One of the most radical assertions made by the German sociologist Niklas Luhmann was that of late modern society's lack of self-control (Luhmann, 1990). Indeed, from the perspective of systems theory governing modern society is at once expected and impossible. The history of the political system must be understood as a series of attempts to achieve a task that cannot be achieved: that of actually governing or controlling modern society. The constitutional Nation State and the separation between legislative, executive and judicial powers has been the most conventional modern attempt by the political system to control society. In late modernity, the political system added yet another attempt to control modernity's own lack of control: that of "governance" instruments, sometimes alluded to under the terms "governing without government" (Rhodes, 1996). Several authors have linked this type of ambiguity to the "Governance Turn" (Armstrong, 2016; Kjaer, 2010), the "Comparative Turn" (Grek, 2009, 2010) or the "Knowledge Turn" (Fenwick et al., 2014; Freeman & Mangez, 2013; Normand & Derouet, 2016). The main topic of interest of this paper is the involvement of the European Union in the sector of education through the Open Method of Coordination. The attempt of the EU to govern education is fostered and legitimised by the observation of society's future as full of risks and uncertainties exceeding by far national territories – unemployment, terrorism, transformation of the labour market, etc. These observations, apparent in the "Lisbon Dramaturgy" (Laffan & Shaw, 2005), far from acting as an obstacle to the European involvement in education, operate instead as resources legitimating further political action at EU level. This involvement, however, does not take the conventional form of government. Instead, at a transnational level, the political system partly takes the form of governance processes, such as the OMC. The OMC is often defined by its informality (Alexiadou, 2007, 2014; Kjaer, 2010; Trubek & Trubek, 2005; Wallace et al., 2006) compared to traditional political mechanisms such as the Ordinary-Legislative-Procedure. Attempts to characterise these informal mechanisms range from the "lack of pre-given sets of rules" (Hajer, 2006) to "a greater inclusion of non-governmental actors in policy processes" (Peters, 2007). Inspired by but not limiting ourselves to these definitions, we intend to complete the analysis of informal governance mechanisms with the example of the Education and Training 2020 Working Groups, constitutive of the OMC in education. Informality, we suggest, is by no means a lack of form but rather a redefinition of political processes in a context of relative lack of formal power. Informal governance redefines the ways politics attempt to steer society, not by the deliberation, voting and implementation of legislative rules, but rather by facilitating learning processes, sharing of best practices and the tentative construction of shared cognitive frameworks at European level. Therefore, the goal of this paper is to provide a description and an analysis of the ET2020 Working Groups as novel ways through which the political system attempts to govern education. Research questions - How do the WG attempt to reach a consensus through the production of a coherent output, given the diversity of backgrounds and expectations among the WG members? - What is the influence of their initial mandate in the production of their output? How do the WG achieve to fulfil their two-fold mission, on one side to complete the objectives pre-defined by the mandates, and on the other side to foster the feeling of agreement and ownership of the WG members towards the output?
The article is devoted to a comprehensive study of the essence of understanding the concept of "The Asia-Pacific region" and analysis of the experience of implementing regional development projects in the modern conditions. It is established that among researchers there is still no single approach to the concept of "APR". The article uses the understanding of "Asia-Pacific" in the narrow sense: the countries of Northeast Asia: China, Japan, South and North Korea and ten countries of Southeast Asia, united in the regional organization ASEAN. All these countries make a significant contribution to interstate relations in the Pacific ocean, so the trends of stability prevail over the trends of destabilization of political and economic processes that formthe basis of a potential world center. It is established that after the end of the Cold War, the Asia-Pacific region could be considered the most stable region in the world, which has undergone a period of long-term economic development without obvious conflicts. It is noted that the Asia-Pacific region entered the path of development of integration processes much later than other regions of the world (except ASEAN). The article also notes and substantiates the idea that the uniqueness (phenomenon) of Asia-Pacific economic integration lies in the existence of soft integration schemes, which are reflected in the formation of economic growth zones in East Asia (for example, ASEAN, APEC). It is established that in the region there is an intensive formation of regional forums and mechanisms that contribute to the close relationship between the main actors of the region and strengthen its position in the world political process. The article also highlights and analyzes the trends of political regionalism in the Asian part of the Asia-Pacific region: strengthening China's role in the regional political process; coexistence of two models of cooperation in the region: transnational cooperation and interstate competition; shifting priority in regional security from external threats to internal ones, and aspects of political, economic, social and environmental cooperation come to the fore. ; Стаття присвячена