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During the year 2007 when this thesis was completed the European Union could look back at fifty years of collaboration, which began with the signing of the Treaty of Rome in 1957 and which has developed from being mainly economic in character to incorporating a political as well as a social dimension at the European level. In 2007 the European Union also commemorated the twentieth anniversary of Erasmus, its higher education mobility programme. It is this relatively new political dimension which I have been interested in investigating in this thesis. More precisely, it is the political construction of a common European identity which is analysed using a critical discourse analysis approach. The major aim of this thesis has been two-fold. The first aim has been to investigate how the European is constructed in the discourse contained within the official European Union documents. I have been interested in analysing the various structures, in the form of ideas and norms which are used to construct 'the European'. The second aim has been to explore whether the role of higher educated, as constructed in the official European Union discourse, is given a similar identity-making role as education is argued to have in the nation-state according to the theory on national identity. I argue that there are three versions of European identity construction, i.e. cultural, civic, and neo-liberal, with their own relationship to higher education, present in the empirical material analysed, consisting of official European Union documents. Further, this thesis is also a study of the power of modern government. I argue that there is an increase in normative soft power where 'the Good European' is not something 'you' are but something 'you' become by being a responsible active citizen. Through the use of critical discourse analysis I illuminate the power which resides in the language in the discourse analysed. Thus, I have been interested in investigating how the discourse analysed works to both include and exclude individuals. ; Under 2007 då denna avhandling färdigställdes kunde den Europeiska Unionen se tillbaka på femtio år av samarbete som började med Romfördraget 1957 och som har utvecklats från att vara framförallt ekonomiskt till att även behandla politiska och sociala frågor på den europeiska nivån. År 2007 firade den Europeiska Unionen även tjugoårsjubileet för Erasmus, sitt program för rörlighet inom högre utbildning. Det är denna relativt nya politiska dimension som jag har varit intresserad av att undersöka i avhandlingen. Närmare bestämt, det är den politiska konstruktionen av en gemensam europeisk identitet som analyseras med hjälp av kritisk diskurs analys. Syftet med avhandlingen har varit tvådelat. Det första syftet har varit att undersöka hur europén skapas i diskursen som finns att finna i officiella EU policy dokument. Jag har varit intresserad av att analysera de olika strukturer, i form av idéer och normer som används för att konstruera 'europén'. Det andra syftet har varit att undersöka om högre utbildning, som den konstrueras i den officiella EU diskursen, har samma identitetsskapande roll som utbildning sägs ha i nationalstaten enligt nationell identitetsteori. Jag påstår att det finns tre versioner av europeisk identitet, i.e. kulturell, politisk och neoliberal, var och en med sin egen relation till högre utbildning, i det empiriska materialet, bestående av officiella EU dokument, som har undersökts. Dessutom, avhandlingen är en studie av den makt som är del av modernt styrande. Jag påstår att det har varit en ökning då det gäller 'mjuk. makt där en 'God Europé' inte är något 'du' är utan något 'du' blir genom att vara en ansvarstagande aktiv medborgare. Genom kritisk diskursanalys belyser jag uttrycken av makt som finns att finnas i den diskurs jag analyserar. Med andra ord, jag har varit intresserad av att undersöka hur den analyserade diskursen både inkluderar och exkluderar individer.

La Bretagne étant une région où l'élevage prédomine dans le paysage agricole, de nombreuses entreprises en amont et en aval des filières de productions animales s'y sont implantées. Plus particulièrement, on peut citer les usines d'alimentation du bétail qui sont un secteur à faible valeur ajoutée où une bonne gestion de la logistique est primordiale. C'est, entre autres, pour répondre à ce besoin que le modèle FEEDSIM a été mis au point à l'INRA de Rennes. C'est par une modélisation des flux de matières premières agricoles et des aliments composés que ce modèle permet de répondre à la demande. Une des limites de ce modèle réside dans l'exogénéité de la production agricole. Ainsi, ce rapport présente une méthode permettant d'endogénéiser la production agricole tout en la spatialisant à une échelle cantonale. Celle-ci est appliquée aux seules exploitations de grandes cultures d'Ille-et-Vilaine. La principale difficulté pour mettre en œuvre la démarche est qu'il existe très peu de données disponibles à l'échelle cantonale. De ce fait, c'est grâce à des exploitations fictives rendues représentatives à l'échelle cantonale que cette modélisation est rendue possible. Cette originalité s'appuie sur l'utilisation de deux outils majeurs: la programmation linéaire et la Programmation Mathématique Positive (PMP). Cette combinaison d'outils permet d'aboutir à un modèle qui est constitué, d'une part, de fonctions linéaires : contraintes sur les surfaces, les rotations culturales, etc. et d'autre part, d'une fonction objectif non linéaire qui maximise la marge brute de l'exploitation agricole tout en évitant la formation de solutions en coin. La méthode mise au point a fait l'objet de tests (de robustesse et de sensibilité) et d'une application dans le contexte de la réforme de la Politique Agricole Commune de 2003 et de la flambée des prix des céréales. Cependant cette méthode présente un certain nombre de limites dont la plupart sont dues au recours à la PMP. ; The high proportion of livestock farming in the agriculture in Brittany results in many animal feed factories establishing in this area. The fact that animal feed gets a low valued-added has led to establish an appropriate management of logistic. The FEEDSIM model was developed at the INRA of Rennes among other things to help these professionals in their decisions. The FEEDSIM model establishes the flows of raw materials and the ones of animal food in the west part of France. One of the limits of this model is caused by the exogeneity of the farming production. Thus, this report presents a method thanks to which the farming production gets endogenous and spatialized into a cantonal scale. The main problem to put in place this method, which is only applied to the major crops farms of Ille-et-Vilaine, is the lack of data available on a cantonal scale. To avoid this problem, fictive farms are created and made representative on a cantonal scale. This originality of this method comes from the use of two major tools: linear programming and Positive Mathematical Programming (PMP). This combination of tools creates a model which is made, on the one hand, of linear functions of constraints on farming surfaces, rotations, etc. and on the other hand, of a nonlinear objective function. Many tests (of robustness and sensitivity) have been realized in order to evaluate the good performance of this method. An application has also been realized, in the context of the reform of the Common agricultural policy of 2003 and the rise of the prices of cereals. However this method presents some limits whose are, for most of them, due to the use of the PMP.

