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The late 19th and early 20th centuries marked significant changes in the social perception of children and childhood in Europe andthe US. The phenomenonwas vividly reflected in works of art, including painting. Images of children and childhood acquired new positive connotations. A rather ambiguous notion of "innocence" becameoneof the most important characteristics of childhood. The category was associated with children's ability to receive more profound and intense religious experiences in comparison to those of adults. Poetry, philosophy, and art of that time emphasized this aspect of idealised childhood. In this research, we examine and compare works of easel and monumental painting on religious subjects by American and Western European as well as Polish and Ukrainian artists which depict children and childhood. We address both works intended for sacred spaces and secular paintings containing symbols and allusions borrowed from Christian imagery. The article looks into the genesis of the sacralised image of children and childhood in Western cultures, its specific features and ways of its representation in painting, including local traditions. The study focuses on the portrayal of peasant children in paintings by Polish and Ukrainian artists (Jacek Malczewski, Kazimierz Sichulski, Wlastimil Hofman, Oleksa Novakivskyi, Yulian Butsmaniuk) on religious subjects.The sacralisation of village children in Central and Eastern European artconstitutes a peculiar artistic phenomenon closely associated with the social structure as well as political situation in the region. In the course of the research we employed a range of methods—formal, iconographical, iconological analysis, content analysis and semiological analysis. ; Кінець 19-го та початок 20-го століття позначені змінами у суспільних уявленнях про дитину та дитинство у США та країнах Європи. Це явище знайшло яскраве відображення пам'ятках культури, зокрема у творах живопису. Образ дитини та дитинства отримав нові позитивні конотації. Насамперед йдеться про багатозначну категорію "невинності", що пов'язувалась у тому числі зі здатністю дітей до отримання більш глибокого та інтенсивного релігійного досвіду, ніж у дорослих. Цей аспект ідеалізованого образу дитинства особливо підкреслювався у літературі, філософії, мистецтві. У рамках цього дослідження були розглянуті та співставлені роботи станкового та монументального живопису митців США та Західної Європи, з одного боку, і Польщі та Західної України, з іншого боку, де образ дитини з'являється у сценах релігійного характеру. Джерельна база охоплює як твори на суто релігійні теми, призначені для сакральних просторів, так і роботи світського характеру, що містять символи християнського походження та алюзії на сакральні сюжети. У статті розглядаються джерела появи сакралізованого образу дитини у культурі кінця 19-го та початку 20-го століття, особливості та варіанти його втілення у творах живопису (у тому числі — регіональні традиції). Особлива увага приділяється образам сільських дітей у творах митців Польщі та Західної України (Яцека Мальчевського, Властимила Гофмана, Казимира Сіхульського, Олекси Новаківського, Юліяна Буцманюка) на релігійну тематику як специфічному художньому явищу, тісно пов'язаному з соціальною структурою та політичною ситуацією у цих регіонах. У ході дослідження було застосовано методи мистецтвознавства (формальний, іконографічний, іконологічний), а також методи гуманітарних наук (контент-аналіз, семіологічний аналіз).

Abstract Background Outreach facilitation has been proven successful in improving the adoption of clinical preventive care guidelines in primary care practice. The net costs and savings of delivering such an intensive intervention need to be understood. We wanted to estimate the proportion of a facilitation intervention cost that is offset and the potential for savings by reducing inappropriate screening tests and increasing appropriate screening tests in 22 intervention primary care practices affecting a population of 90,283 patients. Methods A cost-consequences analysis of one successful outreach facilitation intervention was done, taking into account the estimated cost savings to the health system of reducing five inappropriate tests and increasing seven appropriate tests. Multiple data sources were used to calculate costs and cost savings to the government. The cost of the intervention and costs of performing appropriate testing were calculated. Costs averted were calculated by multiplying the number of tests not performed as a result of the intervention. Further downstream cost savings were determined by calculating the direct costs associated with the number of false positive test follow-ups avoided. Treatment costs averted as a result of increasing appropriate testing were similarly calculated. Results The total cost of the intervention over 12 months was $238,388 and the cost of increasing the delivery of appropriate care was $192,912 for a total cost of $431,300. The savings from reduction in inappropriate testing were $148,568 and from avoiding treatment costs as a result of appropriate testing were $455,464 for a total savings of $604,032. On a yearly basis the net cost saving to the government is $191,733 per year (2003 $Can) equating to $3,687 per physician or $63,911 per facilitator, an estimated return on intervention investment and delivery of appropriate preventive care of 40%. Conclusion Outreach facilitation is more expensive but more effective than other attempts to modify primary care practice and all of its costs can be offset through the reduction of inappropriate testing and increasing appropriate testing. Our calculations are based on conservative assumptions. The potential for savings is likely considerably higher.