комплексному дослідженню сутності розуміння поняття «Азіатсько-Тихоокеанський регіон», аналізу досвіду впровадження проектів розвитку регіону в сучасних умовах. Встановлено, що серед дослідників і дотепер не існує єдиного підходу до поняття «АТР». У межах статті термін «АТР» уживається у вузькому значенні: це країни Північно-Східної Азії: Китай, Японія, Південна і Північна Корея, десять країн Південно-Східної Азії, об'єднаних у регіональну організацію - Асоціацію держав Південно-Східної Азії. Усі ці країни вносять значний вклад у міждержавні відносини в Тихому океані, тому тенденції стабільності переважають над тенденціями дестабілізації політичних і економічних процесів, які формують основу потенційного світового центру. Встановлено, що після завершення холодної війни Азіатсько-Тихоокеанський регіон можна було вважати найстабільншгим регіоном у світі, який пройшов період тривалого економічного розвитку без очевидних конфліктів. Зазначено, що Азіатсько-Тихоокеанський регіон вступив на шлях розвитку інтеграційних процесів набагато пізніше за інші регіони світу (окрім Асоціації держав Південно-Східної Азії.). Також у статті зазначається й обґрунтовується думка, що унікальність (феномен) азіатсько-тихоокеанської економічної інтеграції полягає в наявності м'яких схем інтеграції, які знайшли прояв у формуванні зон економічного зростання у Східній Азії (на прикладі Асоціації держав Південно-Східної Азії, Азіатсько-Тихоокеанського економічного співробітництва). Встановлено, що в регіоні відбувається інтенсивне формування регіональних форумів та механізмів, які сприяють тісним відносинам між основними суб'єктами регіону і посиленню його позицій у світовому політичному процесі. Також у статті виокремлено та проаналізовано тренди політичного регіоналізму в азіатській частині Азіатсько-Тихоокеанського регіону: посилення ролі Китаю в регіональному політичному процесі; співіснування двох моделей співпраці в регіоні: транснаціональну кооперацію та міждержавну конкуренцію; перенесення пріоритету в питаннях регіональної безпеки із зовнішніх загроз на внутрішні, і на перший план виходять аспекти політичної, економічної, соціальної й екологічної співпраці.
One of the most radical assertions made by the German sociologist Niklas Luhmann was that of late modern society's lack of self-control (Luhmann, 1990). Indeed, from the perspective of systems theory governing modern society is at once expected and impossible. The history of the political system must be understood as a series of attempts to achieve a task that cannot be achieved: that of actually governing or controlling modern society. The constitutional Nation State and the separation between legislative, executive and judicial powers has been the most conventional modern attempt by the political system to control society. In late modernity, the political system added yet another attempt to control modernity's own lack of control: that of "governance" instruments, sometimes alluded to under the terms "governing without government" (Rhodes, 1996). Several authors have linked this type of ambiguity to the "Governance Turn" (Armstrong, 2016; Kjaer, 2010), the "Comparative Turn" (Grek, 2009, 2010) or the "Knowledge Turn" (Fenwick et al., 2014; Freeman & Mangez, 2013; Normand & Derouet, 2016). The main topic of interest of this paper is the involvement of the European Union in the sector of education through the Open Method of Coordination. The attempt of the EU to govern education is fostered and legitimised by the observation of society's future as full of risks and uncertainties exceeding by far national territories – unemployment, terrorism, transformation of the labour market, etc. These observations, apparent in the "Lisbon Dramaturgy" (Laffan & Shaw, 2005), far from acting as an obstacle to the European involvement in education, operate instead as resources legitimating further political action at EU level. This involvement, however, does not take the conventional form of government. Instead, at a transnational level, the political system partly takes the form of governance processes, such as the OMC. The OMC is often defined by its informality (Alexiadou, 2007, 2014; Kjaer, 2010; Trubek & Trubek, 2005; Wallace et al., 2006) compared to traditional political mechanisms such as the Ordinary-Legislative-Procedure. Attempts to characterise these informal mechanisms range from the "lack of pre-given sets of rules" (Hajer, 2006) to "a greater inclusion of non-governmental actors in policy processes" (Peters, 2007). Inspired by but not limiting ourselves to these definitions, we intend to complete the analysis of informal governance mechanisms with the example of the Education and Training 2020 Working Groups, constitutive of the OMC in education. Informality, we suggest, is by no means a lack of form but rather a redefinition of political processes in a context of relative lack of formal power. Informal governance redefines the ways politics attempt to steer society, not by the deliberation, voting and implementation of legislative rules, but rather by facilitating learning processes, sharing of best practices and the tentative construction of shared cognitive frameworks at European level. Therefore, the goal of this paper is to provide a description and an analysis of the ET2020 Working Groups as novel ways through which the political system attempts to govern education. Research questions - How do the WG attempt to reach a consensus through the production of a coherent output, given the diversity of backgrounds and expectations among the WG members? - What is the influence of their initial mandate in the production of their output? How do the WG achieve to fulfil their two-fold mission, on one side to complete the objectives pre-defined by the mandates, and on the other side to foster the feeling of agreement and ownership of the WG members towards the output?
