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European Political Science (EPS) has been a leading political science journal since its launch in 2001. This article examines the contribution of European Political Science over its 20-year history. The bibliometric analysis draws on Web of Science data and VOSviewer software. These tools help detect collaboration networks, bibliographic coupling and co-citations to identify the most relevant topics and knowledge appearing in European Political Science. The evaluation of EPS reveals four areas of interest: migration, education, comparative politics and democracy. Recent interests include the current debate on populisms, social media and political parties, with antecedents and implications that transcend national boundaries.

The 2023 IPSA World Congress in Buenos Aires showcased the transformative power of inclusiveness in academic conferences. While online gatherings have broadened access, this in-person event underscored the need for diversity and accessibility. Financial, visa, and language barriers often exclude students, scholars from the Global South, and marginalized voices. To address this, academic associations should actively involve students, provide travel support, and select conference locations thoughtfully. The IPSA Congress exemplified this approach, enabling students to organize panels and aiding Global South scholars through grants and regional collaborations. Such initiatives enhance the discipline's relevance, enriching cross-cultural dialogues and fostering equitable representation in political science.

Counseling, or as we like to call it in today's society Consulting occupies a special position in the social, political, and cultural and social structure. Every day a person is associated with overcoming a variety of organizational, psychological, moral, and other difficulties. Therefore, the life of modern humanity depends on many factors and is not at all simple

Frontmatter -- Contents -- List of Figures and Tables -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction Agency Design in American Politics -- I. Separation of Powers and the Design of Administrative Agencies -- 2. Moving from Insulation in Theory to Insulation in Reality -- 3. Presidents and the Politics of Agency Design -- 4. Testing the Role of Presidents: Presidential Administrative Influence -- 5. Testing the Role of Presidents: Presidential Administrative and Legislative Influence -- 6. Political Insulation and Policy Durability -- Conclusion What the Politics of Agency Design Tells Us About American Politics -- Appendix A: Administrative Agency Insulation Data Set -- Appendix B: Administrative Agency Insulation Data Set Event File -- Appendix C: Agency Data and the Possibility of Sample Selection Bias in Model Estimates -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Index

Since this paper in substantially its present form was delivered at the APSA annual meeting in Los Angeles in September, 1970 it has been seen and commented on by several of my friends who are intimate enough to be frank. Views ranged all the way from "don't spoil it by changing it," to "bury it." Clearly this is not the stuff of which neutral principles are made. In deciding to go forward, therefore, a plea of confession and avoidance is in order. This is an evocative paper, not a scholarly article. It suggests but does not prove a hypothesis, the real question being how much of it is true and what if anything should political science do about it. Because of the panel format there is intentional hyperbole in my characterization of certain aspects of the behavioral movement, and suggestion that for some researchers it may be almost a "cop-out" on current political and social problems. I trust that those I venture to chide a bit will receive it in the spirit of Marilyn Monroe, who used to say, better to be photographed nude than not at all.

The Canadian federal cabinet stands out among Westminster parliamentary democracies because of the large number of first-time ministers who are appointed to cabinet without any previous parliamentary or political experience. Several explanations have been put forward to account for this peculiarity but no attempt has been made to examine how Canadian prime ministers overcome the information deficit associated with appointing ministers with no experience. How can prime ministers be confident that they are making the right choice? This paper explores the subject by estimating the survival functions of ministerial turnover for potential, but not yet appointed, cabinet ministers were they to survive to a defined political benchmark; these survival rates are included in a logit model of Canadian ministerial appointment following four general elections (1957, 1979, 1984 and 2006) in which the prime minister was tasked with appointing a cabinet with ministerial neophytes.