In the centre of the present research on the social history of the Prussian freemasonry in the 18 century are the history of the lodges, the membership and its structure, the social and cultural life of the lodges and their influence on society, i.e. the actual societal situation of the lodges in the late feudal society of Brandenburg-Prussia towards the end of the Early Modern Age. The ideological aims and practice of the systems of freemasonry (rituals etc.), the philosophical and literary critique as well as the arts rooted in freemasonry are delt with only in passing. The sources of this research are the traditional manuscripts from archives, mostly unique old scripts and modern masonic literature, as well as the literature of socio-historical, regional-historical and biographical origin. The following sources have been searched and analyzed: the opulent masonic sources of the ancient Prussian lodges of the Geheimes Staatsarchiv Preußischer Kulturbesitz, Berlin-Dahlem, having been made available since 1990; the sources of the Orde van vrijmetselaren onder het Grootoosten der Nederlanden, Den Haag, of the Den danske Frimurerorden, Kopenhagen, of the Landesarchiv Berlin, of the Landesarchiv Magdeburg - Landeshauptarchiv, the Brandenburgisches Landeshauptarchiv, Potsdam, the Stadtarchiv Potsdam, the Thüringisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, Weimar, the Österreichisches Staatsarchiv, department Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv, Vienna, as well as the libraries of the Deutsches Freimaurer-Museum, Bayreuth, the Great Lodge of Freemasons of Germany, Berlin, the Great National Mother Lodge "To the Three Globes" in Berlin, the Biblioteka uniwersytecka w Poznaniu, Pracownia Zbiorów Masonskich, Poznan, and the Great Lodge of the Old Free and Accepted Freemasons of Austria, Vienna. The Handbook is structured chronologically according to regions and with analogue topics; the alphabetic commented lists of the entire membership follow the chapters of every lodge. Regionally the research covers the Prussian states within their borders of 1795 (Peace of Basel, Third Polish Partition), but without territories that followed a relative autonomous way in their history, or belonged to Prussia only a short term, or came to Prussia after 1795. This manuscript deals with Prussian lodges between the Oder river and the Lower Rhine; the envisaged volumes for publication will include Berlin, Pomerania, Eastern and Western Prussia as well as Silesia. The favourable policy of the Prussian kings formed the external political basis for a continuous development of the freemasonry in the monarchy. This began 1740 with the legitimation of the freemasons by Frederic II and led to the "Common Law of the Prussian States" and the following "Edict on Secret Associations" in 1798. Between 1739 and 1806, 47 legally constituated Johannis lodges as parts of the larger Lodges have been registered in 30 towns in the middle and western provinces, but without Berlin. Until the Seven Year War (1756-1763) the small number of isolated lodges was restricted to the larger cities. A stimulating influence for the freemasonry came only from the garnisons (lodges of the captured officers). After the war, during a long peaceful period, the freemasonry took a steep upsurge, despite the internal struggles, called the "Lodge Wars", and the splittings. The freemasonry extended over the entire country, to the big cities and medium-sized towns and many rural towns. The Lodges distinguished themselves from other associations by their social openness and broadth of membership. They organized a rising number of men from different classes, social strata, groups or trades, (christian) confessions, education and ages. The freemasons belonged to the newly emerging social strata and groups which formed the Prussian state of Frederic II and were closely connected with its progress. These were the nobility and the middle class, the clerks and officers, bankers and manufacturers, intellectuals and artists. The

In 2003, the Swedish Parliament adopted a national public health policy that included the domain - "A more health-promoting health service". Strategies and tools are needed in the work to reorient health services. Personal health documents are documents concerning a person's health, and are owned by the individual. Several studies that have evaluated such documents indicate that they could be of interest in health-promotion work. However, there is insufficient knowledge concerning personal health documents that target adolescents, and little is known about the feasibility of such documents in a Swedish cultural context. The concept of empowerment is gaining increased interest for health services, but the associations between empowerment, self-rated health and health behaviour are sparsely studied. The overall aim of the thesis is to explore a strategy - empowerment - and a tool - personal health documents - that might facilitate the work of the public health goal of a health-promoting health service. Specific aims are to examine the feasibility of using personal health documents in health promotion; to examine professionals' experiences of working with health promotion and personal health documents; to examine the association between personal health documents and self-reported health behaviour change; and to examine the perception of empowerment in relation to self-rated health and health behaviour among adolescents. Two personal health documents that targeted adults and adolescents were developed and evaluated. Distribution to adults in different settings was compared in a cross-sectional study (n = 1 306). Adolescents received the document in school, and surveys were performed at baseline and after one year (n = 339). Practical use and attitudes by document owners were studied by questionnaires. Teachers (n = 69) answered a questionnaire, and community health nurses were interviewed (n = 12). The interviews also explored nurses' experiences of working with health promotion in general, and were analysed by qualitative methodology. Adolescents' empowerment was examined by a questionnaire (n = 1 046). Most participants reported reading in the documents; writing in the documents varied between 16% (distribution in occupational health) and 87% (adolescents). The health document was perceived as useful by 35% of the adolescents. Factors significantly related to personal usefulness were being born outside Sweden, experiencing fair treatment by teachers, being a non-smoker and having a positive school experience. Community health nurses were striving for a balance of being a doer of practical, disease-oriented tasks and a health-promotion communicator. The structural organisation in health care centres was important for their work with health promotion and the health document. Teachers were generally in favour of continued work with the document. In different settings, between 10% and 26% of adults reported changes in their health situations as a result of reading the booklet. Self-reported changes in health situations were less likely using postal distribution, and there were no significant differences between the other types of distribution. Adolescents with low empowerment scores reported poorer self-rated health and more risk-taking behaviours such as smoking and binge drinking. To conclude, personal health documents are feasible to use in different settings. Health promotion in health services needs active support from leaders as well as adequate support systems. Findings suggest that personal health documents can be tools for promoting self-reported lifestyle changes among adults in different settings. There is a close relation among adolescents between low empowerment in the domain of health, low self-rated health and health behaviours such as binge drinking and smoking.