The paper analyzes the south-south diffusion of public policy for regional rural development in Latin America. The research hypothesis claims that this diffusion process reveals a "hybridization" of several forms of policy internationalization: a) the policy-transfers; b) the transnational circulation of norms and standards through international organizations; c) the regional integration between governments, as well as the regionalization processes through civil society and social movements. The methodology associates literature review, documentary research, and interviews with policymakers, beneficiaries, and mediators. The paper is divided into three parts: a) the DTR policy context in Latin America and the theoretical framework; b) the modalities of DTR regional policy diffusion in three countries: El Salvador, Argentina, and Uruguay; c) a comparative analysis of the three cases and the discussion of the initial hypothesis. Hybridization took place with different levels of intensity on behalf of endogenous factors. On the one hand, the case of El Salvador had less hybridization, and it was more hierarchical with more direct participation from government high-rank officials. On the other hand, the cases of Argentina and Uruguay had more hybridization with a wider variety of influences from multiple actors. ; El artículo analiza los modos de la difusión de políticas públicas de desarrollo territorial rural (DTR) en América Latina. La hipótesis de investigación considera que esa difusión presenta una hibridación entre diversas modalidades de internacionalización de políticas: la transferencia de políticas; la circulación transnacional de normas mediante agencias internacionales; y, la integración regional por medio de acuerdos intergubernamentales y de canales de la sociedad civil. Fueran colectados y analizados datos de archivos y entrevistas con gestores, beneficiarios y mediadores. El texto está dividido en tres partes: El contexto de las políticas de DTR en América Latina y el referencial teórico-metodológico; las modalidades de difusión regional de la política de DTR en tres países: El Salvador, Argentina y Uruguay; y, el análisis comparativo de los tres casos y la discusión de la hipótesis inicial. La hibridación ocurrió con una intensidad distinta en los países en función de factores endógenos. En el caso de El Salvador hubo menos hibridación y fue más jerárquico con una participación más directa de los altos escalones de los respectivos gobiernos. Ya, los casos de Argentina y Uruguay tuvieran más hibridación con una mayor variedad de influencias por parte de múltiples actores. ; O artigo analisa as modalidades da difusão de políticas públicas de desenvolvimento territorial rural (DTR) na América Latina. A hipótese de pesquisa considera que essa difusão apresenta uma hibridação entre diversas modalidades de internacionalização de políticas: a transferência de políticas; a circulação transnacional de normas mediante agências internacionais; y, a integração regional por meio de acordos intergovernamentais e de canais da sociedade civil. Foram coletados e analisados dados de arquivos e entrevistas com gestores, beneficiários e mediadores. O texto está dividido em três partes: O contexto das políticas de DTR na América Latina e o referencial teórico metodológico; as modalidades de difusão regional da política de DTR em três países: El Salvador, Argentina y Uruguai; y, a análise comparativa dos três casos e a discussão da hipótese inicial. A hibridação ocorreu com uma intensidade distinta nos países em função de fatores endógenos. No caso de El Salvador houve menos hibridação e foi mais hierárquico com uma participação mais direta dos altos escalões dos respetivos governos. Já, nos casos de Argentina e Uruguai tiveram mais hibridação com uma maior variedade de influências por parte de múltiplos atores.
This dissertation examines the causes and consequences of international "naming and shaming": a ubiquitous tactic used by states and civil society to improve international human rights. When does international shaming lead to the improvement in human rights conditions, and when does it backfire, resulting in the worsening of human rights practices or a backlash against international norms? Instead of understanding transnational norms as emanating from some monolithic "international community," I propose that we gain better analytic insight by considering the ways in which norms are embodied in particular actors and identities, promoted and contested between specific states in relational terms. Starting from this approach, I apply insights from sociology, social psychology, and criminology to develop a theory of international "defiance," or the increase in norm offending behavior caused by a proud, shameless reaction against a sanctioning agent. As detailed in Chapter 2, defiance unfolds through domestic and international logics that incentivize elites to violate international norms for political gain. Anticipating these political effects, regimes often provoke and manipulate shaming for strategic purposes. In the long-term, defiance can attach oppositional norms to collective identity, transforming domestic and international normative orders. I argue that international pressure is more likely to provoke defiance under three conditions: (1) the target has weak social ties with the shamer (e.g. economic, political, or ideological); (2) the shamer lacks credibility due to bias or inaccuracy; and (3) the shame is stigmatizing, denigrating the actor instead of the behavior. Existing empirical studies on "naming and shaming" tend to focus exclusively on the country being shamed, obscuring the relational dynamics at the core of the shaming process. My empirical work, in contrast, explores these relationships head-on. In Chapter 3, I evaluate the role of social ties (the first condition driving defiance) in both the causes and consequences of interstate shaming using novel data from the Universal Periodic Review, a process conducted by the United Nations wherein states "peer review" one another's human rights practices. I show that not only is shaming driven by the relationship between sender and target, but states will accept or defy shaming based on this relationship, regardless of the norm in question. In other words, when it comes to human rights shaming, the critic matters just as much as the criticism.Chapter 4 shines the spotlight on the shamer, exposing the political biases that shape human rights reporting. I argue that if human rights reporting is stigmatizing, it can risk defiance and backlash. How can one measure and compare stigma in media portrayals in a systematic way? I propose a solution using new data on U.S. news coverage of global women's rights, 1980-2014 along with novel computational text analysis tools. Chapter 4 presents evidence suggesting that American media stigmatizes Muslims in their coverage of women's rights abroad by propagating the stereotype that Muslims are uniquely or particularly discriminatory against women.While I cannot address the impact of such coverage writ large, I follow up on one particular story that captured widespread media attention in 2010-11: the "Save Sakineh" campaign, which involved a massive, global shaming operation directed at Iran for sentencing a woman to stoning for adultery of 2010-11. Chapters 5 and 6 conduct an in-depth qualitative study of the case, leveraging in-depth interviews and extensive archival research to trace the micro-politics of defiance. I illustrate the role of social ties, credibility, and stigma in the development of the campaign, as well as the co-constitutive relationship between Western shaming and Iranian defiance. Chapter 7 concludes by sketching some additional implications of my argument, directions for future research, and policy recommendations.
