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Abstract This article explores the imbrication of history, fiction, and biopolitics in a variety of specific confrontations between the Canadian state and the Anishnaabeg in Michel Noël's teen novel Nipishish (2004). Situated in Southwest Québec during the second half of the 20th century, the novel lends itself readily to a biopolitical reading which gleans from and expands on the theories of Foucault, Agamben, and Pratt. Focusing on deconstructing biopolitical strategies of the settler colonial state and agentive Native practices, the analysis underscores how Noël's depiction of Indigenous lifeways and resistance constitute an invaluable political message to Indigenous and non-Indigenous youth alike.

When Navajo President Joe Shirley Jr. addressed to the World Summit of the Information Society in 2005, he called for greater indigenous participation in the internet, with universal indigenous connectivity to assert indigenous "values, languages, traditions, and sovereignty." I argue, however, that such aspirations should be pursued with caution, as there are risks associated with internet technology and nuances that users must understand in order to use it effectively. My argument draws upon the work of Eli Pariser, who sees personal internet search, specifically, as problematic for any group that uses the internet as a means of discourse to address problems common to all group members.

One of the ongoing struggles of indigenous people against colonization is to be able to exercise the fundamental right to represent themselves and to speak to the dominant society with their own voices and words, rather than to be spoken of or about. This essay discusses the mainstream academic peer review process and the suppression of indigenous standpoints by the dominant culture. The essay goes on to analyze the ways in which one mainstream international academic journal accepted and contained the expression of an indigenous standpoint by then inviting a response from a mainstream scholar who largely delegitimized the indigenous voice, at which point the inquiry ended.

Globalization has created the space for indigenous peoples to seek rights in new and creative ways. This article introduces the relational concept between indigenous peoples and others. Then it defines human rights and identifies three generations of human rights as expressed in doctrine and the protections they provide. After discussing the application of human rights to indigenous peoples, the author examines human rights in two cases: the Native Hawaiian sovereignty movement and the Zapatistas (Maya) movement. In each case she seeks to discover which structure—either the state or international system—offers greater openings for the rights that the indigenous groups seek. To discover the range of rights apportioned to indigenous peoples, the author also looks at several state constitutions in the Americas. The findings suggest that the rights of indigenous peoples are better protected by international doctrine.

Indigenous migrants in American custody often speak neither English nor Spanish. This leaves them at risk for family separation, deportation and due process violations. In this article, I discuss the challenges which indigenous migrants face in American immigration. Examining linguistic variations, this manuscript illustrates that American immigration policies have not adjusted to the linguistic diversity at the border—or in the immigration courts. Despite the growing number of indigenous migrants seeking asylum, most are assumed to speak only Spanish. This assumption neglects the wide linguistic diversity of immigrants and directly impacts their experience through the immigration bureaucracy. For indigenous migrants, linguicism or the exclusion of native languages can have life or death consequences—especially if they are unable to secure interpreters or relay crucial aspects of their case. As such, linguicism perpetuates an unequal justice system which fails to provide an understanding of the asylum process for those who speak indigenous languages.

About the editors; Figures and table; Figures; 1.1 Ayoreo territory; 1.2 Aquino Aquiraoi Picanerai; 1.3 Mateo Sobode Chiquenoi II; 3.1 Batwa ancestral territories; 4.1 New Nubia; 4.2 Old Nubia; 5.1 Thailand; 6.1 The Nicobar Islands; 6.2 Chupon and Simron Singh; 7.1 The Andaman Islands in the Bay of Bengal; Table; 4.1 Political timeline for Nubia; Abbreviations; Additional materials; Introduction; Invocation: What the spirit said to Ibegua Chiqueñoro; Credits; Part One. Settler: South America and New Zealand.

"In Indians Playing Indian, Monika Siebert explores the appropriation, or misappropriation, of Native American cultural heritage for political and commercial ends, and the innovative ways in which indigenous artists in a range of media have responded to these developments. Contemporary indigenous people in North America confront a unique predicament. As legal and diplomatic practice in the early twenty first century returns to the recognition of their status as citizens of historic sovereign nations, popular culture continues to depict them as cultural minorities on the par with other ethnic Americans. This popular misperception of indigeneity as culture rather than as a historically developed political status sustains the myth of America as a refuge to the world's immigrants and a home to successful multicultural democracies. But it fundamentally misrepresents indigenous people who have experienced a history of colonization rather than a tradition of immigration on the continent. Contemporary indigenous cultural production is caught up in this phenomenon of multicultural misrecognition as well. The current flowering of indigenous literature, cinema, and visual arts is typically taken as evidence that Canada and the United States have successfully broken with their colonial pasts to become thriving nations of many cultures, where Native Americans, along other minorities, enjoy full freedom to represent their cultural difference"--