HIS ANIMUS toward Israel leads him to a number of what one can only hope are errors of haste: By way of explaining Osama bin Laden's appeal, he writes that 'the Palestinians ... have been living under Israeli military occupation in violation of UN Security Council resolutions for over 40 years,' effectively conveying that pre-1967 Israel's existence is itself a violation; he discusses Israel's 'crushing victory' and 'seiz(ing)' of land in 1967 without mentioning that it was fighting a war of self-defense; astoundingly, he writes that '[t]he increased use of force under the Ariel Sharon government sparked the second intifada, which began in September 2000'--choosing not to remember that the then-prime minister was Ehud Barak, who was offering unprecedented diplomatic concessions at Camp David; he says that Hezbollah fought only until Israel's departure from Southern Lebanon, and is now a mainstream organization devoted to education and social services, an assertion belied by a scan of any morning's newspaper; and he refers to Shaykh Yassin, founder and spiritual leader of Hamas, as a 'pragmatist' for his willingness to participate in the Palestinian Authority, notwithstanding his forthrightly consistent refusal to recognize Israel's right to exist. Only '[a] small minority,' Esposito writes, 'continues to espouse violence and terrorism to liberate the whole of Palestine.' And on and on. (And how much of this got past the editors at Oxford is its own kind of mystery.) Although animus toward Israel drives much of Esposito's analysis, he also discusses another pervasively cited issue: 'the dangers of Western economic hegemony and its side effects.' And, he says, '[t]he Muslim world's dominance by the West and marginalization as a world power, which has challenged Islam's relevance to modern life, and its lack of control over the forces of development, have been daunting barriers to progress.' Here, too, yes, the emerging global culture of our time and its driving individualism, not only in economics, but also in politics, culture, and religion is deeply unsettling. It is also very attractive, which is why people in Asia, Latin America, Central and Eastern Europe, and the former Soviet Union struggle not only to find a place for themselves in this new global milieu but to work through its emerging networks and institutions toward a more supple shape of globalization. Again, why the Muslim and Arab worlds should be uniquely, and violently, resistant to globalization, if indeed they are, is left unexplained by Esposito. Esposito calls for greater cross-cultural dialogue and encouragement of genuinely creative and thoughtful Muslim reformers of today, and who can argue with that? But in the end, his insistence that Muslims are endlessly put upon victims who must endlessly be understood by Western elites, and his unwillingness forthrightly to acknowledge the ills besetting Muslim societies are deeply patronizing. 'Democracy,' he writes, 'is an integral part of modern Islamic political thought and practice, accepted in many Muslim countries as a litmus test by which the openness of government and the relevance of Islamic groups or other political parties are certified.' What, in the light of all we have seen in the past years, can this possibly mean, especially when nearly all of today's most creative Muslim thinkers find that they can thrive only in non-Arab states? (Indeed the Muslim reformers he himself discusses--Anwar Ibrahim, Mohammad Khatami and Abdurrahman Wahid--are respectively Malaysian, Iranian, and Indonesian.) The only concrete policy prescription to emerge from Esposito's analysis is, of course, for the United States to distance itself from Israel.

In this forum onNeighborsby Jan T. Gross (Princeton, 2001), four scholars respond to the book and to the issues of evidence, causality, and interpretation that it raises. Janine P. Holc summarizes the contents and the book's approach and explores the roles of individual choice, on the one hand, and ethnic identity categories, on the other, in Gross's presentation of the causes of the massacre of the Jewish residents of Jedwabne by their non-Jewish neighbors. She argues for an approach to readingNeighborsthat links the emotive mode in which some of the narrative is expressed to a productive engagement with traumatic or violent historical episodes. This type of history resists finality and closure and creates an avenue for active engagement by members of ethnic (or other) communities with violent and traumatic pasts. Wojciech Roszkowski discusses three aspects of the debate onNeighborsin Poland: the credibility of the book, the facts of 10 July 1941 and their moral meaning, and the representativeness of the Jedwabne case and the question of "innocence" or "guilt" of nations. While arguing that the credibility ofNeighborsis low and that Gross's thesis that "one half of the Jedwabne inhabitants killed the other half" has not been proven, he writes that it is impossible to deny Polish participation in the massacre. Yet, as with other documented cases of Polish wartime evildoing, it is unfair to blow this incident out of proportion and produce unwarranted generalizations. Past and present realities are always more complicated than simple stereotypes that "Poles" or "Jews" are to blame or that they have always been innocent. William W. Hagen argues that Gross vacillates between a robust positivism promising that "a reconstruction" of "what actually took place" is possible, such that guilt and motive may confidently be assigned, and an interpretive pessimism suggesting that "we will never 'understand' why it happened." In his assignment of causality, Gross offers a largely unconnected, in part inferential or speculative, array of determinants and motives. Although some ofthecauses Gross adduces are certainly persuasive, his analysis does not address the Jedwabne perpetrators' and witnesses' perception of the cultural meaning of the inhuman violence their Jewish neighbors were suffering. Hagen offers some suggestive historical evidence on the Poles' subjective response to the Jewish genocide and to their own wartime fate, arguing that the Jedwabne Poles' participation in the mass murder of the Jews must be conceived as a response, mediated by the penetration of ideological anti-Semitism into the countryside, to profound anxiety over the individual and social death menacing Polish identity under Soviet and Nazi occupation. Norman M. Naimark argues that the appearance of Gross'sNeighborshas created an entirely new dimension to the historiography of World War II in Poland. The book demonstrated, as has no other work, the extent to which the Poles were directly involved in the genocide of the Jews. The clarity and force of Gross's presentation provides Polish historiography with an unprecedented opportunity "to come to terms with the past." The essay also suggests that the Jedwabne massacre needs to be looked at in the context of overall German policy "in the east" and in comparison to similar horrors taking place roughly at the same time in Lithuania, Ukraine, Belarus, and Latvia. The Nazis intentionally (and surreptitiously) sought to incite pogroms in the region, filming and photographing the horrific events for audiences back home. Their own propaganda about the "Jewish-Bolshevik" menace both prompted and was ostensibly confirmed by the pogroms. In his response, Jan T. Gross replies to Roszkowski's criticism concerning historical credibility.