В статье рассматривается политическое значение транспортных коридоров с точки зрения развития интеграционных проектов на постсоветском пространстве. В мире происходит формирование единой рыночной и транспортно-коммуникационной инфраструктуры, что обостряет конкуренцию среди региональных и мировых лидеров, как государств, так и негосударственных акторов, за рынки и пути транспортировки товаров. В среднесрочной и долгосрочной перспективе значение контроля над транспортными путями будет только увеличиваться из-за динамики экономического развития стран АТР. Конкуренция за развитие проектов международных транспортных коридоров (МТК) будет возрастать, потому что МТК влекут за собой образование общего политического пространства, снижение тарифных и таможенных барьеров, что обеспечивает облегчённый выход на рынки сбыта и создаёт предпосылки для экономической интеграции. О растущем политическом значении МТК говорит и тот факт, что такие мировые лидеры, как Китай, США, ЕС пытаются создать свои варианты сухопутных международных транспортных коридоров, соединяющих Европу и Азию. Китай пытается продвигать свой проект «Экономический пояс Шёлкового пути». Европейские страны развивают сотрудничество по МТК ТРАСЕКА с другими странами Евразии. США воплощают свои интересы через реализацию проекта МТК по территории Афганистана. Транспортные коридоры в России рассматриваются как способ включения в мировую транспортную систему и мировое логистическое пространство. Для этого России необходимо развивать проходящие по её территории евразийские транспортные коридоры в условиях жёсткой конкурентной борьбы. В результате реализации транспортных проектов Россия сможет обеспечивать транзит грузов из стран АТР в Европу, что позитивно скажется на экономическом развитии российских регионов, по которым они будут проходить. Также осуществление международных транспортировок через территорию России объединит многих игроков на мировой арене: интеграционные объединения, государства, ТНК, бизнес-структуры, региональные органы власти, которым будет выгодно сотрудничать с Россией в транспортно-логистическом направлении. ; The article discusses the political importance of transport corridors in terms of the development of integration projects in the post-Soviet space. The world is witnessing the formation of a single market and transport and communication infrastructure, which intensifies competition among regional and world leaders, both states and non-state actors, such as businesses, markets over the routes of transporting goods. In the medium and long term the value of the control over the transport routes will increase due to the dynamics of economic development in the Asia-Pacific region. Competition for the development of projects of international transport corridors (ITC) between the leading countries in the region will increase, because the ITC entail the formation of a common political space, the reduction of tariff and customs barriers, which provides easy access to the markets of countries linked by ITCs and creates the preconditions for economic integration. The growing political importance of ITC is reflected in the fact that global leaders such as China, the US, the EU, are trying to create their own versions of international land transport corridors connecting Europe and Asia. China is trying to promote their transport project "Economic Belt Silk Road" European countries develop cooperation on ITC TRACECA with other countries of Eurasia. US also embody their interests through the implementation of the project by the ITC in Afghanistan. Transport corridors in Russia are seen as a way to integrate it into the global transportation system and logistics space. To do this, Russia needs to develop Eurasian transport corridors through its territory. As a result of the implementation of transport projects Russia will be able to ensure the transit of goods from China to Europe, which has a positive impact on the economic development of the regions through which they pass. Development of international transportation through Russia will unite many of the players on the world stage: integration associations, state, transnational corporations, business entities, regional authorities.
