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The purpose of this study is to analyze the law authority through criminal law politics states in the law concerning corruption. This study employed a normative juridical method with conceptual and statue approaches. This research collected the data from primary and secondary legal materials. These are to obtain a critical study of legal issues happening in society. The findings revealed that the criminal act of corruption does not provide a deterrent effect and is actually detrimental to the state. In addition, this study also found that the law concerning corruption increases the state's burden. This is because the prison sentence for corruptors is too light. The amount of money proceeds from corruption is not comparable to state spending in supporting the life of corrupt convicts in prison. The standard of penalty state in the law is too light compare to the result of corruption. Thus, it is necessary to reform the law on corruption due to the absence of proportionality in law and large losses to the state when dealing with corruption. The highest standard penalty for corruption only amounts to one billion Rupiah. In fact, many corruption cases reach to tens billions and even trillions rupiahs.

Crime and criminal justice / Michael Tonry -- Crime trends / Eric P. Baumer -- Evidence-based crime policy / Brandon C. Welsh and David P. Farrington -- Punishment / Michael Tonry -- Crime prevention / Brandon C. Welsh -- Treatment and rehabilitation / Francis T. Cullen and Daniel S. Nagin -- General deterrence / Robert Apel and Daniel S. Nagin -- Reparation and restoration / Kathleen Daly and Gitana Proietti-Scifoni -- Reassurance, reinforcement, and legitimacy / Matt Matravers -- Drugs and crime / Jonathan P. Caulkins and Mark A.R. Kleiman -- Race, ethnicity, and crime / Cassia Spohn -- Sex, gender, and crime / Rosemary Gartner -- Immigrants and crime / Sandra M. Bucerius -- Guns and crime / Charles F. Welford -- Work and crime / Aaron Chalfin and Steven Raphael -- Police organization / Stephen D. Mastrofski and James J. Willis -- Police and crime control / Lawrence W. Sherman -- Community and problem-oriented policing / Michael D. Reisig -- Legitimacy and lawful policing / Sanja Kutnjak Ivković -- Juvenile justice / Barry C. Feld and Donna M. Bishop -- Prosecution / Candace McCoy -- Sentencing / Brian D. Johnson -- Mandatory penalties / Michael Tonry -- Capital punishment / Ray Paternoster -- Jails and pretrial release / Brandon K. Applegate -- Probation and community penalties / Stan C. Proband -- Drug and other specialty courts / Ojmarrh Mitchell -- Prisons / Yvonne Jewkes -- Women's prisons / Candace Krutschnitt -- Parole and prisoner re-entry / Joan Petersilia

The article deals with the untenable overloading of German criminal trial court judges presenting the overloading in detail and analyzing its reasons and consequences. In this context, serious failures by the German federal and state executive and legislative organs as well as undesirable developments of the Federal Constitutional Court's (BVerfG and the Federal Supreme Court of Justice's BGH) case law.

AbstractWhether and how violence can be controlled to spare innocent lives is a central issue in international relations. The most ambitious effort to date has been the International Criminal Court (ICC), designed to enhance security and safety by preventing egregious human rights abuses and deterring international crimes. We offer the first systematic assessment of the ICC's deterrent effects for both state and nonstate actors. Although no institution can deter all actors, the ICC can deter some governments and those rebel groups that seek legitimacy. We find support for this conditional impact of the ICC cross-nationally. Our work has implications for the study of international relations and institutions, and supports the violence-reducing role of pursuing justice in international affairs.

Other written product issued by the General Accounting Office with an abstract that begins "GAO provided comments on whether the District of Columbia would violate the Antideficiency Act by: (1) approving vouchers for attorney's Criminal Justice Act (CJA) claims after the available fiscal year 1999 appropriations funds were exhausted; and (2) paying out CJA obligations exceeding the limitation contained in the 1999 District of Columbia Appropriations Act, GAO held that: (1) the Courts could not, upon submission of a CJA claim, delay the recognition of an obligation by withholding the voucher's approval; and (2) because attorney representation in CJA cases is a mandatory expense, obligations for this purpose may be incurred and may exceed the capped amount without violating the Antideficiency Act."