Uluslararası ekonominin gelişim süreci 1840'lı yıllarda buhar makinesinin bulunması ile yeni bir aşamaya girmiştir. Bu yeni aşamada kapitalizmin gelişimi daha da hızlanmıştır. Diğer yandan ekonomik birikim de büyük bir hızla artmaya başlamıştır. Özellikle kolonileşme, ve deniz aşırı sömürgelerde ortaya çıkan yeni imkanlar ve pazarlar dolayısıyla uluslararası ticaret önemli bir ivme kazanmış, ve dünya ticaret hacminde bugün küreselleşme adı altında yaşanılan hareketlenmenin bir benzerine on dokuzuncu yüzyıl sonlarında ulaşılmıştır.On dokuzuncu yüzyılda ortaya çıkan bu ticari hareketlenme, önce Birinci sonra da daha büyük bir etkiyle İkinci Dünya Savaşı'ndan sonra duraklama dönemine girmiştir. Uzun süre boyunca Amerika Birleşik Devletleri ve onun destekleri altında kurulan IMF ve Dünya Bankası aracılığıyla bir yeniden imar süreci yaşanmıştır. 1960'lı yıllara kadar süren bu yeniden imar sürecinden sonra, dünyada yeni bir ekonomik serbestleşme ve dışa açılma süreci yaşanmaya başlanmıştır. Küreselleşme de bu noktada, yani finansal ve ticari dışa açılma sürecinde içinde etkin bir kavram olarak ortaya çıkmıştır. 1970li yıllarda hız kazanan küreselleşme özellikle teknolojik gelişmeler ve bunun sağladığı imkanlarla, finansal sermayenin uluslar arası boyutta büyük bir hızla akabildiği yeni bir iktisadi ortam yaratmıştır. Bu yeni ortamda ortaya çıkan kimi olgular önemli tartışmalara yol açmış, küreselleşmenin olumlu ve olumsuz etkileri üzerinde ağırlıklı olarak durulmaya başlanmıştır. Küreselleşmenin bir unsuru olarak Çok Uluslu Şirketler de kendilerine yaşam alanı bulmuş ve uluslararası ekonominin temel taşıyıcılarından olmakla kalmamış, aynı zamanda siyasi olarak da uluslararası bir aktör konumuna ilerlemişlerdir. Bu çalışmada temel olarak, son elli yılda hızla değişen ve sürekli olarak değişmekte olan dünya iktisadi ve siyasi profili, küreselleşme boyutunda incelenmiş ve bu değişim sürecinde Türkiye'nin içinde bulunduğu konum ve yapması gerekenler üzerinde durulmuştur.Since the 1800s, the world has been witnessing dramatic changes in almost all dimensions of relationships. Every technological advancement, new innovations, use of new techniques bring along with them a new social and economic form of life. The world is constantly in process of changes and every unit try to adopt these changes and try to take its place in the new orders. History has shown that the ones who adopt to these changes first gain an advantageous place while the others face serious difficulties. In contemporary world, no issue can be dealed alone with itself, every issue has close ties with many other issues. Today, there remained few issues which is solely related with economics or politics.Also some new concepts were brought by the structural transformation process like; the high degree of globalisation including; the rise of multinational companies, the high levels of international trade, great rise of foreign direct investments, close political, social and cultural relations among states and non-state actors. This period also represents the time when the non-state actors gained significant importance. The main non-state actors include the territorial nonstate actors, such as national liberation movements; nonterritorial transnational organizations, such as transnational corporations; and intergovernmental organizations, such as NATO or the OECD.Within this new environment, one of these non-state actors; Transnational Corporations had the chance to gain new missions besides their purely economic ones. Today, Transnational Corporations appear as an international policy actor which came to affect the national decisons of states.Contemporary world shows signs of significant differantiating charactersitics than the past. Every international actor, every entity work to find their own places in this transformation process. In the light of these changes, this study will mainly focus on the globalisation of world politics and explore the transnational companies as their being the most interesting feature of globalisation. Also, a brief look on Turkey will be made in order to explore Turkey's position in this transformation process.

In this forum on Neighbors by Jan T. Gross (Princeton, 2001), four scholars respond to the book and to the issues of evidence, causality, and interpretation that it raises. Janine P. Holc summarizes the contents and the book's approach and explores the roles of individual choice, on the one hand, and ethnic identity categories, on the other, in Gross's presentation of the causes of the massacre of the Jewish residents of Jedwabne by their non-Jewish neighbors. She argues for an approach to reading Neighbors that links the emotive mode in which some of the narrative is expressed to a productive engagement with traumatic or violent historical episodes. This type of history resists finality and closure and creates an avenue for active engagement by members of ethnic (or other) communities with violent and traumatic pasts. Wojciech Roszkowski discusses three aspects of the debate on Neighbors in Poland: the credibility of the book, the facts of 10 July 1941 and their moral meaning, and the representativeness of the Jedwabne case and the question of "innocence" or "guilt" of nations. While arguing that the credibility of Neighbors is low and that Gross's thesis that "one half of the Jedwabne inhabitants killed the other half" has not been proven, he writes that it is impossible to deny Polish participation in the massacre. Yet, as with other documented cases of Polish wartime evildoing, it is unfair to blow this incident out of proportion and produce unwarranted generalizations. Past and present realities are always more complicated than simple stereotypes that "Poles" or "Jews" are to blame or that they have always been innocent. William W. Hagen argues that Gross vacillates between a robust positivism promising that "a reconstruction" of "what actually took place" is possible, such that guilt and motive may confidently be assigned, and an interpretive pessimism suggesting that "we will never 'understand' why it happened." In his assignment of causality, Gross offers a largely unconnected, in part inferential or speculative, array of determinants and motives. Although some of the causes Gross adduces are certainly persuasive, his analysis does not address the Jedwabne perpetrators' and witnesses' perception of the cultural meaning of the inhuman violence their Jewish neighbors were suffering. Hagen offers some suggestive historical evidence on the Poles' subjective response to the Jewish genocide and to their own wartime fate, arguing that the Jedwabne Poles' participation in the mass murder of the Jews must be conceived as a response, mediated by the penetration of ideological anti-Semitism into the countryside, to profound anxiety over the individual and social death menacing Polish identity under Soviet and Nazi occupation. Norman M. Naimark argues that the appearance of Gross's Neighbors has created an entirely new dimension to the historiography of World War II in Poland. The book demonstrated, as has no other work, the extent to which the Poles were directly involved in the genocide of the Jews. The clarity and force of Gross's presentation provides Polish historiography with an unprecedented opportunity "to come to terms with the past." The essay also suggests that the Jedwabne massacre needs to be looked at in the context of overall German policy "in the east" and in comparison to similar horrors taking place roughly at the same time in Lithuania, Ukraine, Belarus, and Latvia. The Nazis intentionally (and surreptitiously) sought to incite pogroms in the region, filming and photographing the horrific events for audiences back home. Their own propaganda about the "Jewish-Bolshevik" menace both prompted and was ostensibly confirmed by the pogroms. In his response, Jan T. Gross replies to Roszkowski's criticism concerning historical credibility.

