Suchergebnisse

В течение трех поколений россияне жили в обществе деспотическом, не знавшем ни гуманности, ни справедливости, ни цивилизованных социальных отношений. Властвующая элита была выращена по преимуществу из социальных аутсайдеров, презиравших свой народ и бессмысленно разорявших страну своей некомпетентностью и безответственностью. Описание состава и характерных черт номенклатуры — правящего слоя "коммунистического" СССР, объяснение исторических предпосылок существования этого слоя владык и хозяев — таково содержание первой части статьи. Вторая часть посвящена превращению вчерашних партийных и советских работников в номенклатурную буржуазию, формированию новой демократической политической и экономической элиты. ; The paper calls attention to a new developmental paradigma in order to bridge the gap between civilization's and general formation's approaches. It is necessary to reject the more recent traditional stereotype about the historical development of mankind as a linearian process (from primitive society to capitalist and socialist ones). It has to be noticed that there are many different socio-economical forms existing in the concrete historical-cultural context. According to that scientific position authors make carefull distinctions between two lines in the historical development with specific for each of them typological variety. The first of them got started from antic polis, and societies which were along this line based on private property, free enterprise and democracy. Societies of another type have appeared firstly under the epoch of asian despoties; and based on the state property, community life, and overall power state control over societal resources. Considerable interest has been shown in describing the historical past of Russia and X)ssible developmental alternatives and tendencies. Duality in the developmental mentation is seen as one of the most characteristic features of Russia. The Bolshevist regime has undertaken first attempt to liquidate national origins of ''Europian developmental intentions" with it's greater degree of democracy and private initiative. Having said that recent seven decades were portrayed, from one hand, as the maintenance and modification of the aspects of "asian historical memory", and at the same time it was the process of the gradual and permanent transformation and total spread of the European patterns, life styles and standards of the West by the channels of technology and everyday communication.lt was a real movement towards market economy and civil society as an acceptable surviving strategy. That is why August putsch was the last step for liberating from tyranny. It seems so obvious for authors that Russian population has a sufficient potential for real democratic development and reforms, vital for both social and economic reasons which seek to encourage a greater degree of involvement, self-reliance and self-government. Authors present some of the findings of a recent research project which examined over principal points of the framework of socio-political system, and determined it as elacratical. Etacracy is considered both as original socio-economic formation placed on the civilizational "East West" dichotomy and as one of the political mode of modernization (industrialization) for non-European cultural area. Within the frame of reference authors clarify essential features of ctacratic society as domination of ''power-property" relations; state conlrolover ownership's rclaHons; slate monopoly and control of the means of production; centralized system of distribution; technological stagnation (dependence only on external stimuli); organized systematical selection of the most obedient and devoted to the system people; the superiority of goods-producing interests over consumers' needs; the degree of closeness to the resources of centralized distribution; ethnic affiliation as a fixed status; absence of civil society. Authors determine the appropriate criterion variables for ctacratic society. Authors present some findings of a recent research accessed the strategy of the soviet nomenklatura in cool and realistic terms. They consider nomenklatura as a specific organized hierarchical formation and etacracy as a political and economical ruling group controlling over property. Authors actively use the data of the researches and statistical information to porlrey the historical development of the Soviet political elite in terms of occupational status and mobility, standards of living, career orientations of individual at different levels of the nomenklatura's hierarchy with regard to forces producing, maintaining and modifying the basis, the form and the extent of political power and prestige. The authors suggest an empirical description of the portraiture of (he main political figures and political members of Political Bureau, Russian Parliament, Soviet Government in the age of perestroika, the transformation of the totalitarian dictatorship of the party apparatus into an authoritarian presidential regime, and then to the first democratic Government created a chance to reshape our policy and build a framework for democratic development. Authors draw attention to the crucial point in our history — replacement of the ruling monolitc elite by the "distributive" elites manage their control independently in economic sphere, political, military and intellectual spheres. There is a ''distribution" of social support between different social forces. It is necessary to make clear the extent of social support of the former political elite (the Army and the Government ministries, the older officers, inefficient, centralized, and bureaucratic management). And oppositely — to define growing prospects for ever greater support of the followers of a new socio-economic and political order as real base for middle-class' institutionalization. To study the nature, the mechanisms and consequences of social activity and nev modifications of nomenklatura is only one possible and acceptable scientific task. Greatly neglected group of new economic elite requires intensive exploration to gain an accurate notion of the origins, social mobility and perspectives of development and to build up it's typology.

