measured using routine data? (RQ4) We analysed routine administrative data about relevant safety outcomes and found that: 1. Qualitative evidence of changed working practices which one would expect (given their supporting evidence) to improve patient safety and service quality. 2. Quantitative analysis of administrative data showed no significant change by early 2018 that could plausibly be attributed to PSCs alone. 3. Longer-term changes in the intended direction were occurring. In our judgement the reasons for these paradoxical patterns are: 1. Dilution of any effects of PSCs upon service outcomes because the available datasets combine data about activities in which PSCs were involved with data about much larger activities in which PSCs were not yet involved,such as trust-level data. 2. PSCs' effects were constrained by countervailing factors: demand overloads, insufficient staffing relative to demand, staff turnover and financial constraints. 3. Time lags: when our fieldwork finished PSCs were about half-way through their initially-planned life-span and had spent much of it getting their activities started. This meant the period for which routine data could have captured any relevant effects was a year or less. We infer that PSC activity had many of its intended effects but they were too localised and diluted to be measurable in the larger-scale routinely-reported administrative datasets. Change in practice on the front-line of services (RQ5) In our case study sites we found evidence of changes in practice at front-line, clinical team level. In practice the participating clinical teams had become more multidisciplinary. They had also started to undertake what in effect was the Model for Improvement: collecting information about their working practices, changing the latter, reviewing the effects, then making further adjustments: the quality improvement cycle. The SCORE survey, and its practical impacts, can be understood as a special case of such activity, and one with a relatively quick impact upon working practices. SCORE surveys developed beyond measurement activity into a practical intervention on the part of PSCs. Changes in working practices were both clinical (e.g. falls reduction) and organisational (e.g. pathway re-design) and were reported in both hospitals and general practices. Conclusions: Policy and management implications The findings summarised above tend to support some of the policy-makers' original assumptions about how PSCs would work but suggests revisions to other policy assumptions that would lead to more effective PSCs and thus safer care for patients:- 1. PSCs have not yet had sufficient time to establish and sustain the clinical team-level safety improvement activities and outcomes that current policy intends. Our evidence suggests three years from the outset is in practice too short a time for that. In our opinion (albeit an opinion consistent with our findings so far) PSCs should continue in their current form for longer before any judgement can be meaningfully made about their impact on patients. 2. The PSCs are complex adaptive systems, reacting and responding to different local situations in varied ways. Attempts to manage PSCs uniformly and force them into particular directions (including work streams) are likely to hamper their ability to promote the locally-originating work that will ultimately lead to better patient care. In our opinion NHSI should study the emergent systems, support positive behaviours and resist the temptation to apply a 'one size fits all' managerial approach. 3. NHSI and the Department of Health need to provide clear and supportive timelines and financial arrangements for the PSCs. One disruptive aspect of the implementation of the PSCs was the lack of clear direction from the central NHS bodies, partly due to the perceived chaos surrounding the change from NHSE to NHSI, and to the financial uncertainly that PSC leads felt. At the time of writing there are suggestions that NHSI should review the PSCs. In our opinion it is too soon for that and it will again create an impeding uncertainty. 4. Recognition of the influence of the wider evidence-based medicine (EBM) movement and institutions (e.g. NICE) in promoting safety culture, something PSCs' activity reinforced and exploited. However development of EBM is uneven (for example, it is better developed in general medicine than mental health). Start-up support for Collaboratives may be especially important in domains where EBM remains less developed and embedded. 5. Culture change is too big for PSCs alone to achieve without a massive increase in their scale. Learning by clinical teams is a discrete step linking culture change to changed working practices and this has implications for the kind of training required. The necessary kernels for this training are quality improvement methodologies and the psychology of change ('human factors'). As PSCs have shown, clinical teams are the critical audience for this training. 6. If providers are to become 'learning organisations' for PSC purposes the requirements include: a 'bottom-up' approach to safety management; that provider managers allow clinical teams discretion to adapt QI activities to their local needs; that clinical teams are allowed to take ownership of a given project or changes in work processes, something our evidence suggests also promotes staff engagement and motivation. This is a different approach from the work-stream specific collaboratives; mandating clinical teams to work on areas they have not chosen will probably not have as effective outcomes for patient care. 7. NHSI is now addressing the absence of cross-provider measurement systems for PSC purposes (for clinical teams across different providers to compare activities and learn from each other). Caution will be needed in how these cross-provider data are used. The focus has to be on data for improvement; if the data are used for performance management (or even perceived as such) the benefits of the collaborative approach will diminish.
The objective of this paper is to synthesize the findings of six individual case studies (Bucaramanga, Colombia; Coimbatore, India; Kigali, Rwanda; Gaziantep, Turkey; Changsha, China; and Tangier, Morocco) by analyzing the similarities and dissimilarities among them and identifying common, cross-cutting themes. The intent is to highlight what institutions and strategies successful cities have relied on to spur economic development, under what conditions such success has occurred, and what lessons of this experience might be applicable to decision makers in other cities.
Salmonella enterica serovar Typhimurium DT 104 is the major pathogen for salmonellosis outbreaks in Europe. We tested if the probiotic bacterium Enterococcus faecium NCIMB 10415 can prevent or alleviate salmonellosis. Therefore, piglets of the German Landrace breed that were treated with E. faecium (n=16) as a feed additive and untreated controls (n=16) were challenged with S. Typhimurium 10 days after weaning. The presence of salmonellae in feces and selected organs, as well as the immune response, were investigated. Piglets treated with E. faecium gained less weight than control piglets (P=0.05). The feeding of E. faecium had no effect on the fecal shedding of salmonellae and resulted in a higher abundance of the pathogen in tonsils of all challenged animals. The specific (anti-Salmonella IgG) and nonspecific (haptoglobin) humoral immune responses as well as the cellular immune response (T helper cells, cytotoxic T cells, regulatory T cells, +¦+¦ T cells, and B cells) in the lymph nodes, Peyer's patches of different segments of the intestine (jejunal and ileocecal), the ileal papilla, and in the blood were affected in the course of time after infection (P < 0.05) but not by the E. faecium treatment. These results led to the conclusion that E. faecium may not have beneficial effects on the performance of weaned piglets in the case of S. Typhimurium infection. Therefore, we suggest a critical discussion and reconsideration of E. faecium NCIMB 10415 administration as a probiotic for pigs.
PENGARUH DUKUNGAN ORGANISASI, BEBAN KERJA DAN KETERIKATAN KERJA TERHADAP KINERJA PERAWAT PADA RSJD SUNGAI BANGKONG KALIMANTAN BARAT Kurnia Utami ABSTRAK Ketertarikan penulis dalam melakukan penelitian ini ialah dikarenakan adanya masalah-masalah yang menarik di RSJD Sungai Bangkong Kalimantan Barat yang menjadi satu-satunya rumah sakit jiwa di pontianak, dimana masalah yang didapatkan mengatakan bahwa diduga kurangnya dukungan organisasi yang diterima, tingginya beban kerja serta kurangnya keterikatan kerja yang dialami oleh perawat sehingga hal ini dapat menurunkan kinerjanya. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk menguji pengaruh dukungan organisasi, beban kerja, dan keterikatan kerja terhadap kinerja. Subjek penelitian ini adalah Perawat PNS pada RSJD Sungai Bangkong Kalimantan Barat. Metode penelitian ini berjenis kuantitatif. Berdasarkan tingkat eksplanasi, penelitian ini merupakan penelitian asosiatif kausal. 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Doktrinde anlaşmazlık ve uyuşmazlık terimlerini genellikle birbirinin yerine kullanılmasına rağmen, bu iki terim arasında önemli bir farklılık bulunmaktadır. Anlaşmazlık, birbirine zıt veya düşmanca bir durum ya da bir mücadele veya kavga olarak tanımlanır. Bir uyuşmazlık, dava konusu olabilen meseleler şeklinde ortaya çıkan bir anlaşmazlık çeşidi olarak görülebilir. Uyuşmazlık, müzakere, arabuluculuk veya üçüncü kişinin hüküm vermesi yoluyla çözülebilecek meseleler üzerinde anlaşmazlığa düşülmesini gerektirir. Uyuşmazlık karşı tarafa açıklanan, kişiler arası bir anlaşmazlıktır. Bir anlaşmazlık, birbirine uyumayan bir durumun anlaşılması veya çatışan bir talepte bulunulması şeklinde bir kişiye beyan edilmedikçe uyuşmazlığa dönüşmeyebilir. Alternatif uyuşmazlık çözümü (ADR), mahkemeler tarafından uygulanan şeklî mücadeleci usûllerden, şeklî olmayan usûllere doğru bir yönelişi temsil eder. ADR, dünya çapındaki adalete ulaşma hareketinin çatısı altında görülebilir. ADR nin doğuşu Birleşik Devletler de 1970 e kadar uzanır. Federal bölge mahkemelerinde uygulanan ilk arabuluculuk ve tahkim programı 1970 tarihlidir. Buna ek olarak ADR de diğer bir gelişme 1988?de Birleşik Devletler Kongresinin on adet bölge mahkemesinde zorunlu tahkim programı kurması ve diğer on adet bölge mahkemesini gönüllü tahkim programı oluşturması için yetkilendirmesiyle görülmüştür. ADR nin hızlı gelişimine katkıda bulunan büyük bir etken, 1976 da Amerika Barolar Birliğince düzenlenen Adalet Yönetimindeki Kamusal Tatminsizliklerin Nedenleri Hakkında Ulusal Konferans olmuştur. Bu konferansta, uyuşmazlık çözümündeki alternatif usûllerin, özellikle arabuluculuk ve tahkimin, tıkanmış halde bulunan mah-kemeleri rahatlatacağı, uyuşmazlıkların çözüm süresini kısaltacağı ve giderlerini asgariye indireceği sonucuna varılmıştır. Arabuluculuk hizmeti sunan mahalli adalet merkezlerinin ve çok seçenekli mahkeme teşkilatı programlarının kurulması teşvik