In this forum on Neighbors by Jan T. Gross (Princeton, 2001), four scholars respond to the book and to the issues of evidence, causality, and interpretation that it raises. Janine P. Holc summarizes the contents and the book's approach and explores the roles of individual choice, on the one hand, and ethnic identity categories, on the other, in Gross's presentation of the causes of the massacre of the Jewish residents of Jedwabne by their non-Jewish neighbors. She argues for an approach to reading Neighbors that links the emotive mode in which some of the narrative is expressed to a productive engagement with traumatic or violent historical episodes. This type of history resists finality and closure and creates an avenue for active engagement by members of ethnic (or other) communities with violent and traumatic pasts. Wojciech Roszkowski discusses three aspects of the debate on Neighbors in Poland: the credibility of the book, the facts of 10 July 1941 and their moral meaning, and the representativeness of the Jedwabne case and the question of "innocence" or "guilt" of nations. While arguing that the credibility of Neighbors is low and that Gross's thesis that "one half of the Jedwabne inhabitants killed the other half" has not been proven, he writes that it is impossible to deny Polish participation in the massacre. Yet, as with other documented cases of Polish wartime evildoing, it is unfair to blow this incident out of proportion and produce unwarranted generalizations. Past and present realities are always more complicated than simple stereotypes that "Poles" or "Jews" are to blame or that they have always been innocent. William W. Hagen argues that Gross vacillates between a robust positivism promising that "a reconstruction" of "what actually took place" is possible, such that guilt and motive may confidently be assigned, and an interpretive pessimism suggesting that "we will never 'understand' why it happened." In his assignment of causality, Gross offers a largely unconnected, in part inferential or speculative, array of determinants and motives. Although some of the causes Gross adduces are certainly persuasive, his analysis does not address the Jedwabne perpetrators' and witnesses' perception of the cultural meaning of the inhuman violence their Jewish neighbors were suffering. Hagen offers some suggestive historical evidence on the Poles' subjective response to the Jewish genocide and to their own wartime fate, arguing that the Jedwabne Poles' participation in the mass murder of the Jews must be conceived as a response, mediated by the penetration of ideological anti-Semitism into the countryside, to profound anxiety over the individual and social death menacing Polish identity under Soviet and Nazi occupation. Norman M. Naimark argues that the appearance of Gross's Neighbors has created an entirely new dimension to the historiography of World War II in Poland. The book demonstrated, as has no other work, the extent to which the Poles were directly involved in the genocide of the Jews. The clarity and force of Gross's presentation provides Polish historiography with an unprecedented opportunity "to come to terms with the past." The essay also suggests that the Jedwabne massacre needs to be looked at in the context of overall German policy "in the east" and in comparison to similar horrors taking place roughly at the same time in Lithuania, Ukraine, Belarus, and Latvia. The Nazis intentionally (and surreptitiously) sought to incite pogroms in the region, filming and photographing the horrific events for audiences back home. Their own propaganda about the "Jewish-Bolshevik" menace both prompted and was ostensibly confirmed by the pogroms. In his response, Jan T. Gross replies to Roszkowski's criticism concerning historical credibility.

The report looks into the status, impact and preventive actions taken by some of the partner universities and colleges in Africa of Agricultural University of Norway (NLH) against the spread of HIV/AIDS. Countries included in the study are Botswana, Ethiopia, Eritrea, Kenya, South Africa, Uganda, Malawi and Tanzania. Overall it showed that there is a growing recognition of the problem on campus, most universities have established special HIV/AIDS Committees and have information campaigns to new students. However, little is included in research and curriculum development. Neither are anyone making projections of what future losses of staff and students will mean for the university or the agricultural sector. Successful institutional and societal responses to HIV/AIDS require leadership. Universities play a role in the leadership of their communities. The key findings from the study are as follows: Status of and impact of HIV/AIDS: No one knows the status due to the nature of the pandemic and the structure of reporting and health systems. The perceived trend points to females as a vulnerable group. The impact is felt but the magnitude is hard to know due to the fact that no one knows the status except for some universities in Kenya. Overall, the study revealed that there is an impact, in varying degrees, amongst students and staff. The impact is felt either through leave of absence, effect on teaching quality, dropping out to take care of sick relatives, or students' output being affected. Loss of skilled labour is proving to be a problem for the universities, as it would take more time to train new staff. Assessment of Present Programs by Agricultural Universities and Colleges: Most government programs in the study are promoted by the Ministry of Health, are in the start phase, targeting mainly students, with an emphasis on the biological-medical aspect. The social and psychological aspect is currently being included through peer education. The feedback on peer education is positive in that it is a powerful tool with a more holistic approach. A critique of the available information campaigns is that it is mostly from the top and western in its approach, neglecting important cultural elements. Ethical issues came up with keywords such as: discrimination, secrecy and denial, behaviour change, gender relations, exclusion from PhD grants, access to expensive medicines etc. Another issue was the role and responsibilities of the professors are important - especially in how they treat young vulnerable female students. Most universities are officially following a non-discrimination policy and most of the countries signed the UN Convention, but in practise this is a challenge. Based on the study we came up with the following recommendations: Expressed Needs from Universities and Colleges: The needs expressed by most universities are curriculum development and regional networking. Due to the nature of the problem, the universities were concerned in having interdisciplinary and multilevel research. NORAD on the other hand has a key role in helping to fight the pandemic. The involvement is basically facilitating, coordination and support of current and future programs through: integration of HIV/AIDS dimension in institutional collaboration agreements; contribute to research development by facilitating an interdisciplinary collaboration between Norwegian institutions and the African counterparts; support curriculum development initiatives, student peer education and outreaches, maintain current university operations through filling projected decrease in staff in students and lastly being instrumental in creating a node in Norway that coordinates and acts as a clearinghouse for HIV/AIDS and agriculture.