In 1932, the Spanish republican government approved the Divorce Law in the context of new adjustments to marriage legislation in Spain, reinforcing the social and legal changes in the role of women that had emerged at the time. This measure, much like others that were approved during that time period, gave rise to social debate and mobilized the most conservative sectors of society, including the Catholic Church. In this research paper we will analyze the real impact of the 1932 Law by examining social demand for and the legal application of divorce through a detailed study of divorce files inValladolid until 1937. ; En 1932, el gobierno republicano aprobaba la Ley de Divorcio, en el marco de una nueva regulación de la legislación matrimonial en España, reforzando los cambios sociales y jurídicos del papel de la mujer acaecidos en esta etapa. Esta medida, como otras aprobadas en el periodo, suscitó un debate social y movilizó a los sectores más conservadores del país, entre ellos la Iglesia católica. En el presente artículo analizamos el impacto real de la Ley de 1932, examinando la demanda social y aplicación legal del divorcio, mediante un estudio detallado de los expedientes de divorcio en Valladolid hasta 1937.

Este trabajo es una aportación a la escasa historiografía sobre el asociacionismo profesional médico en España en la primera mitad del siglo XX. La Agrupación Profesional de Médicos Liberales (APML), creada durante la II República Española, no sólo intentó romper con los antecedentes asociativos tradicionales de la profesión médica, sino que participó activamente a nivel político y social con el objetivo de obtener una medicina comprometida con la sociedad. Este posicionamiento activo hizo que la APML fuera considerada un enemigo más del régimen de Franco, y sus afiliados víctimas de la represión y el exilio. ; This paper represents an important contribution to the scant historiography on medical professional associationism in Spain in the mid-20th century. The Professional Association of Liberal Physicians (Agrupación Profesional de Médicos Liberales, APML), created during the Second Spanish Republic, not only attempted to break with the traditional associative background of the medical profession but also actively participated at political and social level in order to achieve a medicine committed to society. This active positioning made the APML an enemy of the Franco regime, leading its members to become victims of repression and exile.

This paper develops a game-theoretic approach to the problem of political officials' respect for political and economic rights of citizens. It models the policing of rights as a coordination problem among citizens, but one with asymmetries difficult to resolve in a decentralized manner. The paper shows that democratic stability depends on a self-enforcing equilibrium: It must be in the interests of political officials to respect democracy's limits on their behavior. The concept of self-enforcing limits on the state illuminates a diverse set of problems and thus serves as a potential basis for integrating the literature. The framework is applied to a range of topics, such as democratic stability, plural societies, and elite pacts. The paper also applies its lessons to the case of the Glorious Revolution in seventeenth-century England. (American Political Science Review / FUB)

After the decisions in Lawrence v. Texas (2003) and Roper v. Simmons (2005), the Supreme Court's use of foreign law became a hotly contested issue in Congress, the media, and among conservative political activists. Lawrence Baum (2006) argues the Justices are sensitive and respond to the reaction of external audiences. The reaction of the Justices to the controversy over the use of foreign law indicates that the Justices care more about cases than just their disposition or particular policy agendas, and provides further evidence that the Justices take into account their relationships with othe.

Hurl argues that the impact of law and politics on judicial decision making is dependent upon the broader institutional environments that courts operate within. Through an examination environmental and Indian law decisions, he explores how judicial power in Canada and the United States is shaped by the constitutional structure of the two regimes. His work is based on an analysis of environmental and Indian law decisions decided by the Supreme Courts of Canada and the United States between 1985 and 2008, supplemented by an analysis of environmental policy cases decided by American and Canadian.