The end of the so-called 'Cold War' has seen a change in the nature of present threats and with it to the overall role and mission of NATO, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. The collapse of the Soviet Union and the Warsaw Pact in 1991 also removed the original raison d'etre of the Alliance: the prospect of having to repel a Soviet led attack by the Warsaw Pact on the West through the so called 'Fulda gap' in Germany (referring to the German lowlands between Frankfurt am Main and the former East German border which was regarded as the most likely terrain for an armour led Soviet breakout) was replaced by the recognition of the need to counter new – often hybrid – threats, which have little in common with bygone acts of interstate aggression. These new, modern threats to global peace, prosperity and security seriously threaten the present steady state environment at home (before the backdrop of the ongoing asymmetric conflicts in Afghanistan, Pakistan and Iraq) and warrant a comprehensive, multi-stakeholder driven response. Multimodal, low intensity, kinetic as well as non-kinetic threats to international peace and security including cyber war, low intensity asymmetric conflict scenarios, global terrorism, piracy, transnational organized crime, demographic challenges, resources security, retrenchment from globalization and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction were identified by NATO as so called "Hybrid Threats" (cf BI-SC Input for a New NATO Capstone Concept for The Military Contribution to Countering Hybrid Enclosure 1 to 1500/CPPCAM/FCR/10-270038 and 5000 FXX/0100/TT-0651/SER: NU0040, dated 25 August 2010). NATO's Bi-Strategic Command Capstone Concept describes these Hybrid Threats as 'those posed by adversaries, with the ability to simultaneously employ conventional and non-conventional means adaptively in pursuit of their objectives.' (See Hybrid Threats Description in 1500/CPPCAM/FCR/10-270038 and 5000 FXX/0100/TT-0651/SER: NU0040 dated 25 August 2010: Paragraph 7). Having identified this kind of emerging threat, NATO is working on a comprehensive conceptual framework, (the Capstone Concept) which provides the framework for identifying and discussing such threats and possible multi-stakeholder responses. In essence, Hybrid Threats faced by NATO and its non-military partners require a comprehensive approach allowing a wide spectrum of responses, kinetic and non-kinetic by military and non-military actors (see "Updated List of Tasks for the Implementation of the Comprehensive Approach Action Plan and the Lisbon Summit Decisions on the Comprehensive Approach", dated 4 march 2011, p 1-10, paragraph 1). NATO Allied Command Transformation (ACT) supported by the US Joint Forces Command Joint Irregular Warfare Centre (USJFCOM JIWC) and the US National Defence University (NDU) conducted specialised workshops related to "Assessing Emerging Security Challenges in the Globalised Environment (Countering Hybrid Threats) Experiment" in 2011(cf NATO's Transnet network on Countering Hybrid Threats (CHT) at https://transnet.act.nato.int/WISE/Transforma1/ACTIPT/JOUIPT). The workshops of the experiment took place in Brussels, Belgium and Tallinn, Estonia and had the aim of identifying possible threats and to discuss some or the key implications that need to be addressed in countering such risks & challenges. Essential is the hypothesis that such a response will have to be in partnership with other stakeholders such as international and regional organizations as well as representatives of business and commerce. This short article introduces the reader to a new form of global threat scenario and the possibilities of response and deterrence within their wider legal and political context.
This dissertation examines emerging difference in the communicative practices of two distinct but related religious communities. It examines the different ways in which Q'eqchi'-Maya Catholics belonging to the Charismatic Catholic Renewal and Mainstream Catholicism approach ritual speech in a single parish in the city of Cobán, Alta Verapaz, Guatemala. This differentiation can be seen in patterns of language choice between Spanish and Q'eqchi, norms of gesture and bodily comportment, as well as the social processes through which ritual specialists are authorized. I argue that the differences are engendered by two distinct language ideologies that correspond to different theologies, each with its own mode of personal piety and model of the religious community. These different practices and the ideologies that support them have led to a low-level, but tense debate among members of the two communities about what it means to be a Q'eqchi'- Maya Catholic. The central issue in this debate is what role, if any, Spanish should have in Q'eqchi'-Maya Catholic worship. Whereas Mainstream Catholics tend to be relatively consistent speakers of Q'eqchi' in their rituals, converts to Charismatic Catholicism have incorporated certain uses of Spanish in their rituals. I argue that Charismatics have incorporated Spanish into their rituals as a means to make their worship style "freer" and also to mark themselves as a unique religious community. Likewise, the new norms of bodily communicative practices that they have adopted and the institutional structures that legitimize ritual specialist speakers reinforce a vision of the religious subject that foregrounds the individual's unmediated relationship to God. In contrast, Mainstream Catholics' practices and ideologies foreground an ideal of the religious subject as a belonging to a hierarchical structure, and promote an ethos of individual control and constraint. Because of the relationship between language and ethnic identity in Guatemala, even though this debate is about the use of language in a specific social domain (Catholic rituals), it has important implications for parishioners' constructions of what it means to be Maya. As Q'eqchi'- Maya reconfigure their ideas about language, religion, ethnicity and social solidarity, they are participating in regional and transnational discourses that affect the politics of ethnicity in Guatemala and the institutional configuration of the Catholic Church. My focus on the two communities' conflicting uses of language and views of what constitutes proper religious practice affords me the opportunity to address several current areas of interest in anthropology. First, the ethnographic case adds to the growing literature on the Anthropology of Christianity by examining how a local set of social actors negotiate the meaning of what it means to be a 'good Christian' through a discourse about communicative practice and its relationship to personal piety and community solidarity. Secondly, this study's focus on language use and language ideologies places it in dialogue with linguistic anthropologists' interest in the role that people's ideas about language shape their social worlds. Its focus on ritual language use allows me to address questions of language ideology in a context that is marked as highly specialized and through a mode of language use that is considered to be closely related to constructions of moral personhood. Finally, by focusing part of the study on gesture and bodily communicative practices more generally, and considering these to be integral parts of language use, I seek to expand the analysis of language ideologies to include multimodal communicative phenomena, such as gesture