This article outlines issues related to the institution of conviction. He also noted that there are shortcomings in the legislative norms in the republic for reasons of insufficient investigation of the state of conviction, completion of the state of conviction and removal of conviction. At the same time, suggestions and recommendations were made to improve the institution of conviction.

While regulatory institutions and strategies have been the subject of increasing academic attention, there has been limited application of regulatory theories to criminal justice scholarship. This collection of essays from a range of outstanding international scholars adopts a critical, inter-disciplinary approach, providing an innovative application of regulatory theory to the practice of criminal justice and offering suggestions for further research. Part I explores the aims and values of criminal justice and other regulatory networks and the synergies and tensions between these fields; Part II examines criminal justice as a regulatory force to control 'deviant' and anti-social behaviour and Part III examines the regulation and oversight of criminal justice through the operation of prison inspectorates and explores notions of responsive justice

The Criminal Appeal Act 1995 has significantly changed the way in which criminal appeals will be dealt with in England, Wales and Northern Ireland. Providing a brief guide to the provisions of the Act, this is a quick reference for practitioners and students on degree and equivalent courses.

Through studies of beheaded Irish traitors, smugglers hung in chains on the English coast, suicides subjected to the surgeon's knife in Dresden and the burial of executed Nazi war criminals, this volume provides a fresh perspective on the history of capital punishment. This book has two open access chapters under a CC BY license.

Years ago Harold Berman observed that for many people in the west the term Soviet law represented a contradiction. Popular imagination found little place for law or criminal justice in a society where terror or extralegal coercion played a major role. Yet, as Berman argued, even in Stalin's Russia law and force existed side by side, and there was a "surprising degree of official compartmentalization of the legal and the extra-legal." Berman recognized that the separation of law and terror was no accident; rather it was a product of the regime's commitment to law and the functions it could perform for a stable, conservative social order. Three decades later western Sovietologists are only starting to come to terms with the conservative phase of Stalin's rule; and, despite a fine essay by Robert Sharlet, the promotion of law has yet to be incorporated into the standard portrait of Stalinism. A major reason is the continuation of doubts about the possibilities for law where terror also reigns.

On the thirtieth commemoration of Ukraine's independence, the present condition of the country highlights the necessity of contemplating the historical trajectory that post-Soviet Ukrainian society has traversed. This is not merely a retrospective consideration encompassing the past and present, but also, perhaps more crucially, a forward-looking assessment of Ukraine's future. While Ukraine exhibited a sense of cohesion and significant societal integration shortly after declaring independence, as evidenced by the outcomes of the All-Ukrainian referendum conducted on December 1, 1991, the year 2021 reveals a notable departure from these characteristics (State Archival Service of Ukraine, 2013). Present-day post-Soviet Ukrainian society has become fragmented, marked by discernible social fault lines. As Samuel Huntington (1996) observes, Ukraine is a nation divided along cultural lines, with two distinct civilizations. The fault line between these civilizations, demarcating the West from Orthodoxy, has bisected the nation for centuries (Huntington, 1996). Over the post-Soviet era, Ukraine has experienced a profound transformation in the role of the state, which has rapidly diminished in its capacity to effectively manage the fundamental pillars supporting society. Throughout this period, Ukrainian society has grappled with an enduring systemic crisis. The erstwhile Soviet framework of existence in Ukraine was dismantled, yet efforts to establish a novel system predicated on principles like market economy, human rights, and democracy have encountered significant challenges. While the contemporary Ukrainian society may project an appearance of stability, it conceals vulnerabilities to the deleterious trends stemming from its transformation, which are driven by three primary factors: the state, business entities, and criminal elements.