Este artículo analiza la construcción hegemónica y la eficacia interpelativa del discurso presidencial de Fernando de la Rúa en las jornadas del 19 y 20 de diciembre del 2001. Se concluye que en esta fase final De la Rúa edificó desde su alocución un vínculo de representación política centrado en la defensa neoliberal-conservadora del orden público, como equivalente a la paz social y la gobernabilidad. La frontera de exclusión se delimitaba frente a los hechos de violencia social. Sin embargo, la alteridad constitutiva carecía de agentes concretos e individualizables, por lo que asumía una forma difusa e impersonal. La crisis económica y social también respondía a hechos estructurales producidos externamente, sin causas ni agentes precisos que la encarnaran. Desde el lado enunciativo, el discurso de De la Rúa apeló a una ética de la responsabilidad y la grandeza, a partir de una modalidad deontológica, con el objeto de justificar el Estado de Sitio, la convocatoria a la unidad nacional y el deber de preservar el orden institucional. A través del empleo de una forma verbal antecedida del proceso relacional ?Hay que?, el Presidente subordinaba el componente programático del discurso político y congelaba las demandas opositoras en torno a la modificación del modelo económico y social. Mediante el uso de la voz pasiva y los sustantivos antepuestos a la acción, De la Rúa quitaba responsabilidad política a su figura y a su Gobierno en la crisis, que respondía a circunstancias situadas como ajenas a su voluntad. Al mismo tiempo, reducía la capacidad agentiva para transformar activamente el statu quo del Régimen de Convertibilidad. La apelación a un mandato superyoico de responsabilidad gubernamental y deber institucional y la escenificación de una épica de la grandeza personal, se articulaban con un dispositivo de enunciación desinteresado políticamente. Este dispositivo enunciativo procuraba legitimarse exhibiendo una continuidad biográfica en el accionar presidencial. Desde el análisis de la eficacia hegemónica, a través de las masivas e intensas protestas sociales inmediatamente posteriores a la enunciación presidencial, se evidenció en ambas alocuciones el fracaso interpelativo de De la Rúa en sus pretensiones performativas. La intensa, masiva y persistente resistencia social al autoritarismo oficial contribuyó a la renuncia del Presidente, a la caída de la Alianza y de su modelo de acumulación basado en el ajuste, la precarización laboral y la exclusión social. ; This article analyzes the hegemonic construction and the interpelative efficacy of Fernando de la Rúa´s presidential discourse in the days of December 19 and 20, 2001. It is concluded that in this final phase De la Rúa built from his speech a political representation link focused on the neoliberal-conservative defense of public order, as equivalent to social peace and governability. The frontier of exclusion was delimited opposite the facts of social violence. However, the constitutive otherness lacked concrete and individualize agents, so it assumed a diffuse and impersonal form. The economic and social crisis also responded to structural events produced externally, without causes or precise agents that embodied it. From the enunciative side, De la Rúa´s discourse appealed to an ethic of responsibility and greatness, based on a deontological modality, in order to justify the State of Siege, the call to national unity and the duty to preserve the institutional order. Through the use of a verbal form preceded by the relational process "Have to" the President subordinated the programmatic component of the political discourse and froze the opposing demands regarding the modification of the economic and social model. Through the use of the passive voice and the nouns placed before the action, De la Rúa took political responsibility to his figure and his Government in the crisis, which responded to circumstances located as beyond his control. At the same time, it reduced the agentive capacity to actively transform the status quo of the Convertibility Regime. The appeal to a superego mandate of governmental responsibility and institutional duty and the staging of an epic of personal greatness, were articulated with a politically disinterested device of enunciation. This enunciative device sought to legitimize itself by exhibiting a biographical continuity in the presidential action. From the analysis of the hegemonic efficacy, through the massive and intense social protests immediately after the presidential enunciation, was evidenced the interpellative failure of De la Rúa in its performative pretensions. The intense, massive and persistent social resistance to official authoritarianism contributed to the resignation of the President, the fall of the Alliance and its accumulation model based on adjustment, labor precariousness and social exclusion. ; Fil: Fair, Hernán. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina. Universidad Nacional de Quilmes. Departamento de Ciencias Sociales; Argentina

Reuse of record except for individual research requires license from Congressional Information Service, Inc. ; CIS Microfiche Accession Numbers: CIS 75 H401-20, CIS 75 H721-12 ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Microfiche. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Katalog zur gleichnamigen Ausstellung im alten Gasometer in Oberhausen. "Ein starkes Stück Deutschland" - mit diesem Motto hat Nordrhein-Westfalen in den letzten Jahren für sein im Umbruch befindliches Kernland, das Ruhrgebiet, geworben. Die Ausstellung zeichnet ein facettenreiches, umfassendes Bild von Geschichte und Gegenwart des "Reviers" und seiner Menschen. Dunkle Punkte werden dabei nicht ausgeklammert. Der Katalog bietet neben informativen Einführungsartikeln ausführliche Beschreibungen aller Exponate mit Abbildungen in Auswahl. Ein bleibendes Dokument über die Ausstellung hinaus. (LK/AC: Krause)

Assessing the chronic toxicity of a compound to developing honey bees (Apis mellifera L.) has proven to be a challenge since the mid-2000s. Such data are requested by global regulatory authorities so they can evaluate the risk of compounds to larval honey bees when exposure is likely to occur in the environment. Poor test performance has led to frequent study failures and data uncertainty. Here we highlight a recent effort by the Pollinator Research Task Force (PRTF)1 to validate the use of a method for evaluating the chronic toxicity of a compound (e.g., a pesticide) to an immature honey bee for use in a risk assessment. A ring test protocol was selected and based upon the current OECD guidance document No. 2392 with amendments developed at the University of Florida (Schmehl et al. 2016)3. Fifteen independent laboratories on three continents representing government, academia, and industry followed the same testing protocol to: 1) determine if test performance is robust across different geographic regions and different laboratory personnel and 2) identify limitations associated with the methodology. The control performance criteria for a valid test according to OECD GD 239 is ≥ 85% survival at the end of the larval development and ≥ 70% survival through adult emergence. Thirteen trials (81.3%) satisfied the validity criteria and the test design's performance was determined adequate for regulatory testing. The toxic reference chemical (dimethoate) had a consistent response with a 22-day EC 50 range of 8-22 μg active substance (a.s.)/g diet. An acetone concentration at the maximum concentration allowed by the OECD GD 239 (2% acetone) was observed to be problematic to test performance. In conclusion, the ring test methods based upon the OECD GD 239 demonstrated that the repeat (chronic) exposure of a compound on developing bees can be successfully conducted. A copy of the full study report4 can be accessed here.

"Serial no. J-111-26." ; Shipping list no.: 2010-0205-P. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Mode of access: Internet.