Includes bibliographical references ( leaves 192-227). ; In the contemporary era policy-making is increasingly being shaped by non-domestic influences and actors. The mobility of policy ideas and mechanisms across time and space provides a challenge: How best to conceptualise the routes and modes of travelling whereby ideas and instruments are transported from one location to another? Conceptual tools originally designed in public policy circles - such as lesson-drawing, modelling, policy diffusion, policy transfer and convergence - have more recently been introduced into criminological enquiries regarding the convergence of criminal justice policies. This thesis applies the conceptual framework of policy transfer (referring to conscious efforts on the part of social agencies to export-import lessons from one locale to another) to the field of policing with a specific emphasis on South African police reform after 1990. The central focus of this enquiry is the interplay between novel, often externally derived , ideas and practices with a national police force at a time of immense political transition. Selective aspects of South African police reform are explored with specific emphasis on how, in what way, and to what extent, local reform efforts have been influenced by global notions and practices of good policing.Three institutional conduits for reformist policing ideas are considered. In the first instance, the contribution of policing scholars, a knowledge-based community of some importance, to debates on the pathways for police reform are discussed with an emphasis on the theoretical and normative assumptions that have guided their analyses of a policing ethos and system beyond Apartheid. Secondly, the role of an interim policy mechanism, the National Police Board (created in terms of a peace agreement signed in 1991) in setting an agenda for police reform is considered. Thirdly, the discussion profiles the international development community as a constituency of importance in recent police reform efforts. The latter exploration proceeds through a case study method. Three distinct examples of donor aid in support of institutional reform are described with particular reference to the paradigms invoked, the cultural entrepreneurs and policy networks involved, and the contextual factors that facilitated and/or constrained reformist efforts. A wide range of data collection methods were utilised during the course of the research. A literature review of contemporary debates on policy transfer, police and security sector reform in both mature and emerging democracies was undertaken. Furthermore, a wide range of primary documentary sources and various official policy documents were consulted. Face to face interviews with members of various policy constituencies also provided source material. Lastly, participant observation of policy structures and field notes compiled during evaluative research of a number of donor assisted projects provided contextual observations of importance to the analysis. This enquiry supports the conclusion that there is growing convergence in the language and practices associated with democratic police reform. Yet the dilemmas of policy transfer from North to South - particularly (although not exclusively) in the context of aid packages - are often underestimated. Local experiments suggest that whilst policy transfers can facilitate policy change, policies transferred all too easily become victims of domestic contingencies. Empirical enquiries into the context, processes and outcomes associated with reformist interventions are necessary to sharpen our understanding of how exactly policy travels and to what local effect. Recent reform activity aimed at the South African Police illustrates the extent to which policy communities situated at the local, national and transnational level do not exist in isolation but rather stand in a complex and interactive relationship to one another.
Presented are the proceedings of a 1991 conference on continuing republican assertiveness & ethnic nationalism in the USSR, which was hosted by the Program on Nationality & Siberian Studies of the W. Averell Harriman Instit for Advanced Study of the Soviet Union at Columbia U (New York, NY), edited by Henry R. Huttenbach & Alexander J. Motyl. In Assessing the Soviet Nationalities Movements: A Critical Review, John A. Armstrong reviews the history of ethnic & republican conflicts in the USSR, & introduces the papers given at the conference, starting with those in Part I: Salvaging the Union, introduced by Allen Lynch (Columbia U, New York, NY). In The Vagaries of Political Change, John Hazard (Columbia U, New York, NY) discusses how the USSR can reform itself politically, & examines various reform measures, including Mikhail Gorbachev's successful revisions of the Constitution, 1988-1990. In The CPSU as an Integrative Force, Thomas Oleszczuk (US Merchant Marine Academy, King's Point, NY) examines the role of the USSR Communist party in the generation of political solidarity, & sees the concept of the party as an integrating force as a misleading theoretical construct. In Managing a Federation of Multiethnic Republics, Henry R. Huttenbach (City Coll New York, NY) examines the processes that led to interrepublican ethnic conflict, focusing on such conflict-ridden regions as Nagorno-Karabakh & Lithuania. In Getting to "Yes" on Self-Determination, Peter Juviler (Bernard Coll, New York, NY) argues that the only alternatives to a chaotic demise of the USSR are an authoritative new Union treaty & a democratic constitution based on it. Richard Ericson (Columbia U, New York, NY), in Economic Reform and Republican Integration, evaluates the extent to which the economy of the USSR will be of any help in salvaging the Union, & addresses the relationship between economic reform & republican integration from the perspectives of the center & of economics. Allen Lynch discusses each contribution to the conference, & examines the impact of Boris Yeltsin on Russian politics in general. A running text of open-ended debate on themes & topics mentioned in the previous papers is provided. In Part II: Asserting National Sovereignty, Allen Kagedan (Carleton U, Ottawa, Ontario), in Nationalism, Language, and Culture, examines language legislation passed in the republics since the 1970s. In Are Republics Becoming Ethnically Homogeneous? Robert Lewis (Columbia U, New York, NY) argues that significant numbers of nonindigenous groups within the national homelands undermine the USSR's exclusive claim to the homeland, dilute the national homogeneity of the homeland, & increase interethnic interaction within the homeland. Walter Clemens (Boston U, Mass), in The Republics as International Actors, examines examples of transnational coalition building, eg, that between the Cable News Network & the Baltic republics, & looks at ways of establishing real relations across international borders in defiance of Moscow. In The Emergence of Civil Society, Natalia Sadomskaya (Columbia U, New York, NY) discusses the appearance of three political organizations in Central Asia that are independent of the state. In The Struggle for Political Sovereignty, Michael Rywkin (City Coll New York, NY) discusses three future scenarios for the USSR: an empire by force, a confederation, or continued disintegration & ultimate dystopia. Michael Paul Sacks, acting as discussant, comments on various themes in the collection of papers & warns against the tendency to regard recent events in the USSR as evidence of the emergence of civil society. In Appendix 1: "Draft Treaty on the Union of Sovereign States -- 27 June 1991," Charles F. Furtado (Columbia U, New York, NY) presents an annotated version of the treaty. 3 Appendixes, 45 References. W. Howard