The New Research on Gender in Political Psychology Conference brought together new and experienced teachers with interests in gender politics. The conference session "Teaching Gender throughout the Curriculum" generated a great deal of discussion concerning the pedagogical practice of gender mainstreaming. Gender mainstreaming—the integration of gendered content into courses required for a major—was recognized as one of 11 recommendations for reforming the undergraduate political science curriculum in the 1991 APSA report "Liberal Learning an The Political Science Major: A Report to the Profession" (popularly referred to as the Wahlke Report). Little information is available on the prevalence of gender courses in the undergraduate curriculum, but the data that does exist suggest such courses are uncommon (Brandes et al. 2001). We found virtually no data on the practice of gender mainstreaming in political science and little data in the way of assessing the impact of gendered content when students are exposed to it. This absence of data suggests gender mainstreaming has not emerged as a serious priority for curricular reform.

An influential body of scholarship in political science has investigated the impact of economic crisis on various political outcomes. The vast majority of these studies rely on annual growth rates (AGR) to specify economic crisis. I argue that this canonical approach comes with several logical shortcomings. It leads to misguided impressions of crisis severity; it makes no distinction between rapid expansion years and rapid recovery years; and it disregards the financial dimension of economic crises. I present and discuss three alternative approaches of measuring economic crisis, imported from economics: economic shocks, economic slumps, and measures of financial crises. Examples from the regime instability literature demonstrate that these alternative crisis measurements provide results that are theoretically more nuanced and empirically more robust. On this basis, the article encourages researchers to pay more attention to the way they measure economic crisis in general and to supplement the AGR approach with alternative crisis measures in particular.

Ovaj rad predstavlja nastavak i proširenje longitudinalnoga praćenja i analize stranačke dinamike te socijalne strukture i nekih političkih obilježja zastupnika u Hrvatskom saboru. Istraživanjem smo nastojali detektirati obrasce političke regrutacije parlamentarne elite, a u tu smo se svrhu koristili komparativnom analizom socijalnih i političkih obilježja zastupnika u svih pet dosadašnjih saziva Sabora, te unutar posljednjega, petog saziva, usporedbom po političkim strankama i parlamentarnom iskustvu zastupnika. Ustanovljeno je da su zastupnici dominantno muškarci prosječne dobi od 49 godina, urbane provenijencije i domicila, Hrvati, katolici, akademski obrazovani, i to pretežno na fakultetima društvenih i humanističkih znanosti, te političari sa znatnim upravljačkim i političkim iskustvom stečenim ponajviše radom u političkim strankama. Zaključak je da su se u Hrvatskoj oblikovali obrasci političke regrutacije parlamentarne elite koji su tendencijski sukladni onima u razvijenim demokratskim sustavima. (IN ENGLISH: This paper is a continuation and an extension of the longitudinal monitoring and analysis of the party dynamics, social structure and certain political features of the representatives in the Croatian Parliament (Sabor). The goal of the research was to discern the patterns of political recruitment of the parliamentary elite by means of a comparative analysis of social and political characteristics of the representatives in all five compositions of the Parliament and – in the last, fifth composition – by comparing the representatives' political party affiliations and their parliamentary experience. It has turned out that the representatives are mostly male (average age 49 years), of urban provenience and residence, Croats, Catholics, diploma-holders (largely in social sciences and humanities), and politicians with a remarkable managerial and political experience gained primarily through their work in political parties. The conclusion is that in Croatia the trends regarding the patterns of political recruitment of the parliamentary elite are in line with those in developed democratic systems.)

What might break the 'glass ceiling' that has so far prevented a deep sustainability transformation? I consider the cultural dimension of such a transformation. Cultural meanings not only provide the building blocks of individuals' life stories, but collectively construct social reality, powerfully shaping how people think and act. Any glass ceiling to societal transformation is partly cultural, and can be reproduced by a society's 'political grammar,' which constrains what can be perceived and politically advanced. Contesting these limits is vital for making glass ceilings visible and opening up new transformative potentials. Consequently, overcoming the glass ceiling of the environmental state must be understood as a cultural transformation: a process of 'meaning-making' that re-orientates people's fundamental norms and outlooks. This adds nuance to the debate around democracy and sustainability; it is not democracy in general, but only a particularly vibrant and critical deliberative sphere that can provide the necessary political foundation.