In this forum onNeighborsby Jan T. Gross (Princeton, 2001), four scholars respond to the book and to the issues of evidence, causality, and interpretation that it raises. Janine P. Holc summarizes the contents and the book's approach and explores the roles of individual choice, on the one hand, and ethnic identity categories, on the other, in Gross's presentation of the causes of the massacre of the Jewish residents of Jedwabne by their non-Jewish neighbors. She argues for an approach to readingNeighborsthat links the emotive mode in which some of the narrative is expressed to a productive engagement with traumatic or violent historical episodes. This type of history resists finality and closure and creates an avenue for active engagement by members of ethnic (or other) communities with violent and traumatic pasts. Wojciech Roszkowski discusses three aspects of the debate onNeighborsin Poland: the credibility of the book, the facts of 10 July 1941 and their moral meaning, and the representativeness of the Jedwabne case and the question of "innocence" or "guilt" of nations. While arguing that the credibility ofNeighborsis low and that Gross's thesis that "one half of the Jedwabne inhabitants killed the other half" has not been proven, he writes that it is impossible to deny Polish participation in the massacre. Yet, as with other documented cases of Polish wartime evildoing, it is unfair to blow this incident out of proportion and produce unwarranted generalizations. Past and present realities are always more complicated than simple stereotypes that "Poles" or "Jews" are to blame or that they have always been innocent. William W. Hagen argues that Gross vacillates between a robust positivism promising that "a reconstruction" of "what actually took place" is possible, such that guilt and motive may confidently be assigned, and an interpretive pessimism suggesting that "we will never 'understand' why it happened." In his assignment of causality, Gross offers a largely unconnected, in part inferential or speculative, array of determinants and motives. Although some ofthecauses Gross adduces are certainly persuasive, his analysis does not address the Jedwabne perpetrators' and witnesses' perception of the cultural meaning of the inhuman violence their Jewish neighbors were suffering. Hagen offers some suggestive historical evidence on the Poles' subjective response to the Jewish genocide and to their own wartime fate, arguing that the Jedwabne Poles' participation in the mass murder of the Jews must be conceived as a response, mediated by the penetration of ideological anti-Semitism into the countryside, to profound anxiety over the individual and social death menacing Polish identity under Soviet and Nazi occupation. Norman M. Naimark argues that the appearance of Gross'sNeighborshas created an entirely new dimension to the historiography of World War II in Poland. The book demonstrated, as has no other work, the extent to which the Poles were directly involved in the genocide of the Jews. The clarity and force of Gross's presentation provides Polish historiography with an unprecedented opportunity "to come to terms with the past." The essay also suggests that the Jedwabne massacre needs to be looked at in the context of overall German policy "in the east" and in comparison to similar horrors taking place roughly at the same time in Lithuania, Ukraine, Belarus, and Latvia. The Nazis intentionally (and surreptitiously) sought to incite pogroms in the region, filming and photographing the horrific events for audiences back home. Their own propaganda about the "Jewish-Bolshevik" menace both prompted and was ostensibly confirmed by the pogroms. In his response, Jan T. Gross replies to Roszkowski's criticism concerning historical credibility.

In this forum onNeighborsby Jan T. Gross (Princeton, 2001), four scholars respond to the book and to the issues of evidence, causality, and interpretation that it raises. Janine P. Holc summarizes the contents and the book's approach and explores the roles of individual choice, on the one hand, and ethnic identity categories, on the other, in Gross's presentation of the causes of the massacre of the Jewish residents of Jedwabne by their non-Jewish neighbors. She argues for an approach to readingNeighborsthat links the emotive mode in which some of the narrative is expressed to a productive engagement with traumatic or violent historical episodes. This type of history resists finality and closure and creates an avenue for active engagement by members of ethnic (or other) communities with violent and traumatic pasts. Wojciech Roszkowski discusses three aspects of the debate onNeighborsin Poland: the credibility of the book, the facts of 10 July 1941 and their moral meaning, and the representativeness of the Jedwabne case and the question of "innocence" or "guilt" of nations. While arguing that the credibility ofNeighborsis low and that Gross's thesis that "one half of the Jedwabne inhabitants killed the other half" has not been proven, he writes that it is impossible to deny Polish participation in the massacre. Yet, as with other documented cases of Polish wartime evildoing, it is unfair to blow this incident out of proportion and produce unwarranted generalizations. Past and present realities are always more complicated than simple stereotypes that "Poles" or "Jews" are to blame or that they have always been innocent. William W. Hagen argues that Gross vacillates between a robust positivism promising that "a reconstruction" of "what actually took place" is possible, such that guilt and motive may confidently be assigned, and an interpretive pessimism suggesting that "we will never 'understand' why it happened." In his assignment of causality, Gross offers a largely unconnected, in part inferential or speculative, array of determinants and motives. Although some ofthecauses Gross adduces are certainly persuasive, his analysis does not address the Jedwabne perpetrators' and witnesses' perception of the cultural meaning of the inhuman violence their Jewish neighbors were suffering. Hagen offers some suggestive historical evidence on the Poles' subjective response to the Jewish genocide and to their own wartime fate, arguing that the Jedwabne Poles' participation in the mass murder of the Jews must be conceived as a response, mediated by the penetration of ideological anti-Semitism into the countryside, to profound anxiety over the individual and social death menacing Polish identity under Soviet and Nazi occupation. Norman M. Naimark argues that the appearance of Gross'sNeighborshas created an entirely new dimension to the historiography of World War II in Poland. The book demonstrated, as has no other work, the extent to which the Poles were directly involved in the genocide of the Jews. The clarity and force of Gross's presentation provides Polish historiography with an unprecedented opportunity "to come to terms with the past." The essay also suggests that the Jedwabne massacre needs to be looked at in the context of overall German policy "in the east" and in comparison to similar horrors taking place roughly at the same time in Lithuania, Ukraine, Belarus, and Latvia. The Nazis intentionally (and surreptitiously) sought to incite pogroms in the region, filming and photographing the horrific events for audiences back home. Their own propaganda about the "Jewish-Bolshevik" menace both prompted and was ostensibly confirmed by the pogroms. In his response, Jan T. Gross replies to Roszkowski's criticism concerning historical credibility.