edilmiştir. Çok seçenekli mahkeme teşkilatı terimi (ya da çok seçenekli ADR), bir dizi seçimlik uyuşmazlık çözüm usûlü sunan mahkemeleri ifade eder. Bu programlar, ihtilaflı tarafları, onlar için en uygun olan uyuşmazlık çözüm yöntemine yönlendirirler. Bunlar: Kolaylaştırma, arabuluculuk veya tahkimdir. Bazı çok seçenekli mahkeme teşkilatı prog-ramları belli türdeki bütün davaları belirli bir ADR programına havale et-mekteyken, diğer bazı programlar davacılara seçimlik bir liste sunmaktadırlar. ADR, uyuşmazlık çözümü için mahkemeler vasıtasıyla yürütülen davalarda alternatif olarak işleyen, genellikle tarafsız bir üçüncü kişinin aracılığı ve yardımını içeren bir dizi usûller olarak tanımlanır. Doktrine göre ADR usûlleri aşağıdaki yararları içerebilir: 1. Mahkemelerin iş yükünü ve giderlerini azaltmak, 2. tarafların yargılama için harcadıkları giderleri ve zamanı azaltmak, 3. topluluklara veya tarafların ailelerine zarar veren uyuşmazlıkların hızlı bir şekilde çözümünü sağlamak, 4. bireylerin adalet sisteminden daha iyi bir şekilde tatmin olmasını sağlamak, 5. tarafların ihtiyaçlarına uygun olan çözümleri teşvik etmek, 6. tarafların uyuşmazlık çözüm usûllerine gönüllü olarak uymalarını sağlamak, 7. komşuluk ve topluluk değerlerini ve toplulukların ilişkilerini onarmak, 8. ihtilaflı taraflarca ulaşılabilecek usûller oluşturmak, 9. halka, uyuşmazlıkların çözümünde ihlâl ya da dava yolu yerine daha etkili olan usûlleri denemelerini öğretmek, ADR tarafların bir araya getirilmesinde pek çok farklı yöntem gerektirir; bununla birlikte temel ADR usûlleri arabuluculuk ve müzakeredir. Arabuluculuk ve uzlaştırma terimleri eş anlamlı olarak kullanılırlar. Arabuluculuk (veya uzlaştırma), tarafların bir anlaşmayı müzakere etmeleri için onlara yardım eden tarafsız bir üçüncü kişice gerçekleştirilen bağlayıcı olmayan bir müdahaledir. Üç tür arabuluculuk vardır. Bunlar geleneksel arabuluculuk, yargısal arabuluculuk ve modern arabuluculuktur. Arabulucunun yapısı ve işlevi, arabuluculuk usûlünü diğer uyuşmazlık çözüm usûllerinden ayırmaktadır. Arabulucu bir kolaylaştırıcıdır. Arabulucu, ihtilaflı konular üzerindeki kendi kararını taraflara dikte etmemelidir. Arabulucululuk esnek yapısıyla şekillenerek farklı bir usûl haline bürünür. Arabulucunun yaklaşımı doğrudan veya dolaylı ya da bunların arasında bir usûlde kendini gösterebilir. Arabuluculukta bir ya da birden fazla oturum olabilir. Arabuluculuyla caucuses adında ayrı toplantılar yapılabilir. Arabuluculuk oturumları gizlidir ve tarafların iletişimine yadım etmek amacıyla gerçekleştirilir. Arabuluculuk geliştikçe, kolaylaştırma ve değerlendirme arabuluculuğu gibi farklı arabuluculuk türleri ortaya çıkmaktadır. Mahkeme veya arabulucu tarafından hangi arabuluculuk modelinin izlendiğine bakılmaksızın, arabuluculuk usûllerinin çoğu aşağıdaki aşamaları izler: Arabuluculuk öncesi aşama, arabuluculuk aşaması ve arabuluculuk sonrası aşama. Türk hukuk sisteminde Avukatlık Kanunu, Ceza Muhakemesi Kanunu, İş Kanunu, Tüketicinin Korunması Hakkında Kanun ve Vergi Usûl Kanunu gibi kanunlarda ADR ile doğrudan ilgili düzenlemeler bulunmaktadır. Türk hukukunda, ADR ye ilişkin iki temel düzenleme mevcuttur. ADR yi destekleyen ilk yasal düzenleme Avukatlık Kanunundadır. Avukatlık Kanunu nun 35/A maddesine göre, müvekkilin talep etmesi halinde bir avukat, dava veya duruşma başlamadan önce ihtilaflı tarafları uzlaştırabilir. Kanun, tarafların uzlaştırma süreci sonunda bir anlaşmaya varmaları halinde, taraflar ve avukatların uyuşmazlığı çözen bir yazılı anlaşma yapmalarını hükme bağlamıştır. Uzlaşma tutanağı olarak adlandırılan bu anlaşma avukatlar ve müvekkillerince imzalanır. Uzlaşma tutanağı diğer mahkeme hü-kümleri gibi icra edilebilir. İkinci düzenleme, 1 Nisan 2005 te yürürlüğe giren yeni Ceza Muhake-mesi Kanunu ve Ceza Kanununda bulunmaktadır. Ceza Muhakemesi Kanununun 253. maddesi ve Ceza Kanununun 73. maddesi, savcının veya hâkimin kararına bağlı olarak, bir ceza davasında mağdur-fail uzlaştırmasına ilişkin hükümler içermektedir. Sadece takibi şikâyete bağlı suçlar uzlaştırmaya uygundur. Kanımca, ADR Türk yargı sisteminde medenî hukuk, ticaret hukuku ve ceza hukuku uyuşmazlıklarının çözümünde temel bir işleve sahip olacaktır; zira, yargılama üzerinde çalışan veya dava yolunda büyük güçlüklerle karşılan avukatlar, ADR nin, hukuk davalarının tamamına teşmil edilmesini be-lemektedirler. Hukuk Muhakemeleri Kanunu hâlen, ADR nin kullanılması için gereken yetkiyi vermemektedir. Ancak, ADR yollarının hukuk davalarının tamamında kullanılması için, Hukuk Muhakemeleri Kanunda geniş bir yetki verilmesi gereklidir. Yakın bir gelecekte, özel hukukun bütün alanlarında ADR nin daha önemli ve merkezî bir rol oynayacağı açıktır. There is an essential distinction between conflicts and disputes, though the literature often uses the two terms interchangeably. Conflict is defined as a stole of opposition or hostilities a fight or struggle. A dispute may be viewed as a class or kind of conflict which manifests itself in distinct, justiciable issues. It involves disagreement over issues capable of resolution by negotiation, mediation or third party adjudication. A dispute is an interpersonal conflict that is communicated or manifested. A conflict may not become a dispute if it is not communicated to someone in the form of a perceived incompatibility or a contested claim. Alternative dispute resolution (ADR) represents a movement, away from formal adversarial proceedings on the part of the courts, toward informal processes. ADR can be seen as lying within the framework of the world-wide access-to-justice movement. The beginning of ADR is usually traced to the 1970s in the United States. In the federal district courts, the first mediation and arbitration programs date from the 1970s. Additional expansion of ADR occurred in 1988 when the United States congress authorized ten district courts to implement mandatory arbitration programs and an additional ten to establish voluntary arbitration programs. A major impetus for ADR s rapid growth was a 1976 American Bar Association sponsored National Conference on the Causes of Popular Dissatisfaction with the Administration of Justice. The Conference concluded that alternative forms of dispute resolution, in particular mediation and arbitration, would ease congested courts, reduce settlement time, and minimize costs. The development of neighborhood justice centers (which practice mediation) and multi-door courthouse programs were encouraged. The terms of multi-door courthouse or multi-option ADR describe courts that offer an array of dispute resolution options. These programs direct disputants to the most appropriate dispute-resolving mechanism: facilitation, mediation or arbitration. Some multi-door courthouses refer all cases of certain types to particular ADR programs, while others offer litigants a menu of options. ADR is defined as a range of procedures that serve as alternatives to litigation through the courts for the resolution of disputes, generally involving the intercession and assistance of a neutral and impartial third party. Accordingly in literature the benefits provided by ADR processes may include: 1. lower court caseloads and expenses, 2. reduce the parties? expenses and time, 3. provide speedy settlement of those disputes that were disruptive of the community or the lives of the parties? families, 4. improve public satisfaction with the justice system, 5. encourage resolutions that were suited to the parties? needs, 6. increase voluntary compliance with resolutions, 7. restore the influence of neighborhood and community values and the cohesiveness of communities, 8. provide accessible forums to people with disputes, and 9. teach the public to try more effective processes than violence or litigant for settling disputes. ADR involves many different techniques of bringing parties together, however the main ADR processes are negotiation and mediation. The terms mediation and conciliation are used synonymously. Mediation (or conciliation) is the non-binding intervention by a neutral third party who helps the disputants negotiate an agreement. These are traditional mediation, judicial mediation and modern mediation. The nature and role of the mediator is what distinguishes the process of mediation from other dispute resolution processes. The mediator is a facilitator. The mediator should not impose his or her own judgment of the issues upon that of the parties. Mediation is characterized by its flexibility, taking shape in a variety of models. Mediator approach may manifest in either directive or non directive fashion, or somewhere in between. There may be only one session or several. There may or may not be separate meetings, called caucuses, with the mediator. Mediation sessions are confidential and structured to help parties communicate. As mediations develops, distinct mediation strategies such as facilitative and evaluate are emerging. Regardless of which mediation model a court or mediator follows, most mediations progress through the following stages: Pre-mediation phase, the mediation proper and post-mediation phase. There are direct interested provisions about ADR in the Turkish law system such as Code of Lawyer, Code of Criminal Procedure, Code of Labor, Code of Consumer Protection, and Code of Tax Procedure. There are two main provisions on ADR in the Turkish Law. The first statutory provision that supports ADR is in the Code of Lawyer. According to the article 35/A of the Code of Lawyer if the client claims for conciliation, an attorney may invite the opposite sides to conciliation when the case or the trial is not commenced. If the parties reach an agreement at the end of the conciliation, the statue provides that the parties and the attorneys will execute a written agreement disposing of the dispute. The agreement called conciliation minute? signed by clients and their attorneys. Conciliation minute is enforceable in the same manner as any other final judgment. The second provision is in the new Code of Criminal Procedure and in the Penal Code which came into force on June 1, 2005. Article 253 of the Code of Criminal Procedure and article 73 of the Penal Code, contain provisions about victim-offender mediation in a criminal case, depend on a decision by the prosecution or the judge. Only offenses which can be prosecuted by the public prosecutor only upon complaint of the injured party are suitable for mediation. In my view, ADR will be recognized in Turkish judicial system as having a fundamental role to play in the resolution of civil, commercial and criminal disputes. Because lawyers who work on trials or those who encounter enormous difficulties in litigation expect the ADR to be extended to all civil cases. Nowadays, the Code of Civil Procedure does not provide necessary authority to use ADR. However, a broad authority for using ADR process in all civil actions must be given in the Code of Civil Procedure. It is clear that in all fields of civil dispute resolution ADR will play a central and rather important role in the near future.