International audience ; In this article we have chosen to focus on the circulations related to therapeutic mental health quests in the countries of the South through the example of Senegal. Mental health is not one of the priority health programs supported by the Global Fund, few countries in the South have specific mental health policies and programs, and it is not the subject of strong political and financial mobilization. According to WHO estimates, the majority of people with severe mental disorders are untreated and have diminished rights. With more accurate measurement of the disease burden, mental health has been included in the objectives of sustainable development and in overall public health. It is, in addition, a development issue given its social and economic costs to countries and families. Nevertheless, research on mental health in sub-Saharan Africa, whatever the discipline, is still too rare.Senegal was chosen for this research for two reasons: first, since French colonization, it has had an internationally recognized psychiatric range of services, and second Senegalese society is characterized by international migration and significant circular mobility, which anchors it in processes of globalization. The various circulations that contribute to structuring therapeutic pathways that are often long and chaotic before accessing psychiatric care are described mainly on the basis of anthropological data collected from people experiencing mental illness, either alone or supported by "their accompanying person(s)". These data are based on field surveys conducted in several psychiatric services and mental health centers throughout the country. Consultations were followed in agreement with the medical and administrative authorities, observations and interviews were carried out with healers, sick people and their "companions" in order to understand the therapeutic pathways, the management of the disease and drug treatments as well as the representations of psychological disorders in a context of stigmatization of madness. The investigation continued beyond the walls of the psychiatric institution with healers, marabouts and representatives of mystical medicine in order to take into account the plurality of therapeutic remedies and the movements that take place at local, national and even transnational levels. The interviews were conducted either in French or Wolof (translated by an investigator trained in health anthropology).The circulation of actors, products and practices is analyzed at different spatial and social scales and interpreted in relation to different explanatory and contextual factors. In the Senegalese health care system, mental health is not included in the primary care system. Map 1 reveals an insufficient supply of psychiatric care and deep inequalities between the West (the capital Dakar region) and the East of the country, as with other medical disciplines that are under-staffed and under-resourced. Sick people who consult in health centers or dispensaries are referred to the psychiatric unit in the health region where they reside or to the private sector if they have sufficient resources. Nevertheless, the pyramidal medical hierarchy is not always respected because it goes against the social logic of patients and their families who wish to consult in the greatest secrecy because of the social representations of madness. Therapeutic pathways therefore depend in part on accessibility and the additional costs of distance.The accounts of the therapeutic pathways reveal that psychiatry is often considered the ultimate solution in the event of an acute crisis, particularly in rural areas. It is a solution sometimes forced by the neighborhood or the authorities in the face of symptoms that cause fear and disapproval. Given the context of stigmatization and reluctance towards psychiatric institutions, families are experimenting with other therapeutic alternatives with healers and marabouts who may specialize in the treatment of madness or in a so-called "mystical" medicine that is rooted in Islam. This is also due to certain popular beliefs that insanity is not curable, which hinders adherence to psychiatric treatment. This leads to the interruption of treatment as soon as the patient is perceived to be doing better. The narratives of the interviewees also reveal self-medication practices that aim to regulate the behavior of sick people in the family and social space of the community. It helps to limit medical and indirect costs related to accessibility, as many families do not have universal medical coverage or sufficient financial resources. It reveals the circulation and sometimes diverted use of medicines after a medical check-up. In conclusion, we observe that the question of the management of psychological disorders is similar to that of chronic diseases (adherence to treatment, representation of recovery). It is also part of a context where a plurality of actors are taking hold of a protean "psy" discourse within Senegalese society. ; A partir de données anthropologiques et sociodémographiques collectées au Sénégal auprès de différentes catégories d'acteurs impliquées dans les quêtes thérapeutiques qu'engagent des personnes malades, seules ou soutenues par « leur(s) accompagnant(s) » afin de remédier à une pathologie mentale, sont décrites diverses circulations qui contribuent à structurer des parcours thérapeutiques souvent longs et chaotiques avant d'accéder à des soins psychiatriques. Les circulations des acteurs, des produits et des pratiques sont analysées à différentes échelles et interprétées par rapport à différents facteurs : l'inégale répartition territoriale de l'offre psychiatrique, les représentations des troubles psychiques et de leur guérison qui les rapprochent des maladies chroniques dans un contexte de pluralisme thérapeutique et de stigmatisation, certaines pratiques d'automédication au sein des familles en réponse au coût des soins en l'absence de couverture médicale universelle généralisée, enfin l'émergence de discours « psy » au sein de la société sénégalaise.