AbstractOver the last two decades, we have seen a worldwide expansion of the concept and practice of cultural diplomacy, along with the emergence of a multipolar world. This raises the question of the way in which the notion is mobilized and understood beyond Europe and North America. This paper is based on comparative research carried out in Qatar and Singapore. Both countries have developed ambitious cultural diplomacy strategies, based on the establishment of world-class cultural and educational institutions, and on their integration into regional and global cultural networks. But many have highlighted contradictions between these ambitious strategies and the restrictions and pressures that both countries place on their civil societies. This paper discusses how curators, who have become key global gatekeepers, negotiate their role in their country's global cultural strategy and position themselves with regard to the official national narrative. With their multiple belonging, they shape narratives that make regional and local scenes and can put cities on the world art map. This symbolic power puts them in a strategic position to shape the nation-branding discourse.

A partir de documentación de diverso origen se propone un examen de algunos de los desajustes y reajustes sufridos por la economía agraria y la sociedad rural de Navarra durante la guerra civil y la postguerra. Se concluye que, dadas las escasas p rdidas en fuerza de trabajo, capital ganadero y maquinaria, los mediocres resultados del sector durante los años 40 sólo puede ser achacado a las opciones tomadas por el Nuevo Estado en política económica y alineamiento diplomático. La recomposición de las relaciones de clase en el campo fue reforzada por una acción pública profusa y contradictoria, que sólo a partir de 1946, fruto del descontento, adquirió un horizonte más ambicioso de modernización estructural. ; Artikulu honek, jatorri ezberdineko agiriak abiapuntu harturik, gerra zibila eta gerraostean nekazaritza ekonomiak eta landako gizartean jaso ziren zenbait doikuntza eta birdoitzeak aztertzen ditu. Egileak ondorioztatzen duenez, lanindarra, azienda eta makineria arloetan galera urriak izan zirela ikusirik, sektorearen emaitza eskasaren arrazoia, Estatu Berriak 1940 .eko hamarkadan ekonomia-politika eta lerratze diplomatikoan hartutako erabakietan bilatu behar da. Landa munduan klase harremanen berreratzea era kontraesankorran bultzatu zen eralcundeetatik, eta 1946az geroztik, deskontentuaren eraginez, asmo handiko egiturazko modernizazioaruntz abiatu zen. ; This article examines some aspects of the evolution of the agrarian economy and the rural society in Navarra during the civil war and postwar. It concludes that losses of manpower, livestock and machinery were small, and the poor performance of the agricultural sector in the 40's was the result of decisions of Francoist State in economics and diplomacy. The reconstruction of class relations in the countryside was interfered by a profuse and contradictory interventionism. Only since 1946, as a response to social discontent, the regional government designed a more ambitious expense in order to structural modernization. ; Trabajo publicado en el marco del proyecto de investigación MEC-HUM2006-01277

"In this anthology of seven comics essays, author and graphic novelist Nate Powell addresses living in an era of what he calls "necessary protest." Save It for Later: Promises, Parenthood, and the Urgency of Protest is Powell's reflection on witnessing the collapse of discourse in real time while drawing the award-winning trilogy March, written by Congressman John Lewis and Andrew Aydin, this generation's preeminent historical account of nonviolent revolution in the civil rights movement. Powell highlights both the danger of normalized paramilitary presence symbols in consumer pop culture, and the roles we play individually as we interact with our communities, families, and society at large."--Amazon.

Scholars who have sought to identify the triggers of rare political events have met with limited success. With respect to civil war, studies teach us to expect conflict where it is feasible. However, although we understand where civil conflict occurs, we do not quite understand when it occurs. Focusing on civil conflict, I argue that time-variant and time-invariant explanations relate to the outcome by means of two distinct causal processes, which has implications for the identification of triggers of rare events. I provide an easily implementable approach to improve rare event estimation that uses matching to leverage constant attributes to estimate the effects of rare predictors. I demonstrate the utility of this procedure by providing an aggregate and disaggregate example of civil conflict onset estimation.