In this dissertation I present a new analytical approach to the study of women's employment. Using data on 18 OECD countries from the International Social Survey Program (ISSP), I model cross-national variation in "the gap" between women's orientations toward work and family and their employment trajectories over the life course. The existence of a gap at the individual level indicates that a woman followed an employment trajectory that is inconsistent with her work-family orientations--for example, a woman who believes that women should stay at home with young children but who, in fact, worked when her own children were young.The orientations-employment gap has several advantages as an object of study compared to simply modeling women's employment behavior. First, the existence of a gap suggests the presence of social structural factors that operate independently of an individual's work-family orientations and that drive a wedge between their orientations and actual employment behavior. Second, because the gap takes into account women's work-family orientations, it is possible to distinguish between social policies that support women's choice to work versus policies that are commodifying in their effects. The distinction between policies that support women's choice to work and policies that commodify women is important, because work relationships are potentially oppressive, and policies that promote women's freedom to opt out of work may enhance women's leverage, individually and collectively, in the market.Third, the orientations-employment gap uses women's own psychological orientations as a standard for comparison in studying mothers' employment rather than men's occupational outcomes. Because women still shoulder a disproportionate burden of homemaking and childcare responsibilities and suffer employer discrimination based on gender and family status, children may carry significant costs for their mothers, which are reflected in the "gender gap" between women's and men's occupational outcomes (see, e.g., Budig and England 2001 and Goldin 1990). However, it is also important to acknowledge the benefits that accrue to individual mothers (and fathers) and the significance of motherhood as a means of self-actualization. Divergent expectations regarding the costs and benefits of childrearing, as well as the sometimes class-specific ways in which motherhood undergirds adult identity, are among a larger number of factors that produce women's distinct orientations regarding work and family (Gerson 1985; McMahon 1995). Finally, in modeling the orientations-employment gap, it is possible to examine how women's work-family orientations moderate the effects of social policies. In the first chapter I examine whether the effects of childcare-related provisions, labor market conditions, and other factors on mothers' employment trajectories are moderated by their work-family orientations. I distinguish among women with "domestic" and "careerist" orientations, who appear to prioritize homemaking and a career respectively, and a third group of women with "adaptive" orientations, who believe that mothers should reduce their labor force involvement or withdraw from the labor force entirely when their children are young. While it is important to recognize that women's orientations toward work and family change in response to life course events and differences across countries in labor market conditions, women's work-family orientations are not simply a rationalization of the current structure of opportunities and constraints in the environment, as is apparent from the large orientations-employment gaps in many countries. In the main set of analyses in this chapter, I treat mothers' work-family orientations as fixed.I find that the effects of childcare-related provisions and characteristics of the labor market in different countries are highly contingent on mothers' work-family orientations and that mothers generally strive to minimize disagreement between their orientations and actual behavior. For example, my data suggests that mothers pursue distinct compensatory strategies in adapting to high childcare costs: increasing their labor force involvement or reducing their work hours, thus replacing some or all of a childcare worker's labor with their own. But which strategy a woman adopts depends on her work-family orientations. Mothers with careerist orientations are most likely to increase their labor force involvement in response to high childcare costs, while domestic mothers are more likely to pursue the opposite strategy. Furthermore, from my analysis it appears that mothers with domestic orientations use maternity and childcare leave primarily as a means of extending their absence from the labor force. It is among adaptive mothers that maternity leave has the positive effect on employment usually noted in the literature. Even though mothers exhibit a remarkable degree of agency in formulating strategies for the reconciliation of work and family responsibilities, family policy regimes in different countries still have important implications for women's emancipation. In the second chapter I examine variation in the size of the orientations-employment gap between and within countries as a means to assess the emancipatory potential of family policies, broadly defined, in the extent to which they support mothers' access to paid work (Orloff 1993) and decommodification (Esping-Andersen 1990). Despite the importance of decommodification/ commodification as a dimension of variation to earlier welfare state scholarship, the relationship between welfare states, especially as implementers of family policy, and women's access to paid work has received far greater attention in feminist revisions of welfare state scholarship. But the extent to which welfare states support women's freedom to opt out of work--that is, their decommodification--is an equally important dimension of welfare state variation because of the link between this criterion and women's leverage in the market (Esping-Andersen 1990) and the significance of motherhood to some women as a means of self-actualization (McMahon 1995). The typology of family policy regimes suggested by the results from my second dissertation chapter differs in several important respects from the broad picture offered by previous research. First, I find evidence of tension between the very active involvement of the state in supporting (careerist) women's choice to work in the Scandinavian countries and women's decommodification, as illustrated by the large numbers of domestic and adaptive women with young children who are employed in these countries. While my results call into question Esping-Andersen's (1990) characterization of the Scandinavian countries as highly decommodifying and claims that the package of childcare-related benefits and services available to mothers and fathers in these countries facilitates parental choice (Leira 2002b), my results are consistent with arguments made by several scholars (see, e.g., Andersen 2008 and Graafland 2000) that the viability of the large public social service sector in the Scandinavian countries rests on "reproduction going public" (Hernes 1987). As suggested by the large gaps between domestic and adaptive women's work-family orientations and employment behavior, however, the Scandinavian countries have ensured women's high levels of labor force involvement not only by supporting work-centered women's full-time employment, but by inducing home-centered and adaptive women to work when their children are young. I hypothesize that features of public policy such as individual taxation systems in which the (usually male) breadwinner's earnings are taxed at a higher rate than those of the second earner (Sainsbury 1999) and work-related conditions that are attached to the receipt of unemployment insurance and social assistance (Andersen 2010) serve as incentives for mothers to enter the labor market.While the Scandinavian countries are characterized by both their strong support for (careerist) women's choice to work and domestic and adaptive mothers' high levels of labor force involvement, only the latter feature distinguishes the Scandinavian countries from the other countries. Thus, my results suggest that the Scandinavian approach to family policy represents only one route through which countries may promote women's access to paid work. A second major approach to supporting women's employment can be identified in Britain and the United States, where there is greater emphasis on demand side measures and reliance on the private sector and the family in the provision of child care (Michel 1999; O'Connor, Orloff, and Shaver 1999). However, as suggested by my results, these countries are less effective at supporting the labor force participation of mothers who have lower earning power and cannot afford center child care or the services of a nanny. Even in many countries whose family policies are designed around a "male breadwinner" family model (Lewis 1992), including Austria and Germany in Continental Europe, the gap between careerist women's work-family orientations and employment trajectories is relatively small. However, while countries adopt distinct strategies in supporting women's choice to work, each strategy carries unique costs. The very active role of the state in the provision of welfare in the Scandinavian countries rests on the commodification of women, while greater reliance on the private sector and the family in the provision of child care in Britain and the United States have resulted in multi-tiered systems in which the mode of child care used by mothers and the availability of high-quality child care are determined by class. The relatively small gaps between careerist women's work-family orientations and employment trajectories in some Continental European countries such as Austria and Germany may not necessarily point to a distinct strategy for promoting women's access to paid work, but rather, factors that are held in common among most countries, including principles regarding equal pay and equal treatment in employment that are embodied in European Union equality law and improved access to modern and more effective methods of contraception such as the pill.In the third chapter I examine the influence of a wide range of "person-level" factors such as work orientations, human capital characteristics, and family background factors on American women's employment trajectories using data from the National Longitudinal Study of Youth 1979. The more detailed information on women's work histories in this data set enables me to more closely examine the contours of women's labor market careers and to identify certain critical junctures at which women tend to diverge from one another in their work hours. Specifically, the first critical juncture in women's labor market careers occurs in the period following the completion of (or a pause in) schooling and preceding childbirth, during which time most women embark on a male-type employment pattern of continuous full-time employment ("careerist" and "steady withdrawal" women) or work part-time ("adaptive" and "domestic" women). The caretaking responsibilities and financial demands that accompany the birth of the first child constitutes the second critical juncture in women's lives and cause further branching in women's work histories. An important question that I ask is whether the same factors explain divergences in women's employment in the period following the completion of schooling and after childbirth. Interestingly, two important components of women's work orientations (future plans and gender role attitudes) appear to be far more important in explaining divergences in behavior at the first critical juncture than after childbirth.
Dottorato di ricerca in Storia d'Europa: società, politica, istituzioni (XIX - XX secolo) ; La ricerca realizzata ha inteso studiare, in un'ottica di lungo periodo e in una prospettiva complessiva, ciò che ha rappresentato l'esperienza del fascismo in un contesto territoriale periferico e non omogeneo, di cui è espressione quel segmento dell'Umbria meridionale costituito in provincia nel gennaio 1927. Tale area si è rivelata un case study esemplare, in grado di offrire interessanti spunti interpretativi. In effetti, all'unico grande polo industriale della provincia, compreso nel territorio della conca ternana, si contrappone la restante parte del territorio provinciale, comprendente città come Orvieto e Amelia, contrassegnate da consolidate relazioni con le regioni limitrofe, espressione di un'Umbria verde, agricola e mezzadrile, ma anche francescana, terra d'arte, di misticismo, ritenuta dalla pubblicistica di regime "cuore" dell'Italia fascista. A partire da ciò, si è creduto opportuno impostare la ricerca attorno a tre questioni principali, ritenute essenziali per cogliere aspetti e dinamiche della società locale nel ventennio mussoliniano. Per fare questo è stata definita una griglia interpretativa funzionale a verificare il ruolo del Pnf nel quadro del rapporto centro-periferia, continuità-rottura. Si è così puntato a esaminare come il fascismo abbia influito sui processi di formazione e consolidamento dei ceti dirigenti locali, verificandone la capacità di rapportarsi con le vecchie élites, di promuoverne di nuove o, magari, di fare coesistere entrambe. Si è poi cercato di approfondire il ruolo che il partito ha svolto in ambito locale, la sua capacità di inserirsi nelle diverse dinamiche territoriali, di creare e controllare reti clientelari e, soprattutto, di rapportarsi con le due realtà che rimangono fuori dal suo controllo, il grande gruppo polisettoriale rappresentato dalla "Terni" polisettoriale di Bocciardo e la Chiesa locale, il tutto al fine di conseguire i propri obiettivi totalitari. Infine, si è affrontata la questione del consenso. In questo senso, è stato preso in considerazione non soltanto il ruolo della violenza attuata dal fascismo per conquistare il potere e la stessa azione repressiva dispiegatasi negli anni del regime, che si dimostra concreta e reale come è normale in una situazione di dittatura, ma si è provato a fare luce sul dissenso e sulle aree di rassegnazione o di consenso tiepido che sembrano persistere nella società locale. Nel procedere si è poi cercato di coniugare la storia politicoistituzionale con quella sociale e in parte economica, attraverso un costante lavoro di analisi e incrocio delle fonti studiate, scelta ritenuta utile per conseguire gli obiettivi prefissati. Certamente, la riflessione sulle origini, l'affermazione, il consolidamento del fascismo in provincia di Terni, offre sostanziali conferme a quanto una