The monitoring of changing living conditions in St Petersburg was started in 1989. In 1993 the Finance and Economics Committee of the Government of St Petersburg and a team of researchers from the Institute of Sociology at the Russian Academy of Sciences began collaborating in a study of the levels of socio‐economic differentiation among the population and the priorities in city budget policies. A telephone survey scheme was designed based on representative samples (1000–2500 respondents) of the adult population (18 years and over) and controlled by city district distribution, sex, age, social status and housing. This scheme was implemented regularly with 2–3 month intervals between surveys. It was also undertaken for the purpose of reviewing the general orientation of social politics, decisions on budget priorities, new urgent needs and goals, and the diagnosis and short‐term prognosis of trends and policy moves. Detailed and structured information on the living standards of the St Petersburg population is available from the computerized data‐base, reports, and from the city's daily newspaper Nevskoe vremya. The studies have demonstrated that economic differentiation in St Petersburg has grown significantly as a result of current reforms (from a 1 to 4 ratio before 1990 to 1 to 10 by the end of 1996). Analysis of the economic characteristics of the population of St Petersburg has revealed that over the course of the past five years there has been rapid differentiation along new lines. At present, wealth and poverty, rather than shared social and professional attributes, tend to unite or separate people. The level of family and personal income determines consumer behaviour, lifestyle, values, cultural attitudes and even individuals' self‐perception.La surveillance des changements des conditions de vie à Saint Pétersbourg a commencé en 1989. En 1993 le Comité de l'Economie et des Finances du Gouvernement de Saint Pétersbourg et une équipe de chercheurs de l'Institut de Sociologie de l'Académie des Sciences de Russie commencèrent une étude collaborative des niveaux de différenciation socio‐économique dans la population et des priorités de la politique budgétaire de la ville. Un sondage téléphonique fut proposé, fondé sur une section représentative (1000 à 2500 personnes) de la population adulte (de 18 ans et plus) et contrôllée par la distribution des quartiers de la ville, par sexe, âge, statut social et logement. Ce projet fut mis en exécution régulièrement, avec 2 ou 3 mois d'intervalle entre les sondages. Il fut aussi entrepris dans le but d'examiner l'orientation générale des politiques sociales, des décisions quant aux priorités budgétaires, les nouveaux besoins et buts urgents, et le diagnosis et prognosis à court terme des tendances et changements de politique. L'information détaillée structurée concernant les niveaux de vie de la population de Saint Pétersbourg peut être obtenue dans le compte‐rendu de la base des donnés sur l'ordinateur et dans le quotidien de la ville, Nevskoe Vremya. Les recherches ont démontré que le différenciation économique à Saint Pétersbourg a considérablement augmentéà la suite des réformes actuelles (d'une proportion de 1 à 4 avant 1990 à une proportion de 1 à 10 à la fin de 1996). L'analyse des caractéristiques économiques de la population de Saint Péterbourg a révélé qu'il y a eu une rapide différenciation d'un type nouveau au cours des cinq dernières années. A présent ce sont la richesse et la pauvreté, plutôt que les attributs sociaux et professionnels communs, qui ont tendance à unir ou à séparer les gens. Le niveau de revenu personnel et familial détermine le comportment des consommateurs, le style de vie, sens des valeurs, attitudes culturelles et même la perception d'eux‐mêmes qu'ont les individus.