In response to the need for faculty training, the American Society of Civil Engineers developed and funded the ExCEEd (Excellence in Civil Engineering Education) Teaching Workshop that is today - the summer of 2008 - celebrating its tenth year of existence. For the past decade, nineteen ExCEEd Teaching Workshops (ETW) have been held at the United States Military Academy, the University of Arkansas, and Northern Arizona University, with two more workshops scheduled for this summer for a total of 21 offerings. ETW has realized 449 graduates from 203 different U.S. and international colleges and universities. This paper summarizes the content of ETW, assesses its effectiveness, highlights changes in the program as a result of the assessment, and outlines future directions. The assessment data were obtained from multiple survey instruments conducted during each workshop, surveys taken six months to a year after the workshop, and a ten year longitudinal survey.

In addition to becoming increasingly marginalized in the world economy over the past three decades, Latin America has assigned priority to financial speculation rather than productive efforts, has witnessed rapid growth in the informal sector of the economy, & has implemented labor flexibilization policies in the formal sector. Because of economic restructuring, increased poverty, & the deepening of social inequality, most Latin American countries have also experienced profound changes in the social foundations of their states & the effectiveness of civil rights. The likely impact of these dramatic changes on the future of democracy in Latin America -- particularly whether globalization of the idea of justice may occur -- is considered. 10 References. M. Maguire

The aim of the study is to analyze the impact of quarantine restrictions imposed as a result of the COVID-19 pandemic on the precarization of socio-political groups. The research methods include: a systematic approach, which allowed to trace the modernization of the political system under the influence of the COVID-19 pandemic; the structural-functional approach made it possible to analyze the impact of «pandemic» political and state management on the development of political precariousness; The comparative approach allowed to analyze national examples of the impact of the pandemic on precarization and to form common trends in the political sphere of modern society. The content of the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the transformation of the political sphere in the modern world is highlighted and revealed. Among the features of the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic are the consequences of the introduction of quarantine restrictions, which were entirely conditioned by health requirements, but had a global impact on the economic, social and political spheres. Regarding the impact on the political sphere, it is noted that quarantine restrictions have caused a global crisis of state regulatory institutions and raised the issue of the role of civil society. It is substantiated that the quarantine restrictions imposed as a result of the COVID-19 pandemic have actualized the problems of economic and socio-political inequality, which leads to the precarization of certain socio-political groups. Precarization occurs due to the restriction of economic and civil rights, which leads to economic and socio-political instability in the world. ; Метою дослідження є аналіз впливу карантинних обмежень введених внаслідок пандемії COVID-19 на прекаризацію соціально-політичних груп. До методів дослідження можна віднести: системний підхід; структурно-функціональний підхід; порівняльний підхід. Виокремлено та розкрито зміст впливу пандемії COVID-19 на трансформацію політичну сферу в сучасному світі. Серед особливостей впливу пандемії COVID-19 можна виділити в першу чергу наслідки введення карантинних обмежень, які були повністю обумовленні вимогами охорони здоров'я, але спричинили глобальний вплив на економічну, суспільну та політичну сферу. Обґрунтовано, що карантинні обмеження введені внаслідок пандемії COVID-19 актуалізували проблеми економічної та соціально-політичної нерівності, що призводить до прекаризації певних соціально-політичних груп. Прекаризація відбувається внаслідок обмеження економічних та громадянських прав, що призводить до економічної та соціально-політичної нестабільності в країнах світу. ; Метою дослідження є аналіз впливу карантинних обмежень введених внаслідок пандемії COVID-19 на прекаризацію соціально-політичних груп. До методів дослідження можна віднести: системний підхід; структурно-функціональний підхід; порівняльний підхід. Виокремлено та розкрито зміст впливу пандемії COVID-19 на трансформацію політичну сферу в сучасному світі. Серед особливостей впливу пандемії COVID-19 можна виділити в першу чергу наслідки введення карантинних обмежень, які були повністю обумовленні вимогами охорони здоров'я, але спричинили глобальний вплив на економічну, суспільну та політичну сферу. Обґрунтовано, що карантинні обмеження введені внаслідок пандемії COVID-19 актуалізували проблеми економічної та соціально-політичної нерівності, що призводить до прекаризації певних соціально-політичних груп. Прекаризація відбувається внаслідок обмеження економічних та громадянських прав, що призводить до економічної та соціально-політичної нестабільності в країнах світу.