parte della storiografia aveva proposto. Nell'Umbria meridionale il fascismo, nei suoi vertici, sorge e si afferma come punto d'incontro dei ceti dominanti tradizionali. Esso si afferma in quanto strumento della reazione agraria e dei gruppi industriali monopolistici di 2 fronte alla conflittualità contadina e operaia e al dilagare del socialismo. La sconfitta delle élites politiche tradizionali alle elezioni politiche del 1919 e a quelle amministrative del 1920, che seguiva l'effervescenza sociale del biennio rosso; la stipula del patto colonico del 1920 sfavorevole per gli agrari; la stessa esperienza, sebbene breve e contraddittoria, dell'occupazione delle fabbriche, sullo sfondo di una situazione economica difficile, ne determina la reazione, che si concretizza per l'appunto nell'adesione al fascismo. Dapprima nella versione squadrista, capace di sconfiggere sul piano militare gli oppositori, anche grazie al diffuso sostegno degli apparati di sicurezza dello Stato, quindi come blocco elettorale e nuova struttura politica in grado di conquistare il potere, il fascismo si configura come una sorta di union sacrée contro il "bolscevismo", in cui confluiscono conservatorismo agrario ma anche impulsi industrialisti e modernizzatori. Più concretamente, esso viene accorpando tutte quelle correnti politiche, contrapposte tra loro nel primo quindicennio del secolo, che avevano costituito il frastagliato universo giolittiano. In questo senso, come l'analisi dei vertici del Pnf provinciale e degli amministratori locali ha permesso di verificare, sino al 1927 a essere protagonisti sulla scena politica locale sono le forze che tradizionalmente facevano parte del blocco agrario. In primo luogo i proprietari terrieri, molti dei quali appartenenti alla nobiltà, a cui si affiancano esponenti della borghesia delle professioni, le cui proprietà erano cresciute a cavallo tra Ottocento e Novecento, nonché alcuni settori espressione diretta del mondo rurale, come gli agenti di campagna, i fattori, ma anche quei contadini che nei primi anni venti erano riusciti ad accedere alla proprietà della terra. In provincia di Terni quindi, dalla conquista fascista sino all'introduzione della riforma podestarile ma, in gran parte, anche dopo, la presenza ai vertici delle amministrazioni municipali e di quella provinciale di esponenti del notabilato locale, essenzialmente aristocratici, proprietari terrieri, professionisti, si rivela dato costante che permette di accomunare la provincia di Terni a realtà come la Toscana, l'Emilia-Romagna e, anche, a parte dell'Italia meridionale. L'attuazione della riforma podestarile, con le prerogative concesse al prefetto nella nomina dei vertici delle amministrazioni comunali, non sembra variare di molto la situazione, almeno nella prima fase di attuazione della riforma. Come è emerso nei comuni della provincia di Terni, il criterio seguito dai prefetti per l'individuazione dei podestà era connesso con la rilevanza sociale ed economica riconosciuta in una comunità ai candidati alla carica che, senza dubbio, un titolo nobiliare e una professione adeguata erano in grado di assicurare, anche magari a scapito della mancanza di qualche requisito previsto dalla legge istitutiva della riforma podestarile. In questo senso, sembra dunque perpetuarsi un modello burocratico e ottimatizio insieme, grazie al quale il fascismo intendeva presentarsi alle comunità locali con un volto rassicurante, al fine di accattivarsi il favore della popolazione. L'analisi prosopografica dei profili relativi a presidi, consultori provinciali, podestà, membri delle consulte municipali, per il periodo 1926-1943, ha reso possibile definire un quadro che vede sostanzialmente confermata l'analisi fatta in una prospettiva nazionale da Luca Baldissara ormai più di una decina di anni 3 fa1. E' cosi emerso il carattere di classe della rappresentanza politico-amministrativa fascista in questi anni, sebbene con alcune differenze effetto delle specificità socioeconomiche caratterizzanti l'area esaminata. Nello specifico, l'esame condotto sul corpus di 147 amministratori (78 podestà e 69 commissari prefettizi) che si succedono nei Comuni della provincia nell'arco di tempo considerato, ha permesso di tracciare l'identikit di un funzionario con un'età compresa tra i quaranta e i cinquanta anni; in possesso di un titolo di studio elevato (laurea o diploma di scuola superiore); in cui la proprietà della terra riveste un ruolo essenziale, coerentemente al tessuto socio-economico prevalente in provincia, e in cui dal punto di vista della professione esercitata appare predominante la figura del libero professionista (in genere avvocato e notaio). Forte è poi il legame dei podestà con il Pnf, più della metà del campione individuato risulta nel partito dal biennio 1920-1922; al tempo stesso, la maggioranza delle designazioni effettuate dai prefetti avviene in accordo con la federazione provinciale fascista. Sembra quindi delinearsi un quadro d'assieme che nel corso degli anni trenta, in gran parte della provincia, vede la predominanza delle gerarchie notabilari nella gestione del potere locale. Da tale situazione si discosta in parte l'area industriale compresa tra Terni e Narni, in cui come avviene in altri contesti urbani o regionali, attraverso il Pnf si assiste all'ascesa di personalità espressione della media e piccola borghesia urbana, per i quali l'istituto podestarile diventa uno strumento di promozione sociale e di affermazione nella gerarchia del potere locale. L'immagine del governo locale che si profila non è però statica, appare invece dinamica e contrassegnata da una forte conflittualità che, a vari livelli, si dimostra uno dei tratti comuni percepibili sotto l'apparente pacificazione realizzata dal fascismo. La forte instabilità presente nelle amministrazioni comunali della provincia di Terni, attestata dall'elevato numero di commissari prefettizi e di podestà retribuiti che si succedono, è testimonianza non solo delle difficoltà incontrate dai prefetti nella selezione di un ceto dirigente adeguato ma, soprattutto, del tentativo delle élites tradizionali, attraversate da interessi diversi e relazioni clientelari e familiari molteplici, di resistere all'azione omologatrice del regime. Indubbiamente, lo Stato fascista, attraverso la promozione di un modello di podestà fondato su competenza, capacità di agire, allineamento alle direttive dei vertici, in nome della proclamata modernizzazione puntava a ricondurre le periferie sotto il controllo del centro. Ecco allora che la ricerca di una concreta azione di governo delle amministrazioni locali, frequentemente sollecitata dal prefetto, da perseguire, ad esempio, attraverso la realizzazione di opere pubbliche funzionali alla mobilitazione di settori diversi della società, diventava il riferimento attraverso cui misurare l'efficienza e, soprattutto, "l'operosità" degli amministratori locali. L'elevato turnover dei podestà rappresenta pertanto una spia che si presta a misurare significativamente le difficoltà incontrate dal regime nell'affermare la propria azione in periferia. Non di rado tuttavia l'intervento del prefetto sui podestà si rendeva necessario per stroncare le lotte intestine e di fazione che si scatenavano all'interno delle élites locali per la gestione del potere. Le modalità attraverso cui tali scontri si manifestano sembrano esprimere dinamiche del conflitto omogenee a quanto accertato da altri studi 1 Luca Baldissara, Tecnica e politica nell'amministrazione. Saggio sulle culture amministrative e di governo municipale fra anni Trenta e Cinquanta, Il Mulino, Bologna 1998. 4 riguardanti realtà comunali, provinciali e regionali diverse. Esse assumono la forma di lettere, esposti, denunzie anonime, che divengono lo strumento di lotta principale tra le fazioni in una dimensione comunale ma, come è stato accertato in chiave provinciale, anche tra i rappresentanti dei diversi poteri locali, oltre che all'interno degli stessi vertici della federazione fascista ternana. A partire dal 1927, con la nascita della Provincia e l'insediamento di istituzioni politiche e amministrative nella città capoluogo, anche per il fascismo locale inizia una fase nuova, l'esame della quale ha permesso di meglio comprendere come in questa realtà si viene definendo il rapporto con il centro. La genesi della nuova entità territoriale è frutto di una serie di variabili legate, da un lato, alle esigenze politiche amministrative dello Stato fascista divenuto regime; a cui si sovrappongono le dinamiche conflittuali interne al fascismo regionale, che portano alla pacificazione dello stesso e alla nascita della federazione provinciale del Pnf. Infine, un ruolo determinante lo ha l'affermazione della "Terni" polisettoriale, vero e proprio potere forte nella nuova provincia, in grado di dare vita a un originale sistema di fabbrica a metà strada tra paternalismo assistenziale e truck-system. Con essa il regime dialoga direttamente, baypassando la neonata federazione provinciale del Pnf e, se necessario, intervenendo per normalizzarla, come dimostra esemplarmente la vicenda politica e personale di Elia Rossi Passavanti, primo federale e podestà di Terni. In questo senso, la ricostruzione dei percorsi personali e professionali dei vertici dell'amministrazione statale (prefetti e questori), degli organi politici (federali, vicefederali, segretari amministrativi, componenti del Direttorio della federazione fascista) ed economici (membri del consiglio provinciale dell'economia, di quello delle corporazioni e del principale istituto bancario del capoluogo), è stata preziosa per le riflessioni che permette di realizzare rispetto al ruolo avuto dal Pnf in provincia e, specialmente, alle dinamiche politiche che si innescano nei rapporti che il partito instaura con le altre autorità, a cominciare da quella prefettizia. Proprio con riferimento ai prefetti, si è potuto osservare che sui nove che si succedono in provincia di Terni nel periodo considerato, ben sei provengono dal Pnf. Tale fatto non sottende necessariamente un'automatica collaborazione con la federazione fascista, quanto piuttosto sembra rispondere all'esigenza del centro di superare i contrasti esistenti tra la federazione fascista e la prefettura che, invece, è situazione ricorrente in provincia. Nel contempo, il succedersi di dodici federali alla guida del partito è prova di una significativa instabilità, dato peraltro ulteriormente confermato dalla netta prevalenza di personalità estranee all'ambiente locale, ben nove. Questo fatto non esprime solo una certa debolezza del fascismo locale, incapace di fornire un ceto dirigente adeguato, ma dimostra la stessa evoluzione che subisce la figura del segretario federale, nei termini di una spiccata professionalizzazione inquadrabile nel più generale contesto di crescente burocratizzazione del Pnf funzionale a consolidarne il ruolo di mediazione e di intervento nell'amministrazione dello Stato, che si rivela uno dei tratti tipici del Pnf staraciano. In questo senso, le guerre che si scatenano tra prefetto e federale nel corso degli anni trenta, ad esempio per la questione delle nomine dei podestà, in cui ruolo determinante lo acquista ancora una volta l'arma dell'esposto e della lettera anonima, attestano il tentativo portato avanti dal partito di far sentire il proprio peso al fine se non di sovrapporsi, quanto meno di affiancare lo Stato in periferia. Affiora così quella di5 mensione policratica che si configura come uno degli elementi caratterizzanti la politica in periferia negli anni del regime. Nonostante i contrasti che si scatenano tra i poteri, le lotte intestine all'interno del Pnf, la cronica debolezza dimostrata dai ceti dirigenti, la federazione provinciale fascista nel corso degli anni trenta riesce comunque a essere vitale e in grado di esercitare il proprio ruolo ai fini della fascistizzazione della società locale. D'altra parte, ai vertici del partito se si escludono i federali e i loro più stretti collaboratori, le restanti cariche continuano a essere gestite in larga parte dal medesimo nucleo originario fascista, fatto di appartenenti al ceto agrario e alla borghesia delle professioni provenienti, per la maggior parte, dall'area ternana. Ciò attesta lo scarso ricambio generazionale esistente all'interno della federazione, ma anche il peso politico ed economico ricoperto dal capoluogo rispetto all'intera provincia. Questi dirigenti fanno parte dei diversi Direttori federali che si succedono e, talvolta, ricoprono contemporaneamente, laddove la legislazione lo consente, incarichi in organismi quali il Consiglio provinciale dell'economia o, anche, alla guida della principale banca locale. Ai vertici del partito il peso degli appartenenti a settori della piccola borghesia e del ceto operaio è invece minore. Soltanto con l'approssimarsi del secondo conflitto mondiale, si fanno strada figure espressione del ceto impiegatizio, ma anche tecnici e qualche sindacalista con alle spalle una carriera nell'apparato burocratico della federazione provinciale, i quali assumono incarichi di un certo peso, come quello di segretario amministrativo o di componente del Direttorio. In questo modo sembra prefigurarsi, sebbene in maniera timida e non paragonabile a quanto accade in altre province, l'affermazione «dal basso e dalle periferie [di] una nuova classe dirigente del regime totalitario»2. Nel corso degli anni trenta dunque, sebbene tra molteplici difficoltà di natura anche economica, il Pnf riesce a dare vita in provincia a una struttura organizzativa in grado di penetrare e inquadrare la società locale. Peraltro, l'afflusso costante di contributi concessi da enti pubblici diversi (amministrazioni provinciali, comunali, Consiglio provinciale dell'economia) e soggetti privati (la Società "Terni" in primo luogo, ma anche altre aziende) a un partito alla continua ricerca di risorse, che la documentazione amministrativa della federazione ternana ha permesso di verificare, rappresenta testimonianza esemplare degli sforzi profusi dal regime per rendere il Pnf un volano di sviluppo del peculiare welfare funzionale alla fascistizzazione della società locale. In questa prospettiva, il rapporto con la Società "Terni" si è rivelato una chiave di lettura che non è possibile trascurare se si vuole comprendere la natura dell'esperienza fascista in provincia di Terni. Si è visto che la stessa nascita della nuova Provincia è connessa alla questione del controllo delle acque del sistema Nera-Velino, presupposto essenziale per la creazione dell'impresa polisettoriale; così come la stipula della convenzione tra il Comune di Terni e la società guidata da Bocciardo, sanziona di fatto in maniera prepotente la forza non solo della grande azienda, ma l'affermazione dello stesso "centro" sulla "periferia". Da quel momento e anche dopo l'inserimento della "Terni" nel sistema delle partecipazioni statali attra- 2 Marco Palla, Il partito e le classi dirigenti, in Renato Camurri, Stefano Cavazza, Id. (a cura di), Fascismi locali, "Ricerche di Storia politica", a. X, nuova serie, dicembre 2010, 3/10, p. 296. 