Recent conflict between indigenous people and a self-styled indigenous state in Bolivia has brought to the fore some of the paradoxes and contradictions within the concept of indigeneity itself. The contemporary politics of state sponsored indigeneity in Bolivia has as much capacity to create new inequalities as it does to address old ones and there is a conceptual deficit in understanding contemporary indigenous rights claims, in particular, as they relate to the state. I reject Peter Geschiere's (2009) suggestion that one should distinguish between 'autochthony' and 'indigeneity' but am inspired by these arguments to suggest that one needs to make a critical distinction between the kinds of claims different indigenous people make against the state. Of interest here are the consequences of indigeneity being transformed from being a language of resistance to a language of governance. I propose a conceptual distinction between inclusive national indigeneity for the majority which seeks to co-opt the state through accessing the language of governance and a minority concept of indigeneity which needs protection from the state and continues to use indigeneity as a language of resistance. Only by looking at the kinds of claims people make through the rhetoric of indigeneity can we make sense of the current indigenous conflict in Bolivia and elsewhere.

This paper examines developments and dilemmas in relations between local governments and Indigenous Australians over the last quarter century. It establishes a framework for analysis based on differences in local government systems, circumstances and populations. It then examines two sets of developments in relations which have occurred in contrasting circumstances. The first is ongoing poor relations in incorporated local government areas, focusing on a complex of issues surrounding land ownership, rates and services. The second is discrete predominantly Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander communities which have been themselves becoming local governments. Both of these sets of developments are seen as being accompanied by significant dilemmas. In relation to the first, the major dilemma identified is how superordinate levels of government should best proceed in attempts to improve relations. In relation to the second, major dilemmas are identified relating to Indigenous 'ownership' of the resulting local government structures and the weakness of the financial position of these newly-emerging local governments. The paper suggests there have been some very significant and quite complex developments in relations between local governments and Indigenous Australians over the last quarter century. However, these developments have only tentatively moved relations in a more positive direction, if indeed at all. Poor relations still predominate between local governments and Indigenous Australians.

Indigenous conflict management has been a key feature of pre- and post-colonial African societies in managing varied community disputes related to natural resources. In Zimbabwe, the Dare, the traditional court works similarly. However, there have been few insights on the effectiveness of indigenous community-based mechanisms in managing primary water conflicts. The paper argues that although there are widespread and varied water conflicts within the rural setting, the grassroots nature, combined with simple and clear procedures of the traditional court systems makes it a viable option in managing emergent primary water conflicts at the community level. There is a need to synchronise this indigenous community-based conflict management mechanism with the state-run judicial system. However, the operation of the indigenous conflict management mechanism within the framework of competitive African politics has made it vulnerable to political intrusions. Water governance, using traditional court systems would likely benefit from equal gender representation in the decision-making structures.

Australian policy has been motivated by paternalism towards Indigenous peoples for the better part of Australia's colonial history. Contemporary forms of income management that disproportionately affect Indigenous peoples extend a paternalistic approach. The paternalism embedded within the income management discourse draws heavily upon the framework of 'new paternalism', which increases government supervision of those who receive welfare payments. However, in recent years, another form of paternalism has also been growing in popularity with Western governments – 'nudge paternalism' – which may have future implications for policy-making in the welfare context in Australia. This article comprises three parts. The first part explores specific problems that can arise with paternalistic policy-making directed towards Indigenous peoples, including nudge paternalism. The second part considers how income management departs from the principles of nudge paternalism, and the impact that income management has on Indigenous peoples. The final part explores some alternative suggestions for policy initiatives to address disadvantage experienced by Indigenous welfare recipients, particularly those living in the Northern Territory.

Australian policy has been motivated by paternalism towards Indigenous peoples for the better part of Australia's colonial history. Contemporary forms of income management that disproportionately affect Indigenous peoples extend a paternalistic approach. The paternalism embedded within the income management discourse draws heavily upon the framework of 'new paternalism', which increases government supervision of those who receive welfare payments. However, in recent years, another form of paternalism has also been growing in popularity with Western governments – 'nudge paternalism' – which may have future implications for policy-making in the welfare context in Australia. This article comprises three parts. The first part explores specific problems that can arise with paternalistic policy-making directed towards Indigenous peoples, including nudge paternalism. The second part considers how income management departs from the principles of nudge paternalism, and the impact that income management has on Indigenous peoples. The final part explores some alternative suggestions for policy initiatives to address disadvantage experienced by Indigenous welfare recipients, particularly those living in the Northern Territory.

Indigenous knowledge systems in climate change adaptation and governance: An overview -- Pastoralists' indigenous adaptation to climate variability and rangeland management in the Ndop plain, Northwest region, Cameroon -- Adopting Indigenous knowledge systems to enhance peace education programs for climate change and adaptation in Zimbabwe -- Influence of Indigenous spiritual beliefs in natural resources management and climate change mitigation among the Yorùbás in Nigeria -- Indigenous women's vulnerability to climate change and adaptation strategies in Central Africa: A systematic review. .