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Abstract:Skepticism prevails among a substantial number of economists over a possible connection between civil liberties and the level of economic activity. Until now, empirical research on economic growth has found mixed evidence on the influence of civil liberties. Disaggregation of the Freedom House Civil Liberties Index allows a fresh empirical look at the effect of human rights on long-term growth or economic development. Our results show that one of the four subcategories of the index outperforms all available indicators of property rights institutions in explaining long-term economic growth. This subcategory, Personal Autonomy and Individual Rights, captures the level of second generation human rights that affect the mobility of individuals with respect to housing, employment and university education, as well as the level of protection of property rights. This result is robust with respect to reverse causation, important omitted variables such as geography and human capital, as well as to a variety of sensitivity tests. We also discuss in our conceptual framework how civil liberties work as an indicator of the prevalence of the rule of law and how the latter affects growth or development as an essential public input.

This article compares and contrasts the way Gandhi understands the right to civil disobedience with the way this right is understood by some contemporary liberals. Some of the implications of the right to civil disobedience are also discussed. The right to civil disobedience implies that the authorities should extend some tolerance to civil disobedients not only when they are correct, but also when they are reasonably mistaken in their views. Tolerance here does not involve preventing civil disobedients from breaking the law, and implies that when civil disobedients break the law, they have a claim not to be punished or have their punishment reduced. Of course such claims have to be balanced against other considerations, such as the need for deterrence.

Historically, the churches have been more on the side of the status quo than on the frontiers of change and the achievement of social justice. The occupants of the pews con tinue to resist change, but those who occupy the pulpits have, to a considerable degree, experienced a deepening commitment to, and involvement in, the struggle for social justice. This is leading to the deepest schism in the churches since the Prot estant Reformation. The efforts of clergymen to make the faith relevant to the civil rights movement must be seen in a broader context of internal upheavals over the meaning and purpose of the faith, doctrinal belief, and the exercise of au thority. Lay resistance to involvement of the clergy is serious enough to raise the question of whether religion in its present institutional forms will survive.

The extent to which different patterns of relative deprivation may be differentially associated with a variety of movement tactics is explored. Value expectations refer to the goods & conditions of life to which one feels entitled, & value capabilities refer to those that one feels capable of getting & keeping. There is a difference in perception of relative deprivation depending upon the subject of the comparison. There is aspirational deprivation where an inability to achieve at a level commensurate with societally induced aspirations occurs, & a progressive deprivation which consists of the conjunction of "rising expectations" with perception of "blocked opportunities." Data were collected in the Summer of 1964 through questionnaires administered to all students enrolled in sociology classes at the black Florida A&M U. Items were included designed to tap participation in the civil rights movement. Although only 35% of the participants were M, these S's tended to be more active participants. SE origins proved to be unrelated to participation. Aspirational deprivation with blacks as S's does appear to be related to civil rights participation. Perception of aspirational deprivation of group appears to be more salient than perception of aspirational deprivation of self in stimulating protest activity. Neither perception of past progress nor pessimism about future prospects appears to be associated with participation. There is little probability that progressive deprivation can be used to explain participation. Reference group satisfaction of self relative to other blacks appears to be associated with participation. The most significant reference group comparison made by blacks is with other blacks. Different types of relative deprivation are associated with participation at different stages of a movement. 1 Table, 1 Figure. S. Coler.

Separate reports for U.S., each state and D.C., each divided into several parts usually titled: Provisions of the Constitution . relation to the infringement of civil rights, Elections, Education, Housing, Employment, Admin. of Justice. ; At head of title: The Library of Congress, Legislative Reference Service, American Law Division. ; Mode of access: Internet.

One of the most important areas of Supreme Court decision-making is that of civil liberties. Yet there is much evidence to suggest that legal rules are often of less importance in such cases than judicial att. Analysis of the behavior of the US Supreme Court in civil liberties cases for the 1957 term reveals the existence of bloc voting & a consistency in decision which appears to have an important attitudinal dimension. This dimension is analyzed using Guttman scalogram techniques. Prevailing trends in the 1956 & 1957 terms are identified & predic. tions for the 1958 term are made. The Court, on balance, is found to be moving toward a less favorable attitude toward civil liberty claims. IPSA.

FROM THE PARTITION OF IRELAND IN 1921 UNTIL 1972, NORTHERN IRELAND'S PROTESTANT MAJORITY DOMINATED THE DEVOLVED PARLIAMENTARY ASSEMBLY. WHEN THE CIVIL-RIGHTS PROTEST BLOSSOMED, THE IRISH REPUBLICAN ARMY HAD THE POPULAR MOMENTUM REQUIRED TO BUILD ITS BASE AND ASSERT ITS REJECTION OF NORTHERN IRELAND'S CONSENT PRINCIPLE. THUS BEGAN THE TROUBLES THAT CONTINUED FOR OVER TWENTY YEARS. ALTHOUGH 1998 BROUGHT SOME SEMBLANCE OF PEACE TO THE COUNTRY THERE HAVE BEEN SOME PROBLEMS IN THE IMPLEMENTATION OF THE NEW NORTHERN IRELAND ASSEMBLY. NORTHERN IRELAND CONTINUES TO FACE CONSIDERABLE CHALLENGES IN RECONCILING TWO COMMUNITIES DIVIDED BY GENERATIONS OF STRIFE AND ECONOMIC TURBULENCE.