6 verso l'Iri, operazione che garantì allo Stato il controllo pubblico sull'azienda e sul suo assetto produttivo, la grande impresa per il fascismo ma, più in generale, per la stessa società locale diventa emblematicamente una madre-matrigna. Essa viene percepita come un complesso capitalistico che invade la città e, con i suoi vertici, in grado di dialogare con il centro e, anche, direttamente con il duce, si pone rispetto al Pnf locale in una situazione super partes. Non è così casuale che i federali presentino come risultato della loro azione politica i buoni rapporti che riescono a intrattenere con i vertici aziendali, i quali peraltro si dimostrano costantemente impermeabili all'influenza della federazione fascista. D'altra parte, a partire dalla stipula della convenzione del 1927 e per tutto il decennio successivo la "Terni", insieme al partito, appare senza alcun dubbio uno dei pilastri del regime in provincia. Non soltanto sostiene la federazione provinciale con contributi costanti, essenziali per assicurargli la possibilità di svolgere la propria azione sul territorio; ma, più in generale, con tutto il suo peso di grande gruppo polisettoriale sposa in pieno le politiche economiche, sindacali, sociali del regime, garantendo allo stesso le condizioni per affermare «un sistema di aggregazione/costruzione del consenso/controllo sociale e politico che si adegua al modello del regime reazionario di massa»3. In queste dinamiche si inserisce anche, per quanto è stato possibile accertare in relazione alle fonti disponibili, l'atteggiamento tenuto dalla Chiesa cattolica locale nei riguardi del fascismo. L'analisi condotta con riferimento specifico alla diocesi di Terni-Narni e al vescovo Cesare Boccoleri che la guida nel Ventennio fascista, ha permesso di accertare che, come succede in altre diocesi italiane e coerentemente con le scelte fatte dai vertici vaticani, la Chiesa ternana sembra tenere una posizione di sostanziale appoggio al fascismo e di collaborazione con il Pnf. Ciò emerge in maniera evidente in alcuni momenti: ad esempio, in occasione delle campagne promosse dal regime sul terreno economico e sociale, come per la Battaglia del grano e, soprattutto, dopo la stipula del Concordato, o nel corso della guerra d'Etiopia e di Spagna. Al tempo stesso, anche quando si hanno tensioni nei rapporti tra Stato e Chiesa (per effetto della crisi del 1931 sulle prerogative dell'Azione cattolica o in occasione dell'introduzione delle leggi razziali), le conseguenze concrete per la Chiesa locale sono di scarso rilievo e, comunque, tali da non incidere sostanzialmente sulla natura dei rapporti esistenti con la federazione fascista. Anche la Chiesa locale quindi, sebbene con l'obiettivo di preservare e, per quanto possibile, incrementare la presenza cattolica nella società locale, contribuisce nella sostanza a consolidare e, anche, ampliare il consenso al regime. In particolare, essa si dimostra attiva nel favorire, specialmente nelle aree rurali, quell'azione di «modernizzazione politica» di natura reazionaria, conseguenza del tentativo di organizzazione della società italiana secondo criteri gerarchici e accentratori, che il fascismo è impegnato a portare avanti in periferia. Certamente, un ruolo essenziale ai fini della creazione e, soprattutto, del mantenimento del consenso lo esercita anche la costante opera di vigilanza e repressione di ogni forma di dissenso organizzato e di attività politica di opposizione, che si attua in provincia per opera degli apparati di sicurezza dello Stato fascista. Tale azione si rivela particolarmente efficace se negli anni del regime solo i comunisti, essenzial- 3 Renato Covino, L'invenzione di una regione, Quattroemme, Perugia 1995, p. 58. 7 mente nell'area industriale ternana, riescono a mantenere in vita, per quanto a fatica e in misura ridotta, una forma di opposizione organizzata. E tuttavia, il fatto che continuamente le autorità, sebbene nell'ambito del riconoscimento di quanto fatto dalle diverse organizzazioni del partito a favore del ceto operaio, lamentassero l'inadeguato grado di "comprensione fascista", quando non la scarsa fascistizzazione dei lavoratori delle industrie ternane e la loro "pericolosità" politica, sembra essere la conferma implicita di come in provincia, non solo non scompare l'insofferenza e il dissenso, anche politicamente organizzato, ma, più in generale, sotto la camicia nera, a prescindere dalla propaganda e dall'attività delle differenti istituzioni del regime, non vengono meno nemmeno gli interessi molteplici che contrassegnano la società locale e le diverse realtà presenti sul territorio. In ultima analisi, il fascismo locale appare in grado di esercitare un ruolo attivo nel disegno di fascistizzazione della società, coerentemente con l'accelerazione nel processo di creazione dello Stato totalitario di cui è strumento il Pnf staraciano. Il partito si rivela dunque un vero e proprio centro di potere, espressione di un regime autoritario e tendenzialmente totalitario, con cui, inevitabilmente, tutti i cittadini si trovano a confrontarsi per le necessità della vita quotidiana: in altre parole, a dover essere, almeno una volta nella vita, fascisti. ; This research project is an in-depth study, in a comprehensive and long-term perspective, of what Fascism represented at a local level in a peripheral and non-homogeneous context, as in the case of the Southern Umbria areas, established as an administrative province in 1927. This specific geographical district flagged-up all the prerequisites for an exemplary case study, featuring several significant explanatory points. To this unique large provincial administrative industrial hub located within the Terni basin, other districts, part of the same province, remained juxtaposed. Within their respective areas, these districts included towns such as Orvieto and Amelia, which had strong links with the neighbouring communities, representing the rural, agricultural and mezzadrile aspects of Umbria, land of Saint Francis of Assisi, rich in art and religious meanings, which the Fascist Regime came to proclaim officially as the "heart" of Fascist Italy. On the basis of these introductory remarks, the study focuses its scope of research on three main points, all but essential to understand fully the aspects and dynamics of the local society during the Fascist period, also referred to as the ventennio mussoliniano. An interpretative functional grid has been designed with a view to describe the role of the National Fascist Party (Nfp) within the centre-periphery and continuity-innovation relationships with the previous regime. The study seeks to investigate how Fascism exerted its influence on the establishment and process of strengthening of the local ruling ranks, attesting its ability to relate with the old dominant élites, or promote the emerging of new ones or, in addition, facilitate and support the coexistence of both. Furthermore, the research focuses on the role exerted by the Nfp at a local level, its capability to affect the various localised dynamics of power, to create and control networks of affiliates and, above all, to relate with the two main subjects which remained independent from its control, the important industrial group represented by "Terni" of Bocciardo and the local Catholic Church, with an overarching aim to achieve its totalitarian objectives. Finally, the question of popular consent has also been scrutinised. At one level, the study analyses the 2 role of fascist violence deployed to obtain power and the repressive actions carried out under the Regime, which were highly effective, as one might expect under a dictatorship. At another level, it investigates the popular dissent and the grey areas of passive acceptance and weak consent which were common among strata of the local population. Additionally, in a broader perspective, political and institutional historical analysis has been coupled with social and economic investigation, through a systematic scrutiny and cross-examination of the main sources, as a methodological approach needful to the achievement of the final outcomes of the research. Findings on the origins, development, and strengthening of Fascism within the Terni province appear to concur with the conclusions reached by previous historical research. In the Southern areas of Umbria, Fascism, at its highest level, was brought into power and successfully established by the traditional ruling classes. The establishment of Fascism was supported and facilitated by the agrarian reaction and the monopolistic industrial groups threatened by the discontent of the rural and working classes and the rapid advancement of Socialism. The political defeat of the traditional ruling élites at the 1919 general election and the 1920 local elections, which followed the social turmoil of the so-called red biennium; the agreement of the 1920 patto colonico, disadvantageous to landowners; the occupation of factories, though a brief and contradictory experience, against a background of economic difficulty, caused their reaction and prompted their acceptance and support for Fascism. Firstly, Fascism, in the form of Fascist action squads and their capability of defeating its opponents militarily, with the extensive assistance of the State security services, then as an electoral block and political force capable to achieve power, presented itself as a sort of union sacrée against the threat of Bolshevism into which various groups appear to converge: the agrarian conservatism but also industrial and more modern forces. Undoubtedly, Fascism drew together different political forces, which during the first decade of the twentieth-century had been mutually antagonistic, and segments of the complex and divided political establishment of the Giolitti era. The scrutiny of the highest levels of the local Nfp and civil servants has revealed that, at least till 1927, the main political figures belonged to those forces already part of the agrarian block. Firstly, the landowners, many of whom belonged to the local nobility, supported by members of the professional bourgeoisie, whose estates and wealth had augmented during the nineteenth- and twentieth-century, and other sectors which were the direct expression of the rural milieus, such as the rural agents, farmers, but also those peasants whom, during the first two decades of the twentieth-century, had succeeded in becoming landowners themselves. Therefore in the Terni province, from the establishment of the Fascist regime to the introduction of the office of podestà and, for some time even after, 3 the highest offices of the municipal and provincial administration were held by members of the local nobility, primarily aristocrats, landowners and professionals. This is an invariable characteristic which put the Terni province in alignment with similar situations in Tuscany, Emilia Romagna and other areas of Southern Italy. The administrative reform and the establishment of the podestà authority, together with the prerogatives of the prefectures in appointing members of the highest offices within the municipal administrations, did not radically change, at least during the early phases of the reform, established practice. A survey of the municipalities located within the Terni province, shows that the prefects in the selection process to appoint the podestà took greatly into account the candidates' social and economic status of and, without doubt, a honorific title and tenure of highly considered profession were often sufficient criteria for a candidate to be nominated even when lacking some of the prescribed requisites as outlined by the administrative reform. The Fascist regime therefore, in perpetuating a bureaucratic and grandees system, showed an intention to reassure the existing ruling élites and obtain the support of the local population. A prosopographical analysis of the biographical profiles of headmasters, members of the provincial advice bureaus, podestà, members of the municipal advisory councils, during the 1926-1943 period, has made it possible to outline a summary framework which strongly corroborates the analysis carried out at a national level by Luca Baldissarra over a decade ago.1 What has emerged from this analysis is the class-based character of the Fascist political and administrative representation during those years, though presenting various differences linked to the social and economic specificity of the area scrutinised. In more depth, the study carried out on a corpus of 147 civil servants (78 podestà and 69 prefectural officers) employed by the municipalities of the province during the examined period, made it possible to draw up a profile of the typical officer: between forty and fifty years of age; highly educated (having achieved a high-school or university degree); often a landowner, a characteristic consistent with the social and economic structure prevailing throughout the province, and among whom the status of self-employed (generally lawyer or public notary) represented the most frequent professional position held. Relations between the podestà and the Nfp appear to have been particularly close, over half of the sample identified is composed by individuals who had joined the Fascist Party at an early stage, during 1920-1922; additionally, the majority of the appointments made by the prefects were agreed in advance with the Provincial Fascist Federation. It would therefore appear that during the 1930s, in 1 Luca Baldissara, Tecnica e politica nell'amministrazione. Saggio sulle culture amministrative e di governo municipale fra anni Trenta e Cinquanta, Il Mulino, Bologna 1998. 