Suchergebnisse

1 Introduction -- 2 Changing German Images of China -- 3 Media Construction of Social Reality -- 4 Research Design -- 5 Distribution of Media Attention: Issues and Trends -- 6 Qualitative Perspectives: Framing as a Process of Interpretation -- 7 Media Framing of Conflicts and Crises -- 8 Findings and Discussion

This collection brings together research from independent scholars and studies supported by the Kaiser Foundation to illustrate innovative research on the media's sexual content and adolescents. Contributors address the topic of sexuality and the role of media

Media and the Ecological Crisis is a collaborative work of interdisciplinary writers engaged in mapping, understanding and addressing the complex contribution of media to the current ecological crisis. The book is informed by a fusion of scholarly, practitioner, and activist interests to inform, educate, and advocate for real, environmentally sound changes in design, policy, industrial, and consumer practices. Aligned with an emerging area of scholarship devoted to identifying and analysing the material physical links of media technologies, cultural production, and environment, it contributes to the project of greening media studies by raising awareness of media technology's concrete environmental effects

Elections are one of the major ways in which democratic governments maintain legitimacy. Do elections serve the same functions in transitioning, non-democratic, or semi-democratic systems? Perhaps the relationship between elections and legitimacy is different in systems that are not fully democratic? And what of the media? Is their role the same or is the role they play dependent upon the type of system in which they exist? The Republic of Georgia offers an interesting case in which to look at these relationships. I would posit that in transitioning, non-democratic, and semi-democratic systems, elections serve a different function than in a fully democratic society and the media are one tool that leaders in such systems can use to enhance their legitimacy. When non-democratic leaders enjoy popularity, there is no need to finesse the media since positive coverage is easy to come by when you are popular. But if your popularity is waning and democratic habits are not well ingrained, the temptation to overtly or covertly subvert the media can be quite intense. So instead of maintaining legitimacy, elections may serve to create legitimacy or at least the appearance of legitimacy when legitimacy is lacking. To that end, regimes and leaders cannot afford to lose, and moreover need to win, elections by large margins if their legitimacy is questionable. Therefore, control over the media is more important when this is the case. In fact, there may be an inverse relationship between media freedom and regime insecurity, as the insecurity of the regime goes up, the freedom of the media goes down. Couple this tendency with the fact that the media in these transitioning systems have not fully become a "fourth estate" that is strong, independent, and can hold the government and political leaders accountable and you have a climate in which the media are harassed, biased, and often co-opted. Georgia, through the 2000 presidential election, is such a political system.

This article develops answers to the question, "Are there psychiatric processes or some general psychological predisposition that makes nondiagnosed people susceptible to media violence consumption in a way that would lead to lifelong aggressive behavior?" The authors discuss the assumptions they make about what this question is trying to answer, review factors known to precipitate destructive aggressiveness, and clarify environmental exposures' being a small part of a long list of precipitants. They discuss neuroplasticity, how the brain interacts with and is structurally and functionally altered by the environment, and introduce resilience, which enables some to respond functionally to trauma and others less so. They mention their work examining exposure to violence within schools and the impact it has on school climates and vulnerable children, illustrating the importance of social factors relating to aggression. The authors conclude by reformulating the question, allowing human psychopathological reactions to be seen in their glorious, nonparsimonious complexity.

by Wan Fang. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1998. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 74-80). ; Abstract also in Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.ii ; Acknowledgments --- p.iii ; Chapter Chapter I --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter Chapter II --- Literature Review & Conceptualization --- p.3 ; Chapter Chapter III --- Media Coverage & Hypotheses --- p.27 ; Chapter Chapter IV --- Methods --- p.36 ; Chapter Chapter V --- Results --- p.44 ; Chapter Chapter VI --- Conclusions & Discussions --- p.57 ; Endnotes --- p.65 ; References --- p.69 ; Figures & Tables --- p.77

This book makes a contribution to the debates on diasporic identities and transnational communication. It provides an analysis of the Cuban American community and their relationship to Miami-based English- and Spanish-language media. Based on extensive ethnographic data, the author demonstrates how different media have been used, produced and influenced by segments of the Cuban American community in Miami, Florida. After establishing the significance of Miami as a locale to receive a high number of migrants after the Cuban revolution in 1959, what follows is an exploration of the interplay of