Perhaps the single most important items of news concerning international organizations since my last column was the official notification by the U.S. Government late in December 1983 of its intention to withdraw from the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) at the end of 1984. Numerous articles and editorial pieces have appeared in the press since that time. According to news accounts the U.S. National Commission for UNESCO, a nongovernmental advisory body, adopted a resolution December 16 at its annual meeting stating that continued U.S. membership in UNESCO "… is in the national interest," but as far as the author can determine the text of the resolution, adopted by a 41 to 8 vote, has not been made public. It is my understanding that a 700-page report evaluating U.S. participation in UNESCO has been prepared and an executive summary is to be published by the State Department. From its origins UNESCO has been one of the most controversial and complex of the organizations within the United Nations system of organizations as shown in a new reference work on the Organization, Guide to UNESCO, by Peter I. Hajnal of the University of Toronto library staff. The reader's attention is directed to a review of the Guide published in this issue. Another event highlighted in the press was the failure of the December 1983 meeting of the European Council of Ministers in Athens to come to any agreement on reform of the European Community's Common Agricultural Policy and the 1984 Community budget. The meeting broke up without even agreeing on a final communique. In a statement issued December 7 the Commission of the European Community referred to the gravity of the situation but stated that "… the failure of the European Council session is not the failure of the Community, let alone the failure of a historical process that is to ensure the prosperity and strength of Europe." (European Community News no. 23, December 9, 1983.) Another noteworthy event late in 1983 was the November 14 announcement by the Secretary-General of the Organization of American States (OAS), Alejandro Orfila, of his intention to resign. In a very outspoken speech, the OAS Secretary-General stated "… that the OAS has been detached from, or only tangentially involved in, many of the major issues that affect the present and determine the future of America." (Washington Post, November 22, 1983.) At the United Nations discouragement also has been expressed increasingly at the inability of the Organization to do its first job of preserving peace. Upon his retirement from the UN in November 1983, Philippine Foreign Minister Carlos Romulo, head of his delegation since the founding conference in 1945, said "the world has changed [since then] but we have not changed enough. Human perspective is still transfixed on the precious but inadequate loyalties of home and country when it needs, at a time when men aim for the stars, to encompass at least the human family on a tiny planet, circling a minor sun." (Quoted by Flora Lewis, New York Times, December 27, 1983.) In a New Year's message, the President of the 38th UN General Assembly, Jorge Illueca of Panama, called for an infusion "… of new energy into the machinery of the United Nations." At the same time, he noted that our fate depends on "… human geography more than physical geography," and he urged "… these human nucleii of diverse cultures" to come together so that "… we the peoples of the world, may strengthen our will to save mankind from the scourge of war." (United Nations Weekly News Summary WS/1161, January 6, 1984.)

Albert H. Imlah. Economic Elements in the Pax Britannica.E. A. Benians, Sir James Butler and C. E. Carrington (Eds.). The Cambridge History of the British Empire.Lucy Brown. The Board of Trade and the Free‐ Trade Movement 1830‐42.A. T. Gaydon. The Publications of the Bedfordshire Historical Record Society.A. Mary Kirkus (Ed.). The Records of the Commissioners of Sewers in the Ports of Holland i547‐1603.R. Robson. The Attorney in Eighteenth‐Century England.Asa Briggs. The Age of Improvement.Norman McGord. The Anti‐Corn Law League 1838–1846.A. H. John. A Liverpool Merchant House: Being the History of Alfred Booth and Company 1863‐1958.E. H. Phelps Brown. The Growth of British Industrial Relations.R. Brentano. York Metropolitan Jurisdiction and Papal Judges Delegate, 1279‐1296.J. B. Black. The Reign of Elizabeth.A. H. Shorter. Paper Mills and Paper Makers in England, 1495‐1800.L. G. JOHNSON. The Social Evolution of Industrial Britain: A study in the growth of our industrial society.Margaret Hewitt. Wives and Mothers in Victorian Industry.University College of South Wales and Monmouthshire, CardiffA Short History of the Scottish Coal‐Mining Industry.D. E. Varley. A History of the Midland Counties Lace Manufacturers Association.G. Luzzatto. Breve storia economica d'ltalia dalla caduta delVimpero romano al principio del Cinquecento.L. de Rosa. I cambi esteri del Regno di Napoli dal 1591 al 1707, in Biblioteca del Bollettino.G. Aleati. La poplazione di Pavia durante il dominio spagnolo.U. Meroni. Cremona fedelissima.Luigi Dal Pane. LO Stato Pontificio e il movimento riformatore del Settecento.B. Gaizzi. Storia del setificio comasco: Veconomia.P. L. Spaggiari, Il ducato di Parma e VEuropa (1854‐59).Astone Gasparetto. Il vetro di Murano dalle origini ad oggi.M. Abrate. Ľindustria metallurgica in Europa nella prima metà del XIX secolo–una valutazione piemontese.Giorgio Mori. La Valdelsa dal 1840 al igoo.Manlio Rossi Doria. Died anni dipolitico, agraria nel Mezzogiorno.Joseph Dorfman. The Economic Mind in American Civilization.John J. Murray. The Heritage of the Middle West.Lewis H. Kimmel. Federal Budget and Fiscal Policy iy8g‐igj8.Frank Thistlethwaite. The Anglo‐American Connection in the Early Nineteenth Century.Clifton K. Yearley, Jr. Britons in American Labor: A History of the Influence of the United Kingdom Immigrants on American Labor, 1820–1914.Robert S. Hunt. Law and Locomotives: The Impact of the Railroad on Wisconsin Law in the Nineteenth Century.George J. Kuehnl. The Wisconsin Business Corporation.P. L. Payne and L. E. Davis. The Savings Bank of Baltimore, 1818‐1866.Alfred Glaze Smith, Jr. Economic Readjustment of An Old Cotton State: South Carolina, 1820–1860.Leonard J. Arrington. Great Basin Kingdom: An Economic History of the Latter‐day Saints 1830‐igoo.J. Stanley Clark. The Oil Century: From the Drake Well to the Conservation Era.Oscar E. Anderson, Jr. The Health of a Nation: Harvey W. Wiley and the Fight for Pure Food.Philip Taft. The A.F. of L. from the Death of Gompers to the Merger.Gertrude Bancroft. The American Labor Force: Its Growth and Changing Composition.S. N. Whitney. Antitrust Policies.Lester V. Chandler. Benjamin Strong, Central Banker.Sidney Cottle and Tate Whitman. Corporate Earning Power and Market Valuation 1935‐1955.Fritz M. Heichelheim. An Ancient Economic History, From the Palaeolithic Age to the Migrations of the Germanic, Slavic, and Arabic Nations.Karl Polanyi, Conrad M. Arensberg and Harry W. Pearson (Eds.).H. Michell. The Economics of Ancient Greece. Second edition.John W. Baldwin. The Medieval Theories of the Just Price.A. Biéler. La pensée économìque et sociale de Calvin.H. C. Allen. Bush and Backwoods–a comparison of the frontier in Australia and the United States.John Joseph Beer. The Emergence of the German Dye Industry. (Illinois Studies in the Social Sciences.Mark W. Leiserson. Wages and Economic Control in Norway 1945‐1957‐ (Harvard University Press.T. C. Cochran. The Puerto Rican Businessman: A Study in Cultural Change.Oliver C. Cox. The Foundations of Capitalism.