4 large areas of the province, the highest hierarchies of grandees were the prominent figures holding local high office. The industrial area comprised within the administrative territories of the two municipalities of Terni and Narni, however, appears to contrast with other districts of the province. In this area, as for similar cases in other municipalities or other regional administrations, the Nfp supported the emergence of members of the small and medium local urban bourgeoisie, as the office of podestà became a vehicle of social advancement and an opportunity to climb up the local hierarchy of power. Despite the apparent pacification established forcibly by the Fascist regime, the dynamics of power within the local government remained characterised by extreme unrest and strong conflict at various levels. The sizeable number of prefectural commissioners and remunerated podestà who succeeded in office, often in rapid succession, bears witness to the instability which marred almost all the municipal administrations of Terni province. This is evidence of the obstacles encountered by the prefects during the selection process of a qualified managerial class but, above all, of the resistance put up by the traditional élites of power, motivated by divergent interests and loyalty to various networks of familial and personal relations, to the process of homologation pursued by the Fascist regime. Undoubtedly, the Fascist regime, in implementing a model of podestà based on competence, on the energetic ability to act, on its alignment to official directives, and in order to achieve a modernisation of the administrative system, aimed at placing the local authorities under the prescriptive control of a centralised State. The actual administrative actions implemented by the local administrative offices, frequently under the guidance and pressure of the Prefects, as for example in the case of the accomplishment of public works functional to the civil mobilisation of various segments of the local community, became a measure of their efficiency and, above all, a measurement of how industrious the local administrators should be. The high turn-over of podestà is a clear indication of how difficult it was for the Fascist regime to implement its plans of action in peripheral areas. Additionally, direct intervention by the Prefects was often necessary to put an end to rivalries and internal power struggles which frequently broke out among local élites. These clashes and their manifestations appear to be similar in their dynamics, as pointed out by previous studies, to other cases occurred in different municipalities, provinces and regions. Resorting to anonymous letters, official complaints, accusations, came to represent the instrument to attack and weaken the opposite factions at a local level, within the municipalities, but also within the provincial administration, among the various representatives of the local administration and even the highest offices of the Terni Fascist Federation. From 1927, following the establishment of the 5 Province and the set up of political and administrative authorities in Terni, now seat of local government, a new phase emerged for the local Fascist Party too. The study of this new province has facilitated the understanding of its relations with central authorities. The establishment of this new local administration was the result of various circumstances linked to the political requirements of the Fascist State following the transition to a totalitarian regime. Additionally, the internal conflict dynamics of the regional Fascist Party played an important role. These led to the inner pacification of the Party and the set up of a Nfp Provincial Federation. Finally, the establishment of "Terni" had a pivotal role too. "Società Terni" (also referred to as "La Terni") came to represent the real "strong power" of the province, capable of imposing a factory regimen based partially on paternalistic assistance and partially on a truck-system model. The Fascist regime dealt directly with "Terni", bypassing the newly-established Nfp Provincial Federation and, where necessary, intervened to impose its authority, as the political and personal vicissitudes of Elia Rossi Passavanti, the first Federal secretary and podestà of Terni, exemplified. In this perspective, drawing together personal and professional career paths of the highest officers (prefects and police commissioners), of both political (federals, deputy federals, administrative secretaries, members of the Fascist Federation Federal Bureau) and economic authorities (members of the Provincial Economic Council, members of the Provincial Corporations Council and of the main bank) has represented an invaluable study, conducive to the understanding of the Nfp's role within the province and, in addition, of the political dynamics at play among the Fascist Party and other authorities, such as the prefectures. With specific reference to the prefects, it is worth noticing that of the nine prefects in office in the Terni province during the period under scrutiny, as many as six were Nfp members. This situation, however, did not necessarily imply a spontaneous collaboration between the prefectures and the Fascist Federation, but it would appear to have been a response to the need of overcoming the conflictual antinomy between the two authorities, which was a recurrent event throughout the Terni province. In addition, the succession of twelve Federals as leaders of the Fascist Party bears witness to a pervasive instability, a fact which is also confirmed by the noticeable preference given to individuals, as many as nine, unconnected with the local milieu. This is certainly a clear manifestation of the local Fascist Party's weakness - which appeared unable to express and produce capable managerial ranks - and of the evolution of the Federal Secretary's role, becoming more and more a professional one, in the context of the remarkable bureaucratisation of the Nfp, aimed at strengthening its mediatory and interventional role on the local administration, one of the main characteristics of the Nfp 6 under the leadership of Starace. Within this framework, the contrast between the prefects and the Fascist Federal secretaries during the 1930s, with regard, as a case in point, to the appointments of the podestà, and the crucial utilisation of official complaints and anonymous letters, bears witness to the Party's attempt to impose its decisions or, at least, to influence the administration at a local level. This, in turn, resulted in a situation of polycracy, which was one of the factors denoting local politics during the Fascist regime. During the 1930s, despite deep rooted conflict among the authorities, the internal power struggles within the Nfp and the endemic ineptitudes of the ruling class, the Fascist Provincial Federation was successful in exerting and promoting the fascistisation of the local community. It is manifest that the highest authorities within the National Fascist Party, with the exception of the Federals and their closest advisors, remained the domain of the original Fascist core, composed by members of the rural class and the bourgeoisie originating primarily from the Terni area. This explains the inadequate generational change within the Fascist Federation and, in addition, the political and economic importance of the Terni area in comparison to the entire province. These political figures were part of the various Federal Bureau and, in some cases at the same time, if the law permitted, held additional offices in different institutional bodies, such as the Economic Provincial Council or were in charge of the main local bank. On the contrary, the influence exerted on the high levels of the National Fascist Party by the small bourgeoisie or by members of the working class remained negligible. It was only with the approach of the Second World War that members of the clerical class, but also technicians and a few tradeunionists already employed within the bureaucratic structure of the Provincial Federation, acquired an enhanced importance and gained access to higher office, such as administrative secretaries or members of the Federal Bureau. The Terni area too, though in a more limited way, which bears not comparison with other provinces, saw the rising «from the bottom and the periphery of a new ruling class within the totalitarian regime»2. During the 1930s therefore, despite various difficulties, including economic issues, the Nfp was successful in creating at a provincial level an organisational structure capable of influencing and organising the local community. Additionally, the regular flow of financial contributions bestowed by various public authorities (provincial administrations, municipalities, Provincial Economic Council) and private companies ("La Terni", first of all, but other businesses too) to a political party constantly seeking financial backing, as thoroughly documented by records of the Terni Fascist Federation, bears witness to the outstanding efforts the Regime made to 2 Marco Palla, Il partito e le classi dirigenti, in Renato Camurri, Stefano Cavazza, Id. (a cura di), Fascismi locali, "Ricerche di Storia politica", a. X, nuova serie, dicembre 2010, 3/10, p. 296. 7 successfully present the Nfp as a conducive mean to the development of this specific welfare model, with a view to promote the fascistisation of the local community. In this perspective, the Nfp's relation with the "Società Terni" is key to understanding the nature of the Fascist Regime and its role within the Terni province. The establishment of a Province was connected to the control of the water-system of the two rivers Nera-Velino, essential to create an industrial hub; similar reasons were behind the agreement stipulated between the Terni municipality and the Bocciardo Company, which came to sanction resolutely the importance of the Company and, additionally, the supremacy of the "centre" over the "periphery". It was from this period and following the inclusion of "Società Terni" within the system of state-controlled industries through the Institute for Industrial Reconstruction, a transaction which secured State control over the Company and its productive branches, that "La Terni" became firmly linked to Fascism and, more in general, to the local community, though in a controversial and ambivalent mutual relation. The Company was perceived as a capitalistic enterprise which took over the city, its directors being able to negotiate with the central Government directly and with the Duce himself, taking a super partes position in relation to the local Nfp. It was not a fortuitous occurrence that the Federal secretaries gauged their political influence against the effectiveness and strength of the relations they were able to maintain with the executive directors of "Società Terni", whom, on their part, appeared to be impenetrable to any influence exerted by the local Fascist Federation. Additionally, following the 1927 agreement and during the ensuing decade, "La Terni", in conjunction with the Fascist Party, appeared to become, without doubt, one of the main pillars of the province. At one level, it supported the Fascist Provincial Federation through a constant flow of financial contributions, vital to bankroll the Federation's activities within the province; but, at a more general level, asserting its influence as a large industrial group, it was capable of shaping the economic, trade-union and social policies of the Fascist regime, creating those conditions to establish «a system of aggregation/disaggregation of the social and political consensus/control conforming to the mass reactionary regime model»3. Within this dynamic interactions, and on the basis of documents available, the local Catholic Church played a significant role in relation to the Fascist Party. With reference to the specific case of the Terni-Narni dioceses and bishop Cesare Boccoleri, the Church's main leader during the Fascist ventennio, this research has showed that, as in the case of other Italian 3 Renato Covino, L'invenzione di una regione, Quattroemme, Perugia 1995, p. 58. 8 dioceses and in alignment with the decisions taken by the Vatican, the Church authorities in Terni supported the Fascist apparatus and adhered to a policy of collaboration with the Nfp. This was particularly manifest on specific occasions: for example during the economic and social campaigns promoted by the Regime, as a case in point the so-called "Battle of the wheat" and, above all, following the 1929 Concordat with the Catholic Church, or during the Ethiopian and Spanish conflicts. At the same time, even when tensions arose and marred the relations between the Fascist regime and the Catholic Church (following the 1931 crisis caused by the limitations imposed on the prerogatives of Azione Cattolica or the adoption of the 1938 racial laws), the consequences for the local Church were negligible and did not appear to affect the on-going relations with the local Fascist Federation. The local Church therefore in pursuing the aim of preserving and, wherever possible, augmenting the Church's influence on the local community, contributed to reinforce and widen consensus for the Fascist regime. More specifically, the Church's actions were particularly effective in encouraging, especially in rural areas, that precise process of "political modernisation", though reactionary at its core, based on organising the entire Italian society on hierarchical and centralising criteria, which Fascism was promoting particularly at a local level. Additionally, and without doubt, the important function to create and, above all, to maintain a high level of consensus was exerted by the pervasive surveillance and repression of any form of dissent and political opposition, enforced within the province by the Fascist security services. A repressive action which was extremely effective and, during the dictatorship, only the Communist Party, despite being hemmed in to the Terni industrial area, was able to maintain, albeit with great difficulty and in a limited way, a form of organised resistance. The fact that the Fascist authorities continuously, though recognising what had been achieved by the Party's multifarious organisations to favour and support the working classes, lamented the feeble "fascistisation" of the Terni industrial workforce and their being "politically dangerous", would appear to confirm implicitly that throughout the province the opposition and political dissent had not completely ceased. More in general, under the "black shirts", despite the propaganda and the activities of various Fascist authorities and institutions, it remained evident that the diversified interests which characterised the local society and the different realities rooted at local level persisted. Ultimately, the local Fascist Party appeared capable of exerting an active role in the "fascistisation" process of society, in alignment with the creation and implementation of a totalitarian state, being the main objective of the National Fascist Party under the leadership of Starace. The Nfp was therefore a real centre of power, expression of an authoritarian 9 regime leaning toward totalitarianism. A regime against which all citizens had to relate for their everyday life needs: that is to say, all citizens had to act, at least outwardly, as fascists.
