Search results

In countries around the world, politicians distribute patronage jobs to supporters in exchange for a wide range of political services - such as helping with campaigns and electoral mobilization. Patronage employees (clients) engage in these political activities that support politicians (patrons) because their fates are tied to the political fate of their patrons. Although conventional wisdom holds that control of patronage significantly increases an incumbent's chance of staying in power, we actually know very little about how patronage works. Drawing on in-depth interviews, survey data, and survey experiments in Argentina, Virginia Oliveros details the specific mechanisms that explain the effect of patronage on political competition. This fascinating study is the first to provide a systematic analysis of the political activities of mid and low-level public employees in Latin America. It provides a novel explanation of the enforcement of patronage contracts that has wider implications for understanding the functioning of clientelist exchanges.

In almost all systems there have been unethical behaviors that take place in written and visual media. Of all these unethical behaviors, favoritism takes precedence. This study was conducted to investigate whether or not the administrators favor some people in the Turkish national education system and also to reveal the teachers thoughts on whether or not the administrators (central, provincial, and school administrators) show favoritism in their decisions and practices. In the study, a scale was constructed to collect data, and its validity and reliability were checked. After a group of teachers tested the scale, the results indicated that the teachers tend to believe that central, provincial and school administrators are partial in favor of some people in the Turkish national education system. Teachers believe that favoritism has existed in the following areas3A the appointment of central administrators in the ministry of national education, in school administrators and teachers, in providing educational materials for schools, in selecting schools to take part in activities, in promoting teachers to a higher position or appointing them to positions abroad3B about tendering investments in the provincial education administration, in opening private schools, courses and institutions, in the distribution of funds to schools, as well as the use of buildings, establishments and materials provided by the ministry3B in the practice of school administrators about the tolerance for teachers having permission for any reasons, in teachers beginning courses and leaving classrooms on time, and finally in selecting participants for activities from which they can benefit financially and academically. Participants believe that administrators neglect skills and abilities, and that they behave show favoritism about the issues mentioned above in favor of their friends, fellow countrymen, and those having political views that align with their own.

"Although Marguerite de Navarre's unique position in sixteenth-century France has long been acknowledged and she is one of the most studied women of the time, until now no study has focused attention on Marguerite's political life. Barbara Stephenson here fills the gap, delineating Marguerite's formal political position and highlighting her actions as a figure with the opportunity to exercise power through both official and unofficial channels. Through Marguerite's surviving correspondence, Stephenson traces the various networks through which this French noblewoman exercised the power available to her to further the careers of political and religious clients, as well as her struggle to protect the interests of her brother the king and those of her own family and household. The analysis of Marguerite's activities sheds light on noble society as a whole."--Provided by publisher.

The British established their foothold in India after Sir Thomas Roe, the English diplomat, obtained permission to trade for the English East India Company from the Mughal emperor Jehangir (1605–1627). By end of the seventeenth century, the company had expanded its trading operations in the major coastal cities of India. The gradual weakening of the Mughal Empire in the eighteenth century gave the East India Company a further opportunity to expand its power and maintain its own private army. In 1765, the Mughal emperor Shah Alam II (1759–1806) was forced to give the Grant of the Dīwānī of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa to the East India Company. However, it was in 1803 that the company became a formidable power when Shah Alam II accepted the Company's authority in exchange for protection and maintenance. The British Residency at Delhi was established. ; The British established their foothold in India after Sir Thomas Roe, the English diplomat, obtained permission to trade for the English East India Company from the Mughal emperor Jehangir (1605–1627). By end of the seventeenth century, the company had expanded its trading operations in the major coastal cities of India. The gradual weakening of the Mughal Empire in the eighteenth century gave the East India Company a further opportunity to expand its power and maintain its own private army. In 1765, the Mughal emperor Shah Alam II (1759–1806) was forced to give the Grant of the Dīwānī of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa to the East India Company. However, it was in 1803 that the company became a formidable power when Shah Alam II accepted the Company's authority in exchange for protection and maintenance. The British Residency at Delhi was established.