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For the past several years now, a phalanx of defense officials and retired senior officers have been lamenting the dearth of people willing to serve in the U.S. military. The problem is particularly acute for the Army, the largest of the U.S. forces, which fell short of its target by 25,000 recruits over the past two years. The situation is so grave that experts claim it imperils the all-volunteer force, an institution that has provided manpower for the American military for half a century. Why does the Army, an organization that prides itself on achievement, fail at this fundamental task? Excuses tend to focus on market dynamics such as shrinking recruiting pools, lack of knowledge among American youth about service opportunities, and impacts from COVID 19. These factors are undoubtedly relevant, but are they the actual cause of the Army's failure? Current officials seem to think so. After failing in 2022, the Army increased its efforts to convince young people to serve. This, combined with a campaign to overcome "misperceptions" about life in the military, was a primary focus of the branch's $104 million advertising budget in 2023. Additionally, the Army estimated it invested over $119 million in the future soldier preparatory course. This new program enabled young Americans, initially disqualified because of low aptitude scores or high body-fat results, the opportunity to improve their marks. The Army claimed over 8,800 recruits completed the course and moved on to basic combat training. In the end, however, none of these initiatives enabled the force to achieve its quotas. If market dynamics are not the underlying cause of the crisis, what is? I believe that the Army fails to meet its recruiting goals not because of a challenging market environment, but rather because a sizable portion of the American public has lost trust in it and no longer sees it as an institution worthy of personal investment. Professor of sociology Piotr Sztompka defines trust as "a bet about the future contingent actions of others." He presents the concept of trust in two components: beliefs and commitment. Essentially, a person trusts when they believe something about the future and they act in accordance with this belief. This is directly relevant to recruiting: in a high trust environment, people are more likely to enlist because they have a reasonable expectation of future benefit. Unfortunately, anyone considering service today can look to myriad examples of the Army failing to meet their end of the bargain. Whether it is a lack of adequate and safe housing for soldiers and their families, the persistence of sexual assault, an inability to address suicide rates or to accurately account for property and funds — or even to develop a comprehensive physical fitness test — the Army, and the Department of Defense more broadly, consistently fail to achieve results. But these shortcomings, while disastrous, pale in comparison to the Army's ultimate failure: the failure to win wars. In his book, "Why America Loses Wars," Donald Stoker reminds us that winning in war means, "the achievement of the political purpose for which the war is being fought." Judging by this standard, the Army has clearly failed at its raison d'être, to fight and win the nation's wars, over the past two decades. This failure has come at catastrophic cost: the loss of over 900,000 lives, the death of over 7000 U.S. service members, and the depletion of eight trillion dollars. Additionally, on the international scene, the U.S. has bled influence, and levels of violence are on the rise. Considering the wreckage listed above, it is little wonder that the American people have markedly lost confidence in the institution and its leaders in recent years and could explain the unwillingness to volunteer for service. Essentially, signing up for the military is starting to look like a really bad bet. Adding insult to injury, a recent survey of military members indicates their enthusiasm to recommend military service has also declined significantly. While quality of life issues are highlighted as a concern, one cannot ignore the impact of failed wars on this trend. The 2021 Afghanistan withdrawal, leaving the Taliban in control of the country after 20 years, has left veterans feeling betrayed and humiliated, and naturally, unlikely to encourage others to follow their path in life. Instead of flailing about trying to overcome challenging market dynamics, therefore, the Army should immediately commit to fixing itself. It can start by admitting its significant failures and its baffling inability to be honest with the American public about them. There are plenty of retired officers who have had public epiphanies about these systematic failures, but this kind of candor and responsibility needs to propagate among currently serving senior officials across the defense enterprise and the political establishment.Once honesty is re-established as a core value, and the Army has come to grips with the fact that it failed, it can then begin to explore the reason why. Simply put, the Army fails because it is set up to fail. It was asked to accomplish objectives in Afghanistan and Iraq that it could not possibly hope to achieve. Professors Leo Blanken and Jason Lapore point out what every senior defense official should clearly understand by now: that despite its impressive capabilities, the U.S. military is of limited utility in the type of non-existential conflicts we have fought in the past two decades. This is because the U.S. military is built for and excels at "battlefield dominance," yet it was saddled with conducting counterinsurgency, reconstruction and building democratic institutions, tasks it was not trained for or prepared to accomplish.These revelations are not new, senior defense officials should have understood these dynamics all along, and speaking frankly, they did. From General Shinseki's ignored warnings about the number of troops at the beginning of the Iraq invasion, to ongoing assessments throughout both the Iraq and Afghanistan wars, it seems that it was clear throughout the defense establishment (at least behind closed doors) that the U.S. military could not and would not achieve the nation's political objectives. Yet despite this, top defense officials assured the American public that the U.S. military was "making progress" towards its goals, right up to the point that it was manifestly evident that they were not. And yet, at precisely the moment the American public is looking for accountability, many of the same senior officials who failed to achieve results for the nation, are instead rewarded with lucrative positions in the defense industry and with foreign countries. Seeing that the military refuses to hold itself accountable, it is unsurprising that by withholding their most precious resources, their sons and daughters, the American public is. The service's leadership handbook states that "trust is the foundation of the Army's relationship with the American people, who rely on the Army to ethically, effectively and efficiently serve the Nation."To earn back the trust of the American people and solve the recruiting crisis, the Army is going to have to do what everyone else has to do when relationships are broken: accept responsibility and begin to show, by deeds not words, a commitment to change. Senior Army officials could immediately improve by critically examining the "unquestioned assumptions that form the basis of…American grand strategy," reevaluating military officer professional development models, and understanding how misaligned military incentive structures work against achieving policy goals. Regardless of the approach, it should be laser-focused on delivering the ethical, effective and efficient service to the nation mentioned above.If the Army lets this opportunity pass them by, however, claims that the military and the broader defense establishment are in a position to decisively win the nation's wars lack credibility, as the American public will understandably remain uneasy about making a personal investment in the Army.
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An American envoy and a Bahraini academic posed for the camera at a Washington hotel in October 2020, grinning ear to ear. They held a copy of an agreement between the U.S. State Department and the King Hamad Global Center for Peaceful Coexistence to combat antisemitism in Bahrain. Ellie Cohanim, then the U.S. assistant special envoy to monitor and combat antisemitism, called it "a model for a society that actively espouses religious freedom, tolerance and diversity of peoples."Thousands of miles away, in Bahrain itself, Sheikh Zuhair Jasim Abbas was sitting in a solitary confinement cell. His family had not heard from him since July. They would not again for several more months. According to a UN panel, the Shi'a Muslim cleric was allegedly beaten, starved, sleep-deprived, chained, attacked with water hoses, forbidden from using the bathroom, threatened with execution, and prevented from practicing his religious rituals.The Abraham Accords, the diplomatic agreements between Israel, Bahrain, and the United Arab Emirates, have been hailed as a victory for religious tolerance. The image of Muslims and Jews dancing together has convinced American policymakers from both parties that peace is breaking out across the Middle East. The Biden administration is reportedly offering the Saudi government a huge bribe — perhaps even a commitment to go to war on the kingdom's behalf — to get Saudi Arabia into the Abraham Accords as well.New York Times columnist Thomas Friedman seems to sum up the Biden administration's logic: that a Saudi-Israeli agreement would "open the way for peace between Israel and the whole Muslim world" and "dramatically reduce the Muslim-Jewish antipathy born over a century ago with the start of the Jewish-Palestinian conflict."But the Abraham Accords are attached to a social order that is deeply unequal, divided along ethnic and religious lines. While Israel allows foreign Muslims to visit Jerusalem, it rules over millions of Palestinians against their will. (That conflict is more about nationalism in the here and now than "Muslim-Jewish antipathy.") And while some monarchies in the Persian Gulf are beginning to embrace foreigners of different religions, those same states — especially Bahrain — treat their native Shi'a Muslims as a potential fifth column.For the past few years, some of the Gulf monarchies have been engaged in a project to replace Israel with Iran as the main enemy of the Arab masses. On one hand, these countries have repressed pro-Palestine activism and promoted an image of Palestinians as parasitic ingrates. On the other hand, they have encouraged fears of Iranian power, often conflating Iran with Shi'a Muslims as a whole. Israel has encouraged both prejudices as part of its outreach to Middle Eastern publics. Rather than a victory for religious tolerance, the Abraham Accords are the culmination of an attempt by Israel and its new Gulf allies to rearrange their official enemy lists.In 2018, as Israel was beginning direct talks with Emirati and Bahraini diplomats, Israeli military spokesperson Avichay Adraee turned into a fountain of anti-Shi'a incitement. Quoting medieval Sunni scholars, Adraee claimed on video that Shi'a Muslims are "fundamentally hypocrites and liars who invent falsehoods to ruin Islam." A few months later, he complained that Iran is "transforming citizens into Shi'a" across the Arab world.After the Abraham Accords were signed, Adraee ranted that Sunni Palestinians who prayed alongside Shi'a were leaving the fold of Sunni Islam: "How do these 'believers' justify praying behind those who stab the back of the Sunni world?" The spirit of Muslim-Jewish reconciliation, with its emphasis on interfaith photo ops, clearly does not apply to Sunni-Shi'a relations.It's worth noting that, although Iran is the largest Shi'a-majority state, most Shi'a Muslims live outside of Iran, in India, Pakistan, and the Arab world. And religious Shi'a have been at the forefront of resisting the Iranian theocracy, both inside and outside Iran. However, casting all Shi'a as Iranian agents serves a political purpose. Unrest in areas like eastern Saudi Arabia or Bahrain, where the majority of the population is Shi'a, can be dismissed as foreign terrorism, rather than a case of Arab citizens demanding equal rights. In the words of one Saudi commentator, Arabs who embrace Shi'a identity politics "have sadly become Persian."While trying to terrify Sunnis about the Iranian menace, the Israeli government has also worked to turn Iranians against Palestinians. Last year, when a few Iranian protesters were filmed stomping on a Palestinian symbol, the Israeli foreign ministry loudly promoted that image. The ministry's Persian-language account is filled with sarcastic jokes about the "oppressed Palestinians," along with claims that "they teach hatred and violence" to their children.As the Abraham Accords were finalized, the Gulf states that moved closer to Israel also began to take more of an anti-Palestinian line. Americans celebrated, and rightfully so, when Saudi television or the Emirati school system presented a more sympathetic view of Jews. At the same time, however, Saudi and Emirati media figures got louder about what they considered Palestinian "treachery." In the words of a Saudi soap opera character, the average Palestinian is an ingrate who "doesn't appreciate you standing by him, who curses you day and night — more than the Israelis." Given the heavy censorship that Saudi and Emirati media are subject to, this change in tone must have reflected official policy. Just as political concerns led Gulf states to tone down anti-Jewish prejudice, different political concerns could lead them to tone down other prejudices. At times when Israeli authorities aggressively asserted their sovereignty over Islamic holy sites — especially under the ultra-nationalist Israeli government elected in 2022 — the Gulf has returned to a more pro-Palestine tone. After Saudi Arabia mended ties with Iran earlier this year, Saudi authorities loosened restrictions on Shi'a pilgrims, and prominent Saudi propagandist Hussain al-Ghawi embraced Shi'a as his Muslim brothers. Ironically, American media did not celebrate the Saudi-Iranian pact as the dawn of religious harmony, but instead raised the alarm that Washington was losing its influence in the region.The American cultural understanding of the Middle East is centered on Israel, and anti-Palestinian racism is normalized in U.S. politics. On the other hand, Washington views Sunni-Shi'a sectarianism as a geopolitical game. During the occupation of Iraq and the decades of war that followed, U.S. policymakers treated "Sunni" and "Shi'a" like pieces on a chessboard, debating which side to favor at any given time. Instead of seeing this sectarianism as a terrible policy failure, U.S. politicians blamed Muslims' own attachment to "tribalism" and "conflicts that date back millennia," as former President Barack Obama put it.And so the Abraham Accords help flatter American elites. Israel and its Gulf allies can make a big show of overcoming Muslim-Jewish tensions — which Americans see as the central moral question of the Middle East — with U.S. support. The other prejudices involved in maintaining the system simply don't register on Americans' radar.Other states are starting to appeal to the West through the same strategy. Azerbaijan is fighting a brutal ethnic conflict against Armenia. Meanwhile, the Azerbaijani government has made a big show of hosting foreign Christian and Jewish delegations. Those guests often go on to praise Azerbaijan as an oasis of Muslim tolerance — rather than a secular nationalist dictatorship whose ethnic hatred of Armenians outweighs any religious concern.It's noble to want American diplomats to resolve conflicts and promote harmony between religions. But the Abraham Accords are intentionally misleading in that regard. Under the guise of peacemaking, the alliance helps authoritarian governments maintain divisions, albeit among communities that U.S. elites don't care about. The real path to peace comes through justice and mutual respect, not simply rearranging enemy lists.
Tutkimuksessa selvitetään, missä määrin työpaikkojen työsuojeluvalvontaa toteutetaan alueellisesti eri tavalla eli toteutuuko valvonta työpaikoilla yhtenäisesti eri puolilla Suomea. Tutkimuksen ennakko-oletuksena on, että merkittävä syy työsuojeluvalvonnan alueelliseen erilaisuuteen on valvonnan organisointi viiden itsenäisen aluehallintoviraston työsuojelun vastuualueen tehtäväksi. Työsuojeluhallintoa ja työsuojeluvalvonnan toteutumisen yhtenäisyyttä työpaikoilla ei ole tutkittu tieteellisesti 2000-luvulla. Tämä tutkimus arvioi työsuojeluhallinnon rakennetta ja valvonnan toteutumista sekä hallinnon että työpaikkojen näkökulmasta. Tutkimus antaa sekä tieteellisesti perusteltuja teoreettisia että hallinnon asiakkaiden näkökulmia työsuojeluhallinnossa käynnissä olevaan valvonnan yhtenäistämiskehitykseen. Tutkimuksen teoreettisena viitekehyksenä on hallinnon evaluaatiotutkimus, joka tarkoittaa hallinnon toimivuuden arviointia käyttäjä- ja asiakasnäkökulmasta. Työsuojeluhallinto toteuttaa työpaikoille kohdistuvaa työsuojeluvalvontaa työsuojelutarkastuksina, jolloin hallinnon asiakkaita ovat työpaikat ja niiden työnantajat ja työntekijät. Pääasiallisena tutkimusaineistona ovat valvontatietojärjestelmä Veran raportit ja niistä tehdyt 27 valvonnan alueellista vertailua sekä henkilöhaastattelut, jotka kohdistuvat 52:een työsuojeluhallinnon, työmarkkinajärjestöjen ja työpaikkojen työsuojeluhenkilöön. Tutkimuksessa on kolme päälukua: työsuojeluhallituksen aika 1973-1993, itsenäisten alueellisten työsuojeluviranomaisten aika vuodesta 1993 lähtien sisältäen työmarkkinajärjestöjen roolin työsuojeluvalvonnassa ja valvonnan alueellinen vertailu. Tutkimusmatkani kohti yhtenäistä työpaikkojen työsuojeluvalvontaa alkoi työsuojeluhallituksesta, joka perustettiin vuonna 1973 osana hyvinvointivaltion rakentamista ja valtiojohtoista suunnitteluoptimismia. Valtiollinen työsuojelu koottiin yhden ministeriön alaisuuteen. Työsuojeluhallituksen aikana oli keskusjohtoinen, ainakin osittain yhtenäinen työsuojeluvalvonta, mutta keskusviraston toiminta ei onnistunut, koska työnantajat vastustivat sitä koko ajan pitäen sen toimintaa konspiratiivisena, vehkeilevänä. Työsuojeluhallitus lakkautettiin vuonna 1993 osana keskusvirastojärjestelmän purkamista 1990-luvun alun taloudellisen laman seurauksena. Valtion harjoittamaa sääntelyä purettiin hallinnon kaikilla sektoreilla, ja hallintoa madallettiin lähemmäksi asiakasta. Valtion merkitystä vähennettiin koko yhteiskunnassa ja hyvinvointivaltiosta tehtiin kilpailuvaltio, jolloin markkinaliberalismi ja New Public Management voimistuivat. Työsuojeluhallituksen lakkautuksessa tehtiin ehkä muutakin politiikkaa; pirstaloimalla valvovaa hallintoa heikennettiin samalla työpaikoille kohdistuvaa keskitettyä valvonnan voimaa. Itsenäisten alueellisten työsuojeluviranomaisten aikana vuodesta 1993 lähtien entisten työsuojelupiirien ja nykyisten aluehallintoviraston työsuojelun vastuualueiden toiminnallinen itsenäisyys korostui. Hallinnon toiminnassa näkyy, ettei työsuojeluvalvonnalla ole yhteistä keskusjohtoa. Sosiaali- ja terveysministeriön työ- ja tasa-arvo-osasto, jonka alaisuuteen työsuojelu keskushallinnossa kuuluu, toteuttaa Kansainvälisen työjärjestön ILO:n (International Labour Organization) sopimusten tulkintaa, että työsuojeluhallinto on riippumaton valvontatehtävää suorittaessaan eikä ministeriö siten puutu valvonnan alueellisiin menettelytapoihin. Tutkimus käsittelee myös työsuojeluhallinnon laajaa yhteistyötä työmarkkinajärjestöjen kanssa. Järjestöt osallistuvat kaikkeen päätöksentekoon, jossa käsitellään hallinnon tavoitteita, painopisteitä, valvontaohjeita ja resursseja. Tutkimuksessa arvioidaan edustuksellisen demokratian näkökulmasta korporatiivisen etujärjestövaikutuksen ja hallinnon suhdetta riippumattoman työsuojeluvalvonnan päätöksenteossa ja toimeenpanossa. Tarkastuskertomuksiin perustuva alueellisen valvonnan vertailu osoittaa, että työsuojeluvalvonta on eriytynyt vastuualueittain. Työpaikkojen kunnossaolo määritellään usein eri tavalla, joten tarkastajien valvoma työturvallisuuden minimitaso ei toteudu yhdenmukaisesti koko maassa. Siten velvoitteita korjata tai poistaa työturvallisuusepäkohtia annetaan eri tavalla ja lopputuloksena on se, ettei työnantajia kohdella tasapuolisesti. Tutkimuksen johtopäätöksenä on, että työsuojeluvalvonta on osa kansallista hallintotoimintaa ja laillisuusvalvontaa, ei alueellista tai paikallista hallintoa. Työsuojelu ei eroa toimialoittain maantieteellisesti, koska eri ammattialojen työ on pääpiirteissään samanlaista koko maassa ja niiden työturvallisuus ei juurikaan eroa maantieteellisesti. Tämän vuoksi myös työsuojeluvalvonnan pitäisi olla yhdenmukaista koko maassa. Suomeen pitäisi perustaa Pohjoismaiden mallin mukainen työsuojelun keskusorganisaatio, joka koordinoisi yhtenäistä laillisuusvalvontaa samalla tavalla kuin Poliisihallitus, Syyttäjälaitos ja uusi Tuomioistuinvirasto koordinoivat toimialojensa laillisuusvalvontaa ja toiminnan menettelytapoja. ; This study examines the extent to which workplace occupational safety and health (OSH) enforcing is carried out differently across the Finnish regions, in other words whether workplace enforcing is uniform across Finland. The presupposition of the study is that an important reason for the regional disparity in labour inspection is the decentralized organization of the inspection to by the five independent divisions of occupational health and safety of the regional state administrative agency. The OSH administration and the uniformity of the implementation of OSH in the workplace have not been scientifically studied in the 21st century. This study assesses the structure and implementation of the OSH administration from the perspective of both the administration and the workplace. The study provides a scientifically justified analysis covering both theoretical and customers' perspectives on OSH management and the ongoing integration of health and safety enforcement. The chosen theoretical approach of the study is the administrative evaluation framework, which means assessing the functionality of administration from the user and customer perspective. The Labour Inspectorate carries out workplace safety inspections in the form of occupational safety inspections, whereby the customers of the administration are the workplaces and their employers and employees. The main research material are OSH inspection database Vera reports and personal interviews carried out with 52 persons in the job protection administration, labour organizations and employment OSH personnel. The study consists of three main empirical chapters: the Labour Protection Board, the Central Office 1973-1993, the independent Regional Labour Inspectorate since 1993, including the role of labour organizations in labour inspection and the regional comparison of labour inspection. Shift towards an integrated job labour inspection started with the Labour Protection Board which was established in 1973 as part of the construction of the welfare state during the era of optimism in state-directed planning State labour protection was brought together under one ministry. The Labour Protection Board the system was center-led, at least regarding uniform occupational health and safety enforcing, but the Board's operations were not successful, mainly because the employers were opposed to it throughout its existence. The Labour Protection Board was abolished in 1993 as part of the dismantling of the central office system that followed the economic recession in the early 1990s. State regulation in all sectors of government was decentralized and administration was brought closer to the customers. The role of the state was diminished in society as a whole and the welfare state became a competitive state, with neoliberalism and New Public Management becoming stronger. Other objectives were also part of the decision to abolish the Labour Protection Board; at the same time, the fragmentation of supervisory authorities weakened the efficiency of workplace control. The era of the independent regional labour inspectorates since 1993 underlines the functional independence of the former OSH Inspectorate and the current division of occupational health and safety of the regional state administrative agency. The operation shows that there is no common central management for labour enforcement. The Department for Work and Gender Equality of the Social and Health Ministry, which is responsible for occupational safety in central administration, interprets International Labour Organization (ILO) conventions as meaning that the labour administration is independent in carrying out its supervisory function. Thus, the Ministry does not interfere with regional control procedures. The study also deals with the extensive co-operation between the labour protection administration and the labour market organizations. Trade unions are involved in all decision-making concerning management objectives, priorities, control guidelines and resources. The study examines the influence of corporatist interest groups and the governance of occupational health and safety enforcing decision-making and implementation from the perspective of representative democracy. A comparison of regional control based on inspection reports shows that OSH control of occupational health and safety has varied between the regional divisions. The condition of workplaces is often defined differently, so the minimum level of occupational safety supervised by inspectors is not uniformly applied throughout the country. Thus, obligations to remedy or eliminate occupational safety deficiencies in workplaces are given different treatment and the result is that employees are not treated equally. The conclusion of the study is that health and safety control should be in the competence of national administration and judicial review, not regional or local administration. Occupational safety and health does not differ geographically by industry, as the work of the various occupations is broadly similar throughout the country and there is little geographical variation in occupational safety. For this reason, labour inspection should also be uniform throughout the country. Finland should set up the Nordic model of a more centralized OSH system, which would coordinate an integrated review of legality in the same way as the National Police Board, the Prosecutor's Office and the Court of Justice co- ordinate the law enforcement and operational procedures of their respective sectors.
The aim of this article is to show the high level of corruption offences and the ineffectiveness of the existing legal and institutional solutions in the Balkan states, which are part of the Three-Seas initiative. The effectiveness of the regulations in force in these countries deviates from the standards set by the European Union. This has implications for the success of the Three-Seas-Initiative. The current state of affairs is the result of clashing ideas about the membership of Balkan countries in a particular sphere of influence. The services of the Russian Federation (GRU or SWR) play a significant role in maintaining the current status quo. Observation of corruption offences in the Balkans shows that the bodies set up to investigate corruption offences do not have effective powers to prevent, detect and prosecute such offences. An evaluation of the regulations in force in this area shows that they are ineffective. 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