Problem statement: general view and its connection with important scientific or practical tasks. Achieving the goals and realizing the interests of states and transnational corporations and even some specific actors on the world stage is gaining new opportunities through the intensive development of high technology, innovation, information and global cyberspace. Open military confrontation and other types of conflicts in these conditions are transformed into hybrid forms of destructive actions, in which the component of cognitive influences aimed at the human mind, worldview, mentality, which are an integral part of the cognitive sphere of society, grows. Such influences, at the present stage of development of society, are often aimed at forming distrust, changing views and value systems, weakening social cohesion and distorted perception of national interests and values, etc., so their study and counteraction is extremely relevant. Analysis of recent publications in sphere of research and identification of previously unresolved parts of the general problem. Issues related to the study of the cognitive sphere and its components, various cognitive influences on the audience in the process of communication, cognitive manipulation, especially in the field of discourses, and their consequences, were considered in the works of many domestic and foreign researchers, namely: M. Eisenko, L. Apostel, M. Bakhtin, D. Bolinger, P. Brown, E. Bienvenu, R. Blakar, X. Weinrich, A. Vezhbytska, V. Vinokur, Y. Habermas, J. Gintikki, G. Grice, S. Green, T. van Dyck, V. Demyankov, V. Zabotkin, A. Zvirintsev, S. Kara-Murza, E. Koit, O. Kubryakova, R. Lakoff, J. Lakoff, J. Lich, Y. Lotman , S. Levinson, D. Marr, J. Allwood, J. Austin, M. Popper, G. Pocheptsov, O. Rosenstock-Hussey, J. Searle, W. Stewart, S. Tulmin, L. Yakubinsky. At the same time, the study of multilevel, interconnected destructive cognitive effects in cyberspace and through cyberspace in hybrid conflicts and the analysis of practical experience of their coping and consequences, especially with regard to deep systemic aspects and synergies in modern publications are insufficiently addressed. The aim of the article is to study the threats and features of cognitive influences on society in cyberspace and respond to them to reduce the risks of their consequences. Main results. Modern hybrid warfare is a war with a combination of fundamentally different types and methods of its conduct, which are used in a coordinated manner to achieve its goals. It is a high-tech conflict, a continuation of the policy of states (coalitions, political groups, transnational corporations, etc.) in order to impose their will on opponents through complex, adaptive, asymmetric and synchronized influences on them in multidimensional space and various spheres with a combination of conventional and unconventional components, ensuring multiplicity and synergy of results and a high level of uncertainty for opponents regarding the ultimate goals and ways to achieve them. Its features are permanent, variable, in wide ranges, intensity, focus on systemic destabilization and changes that are useful to achieve the interests of the beneficiary, in all spheres of life and activity of the state that is the object of aggression. Hybrid actions, in addition to the purely force component, include complex destructive cognitive, informational, informational-psychological, propaganda and disinformation influences on certain target groups and society as a whole, with cyberattacks on information resources, infrastructure, economic processes and democratic institutions. At the same time, cognitive influences play a significant role in trying to manage communication, transform the beliefs of target audiences to the right (desired) and control their behavior. Issues of destructive cognitive actions are directly related to the processes of emission, processing, interpretation, transformation and internalization of knowledge in managed communication from strategic to tactical levels, from general to targeted impacts on society as a whole and its individual components and specific targets. audiences with integrated use of linguistic, figurative, hidden media effects, mental and other influences at different levels of cybersocial interaction, which, in modern conditions, is increasingly carried out in cyberspace and / or through cyberspace. The theoretical and applied results presented in the article can be used to ensure timely detection of dangers and threats of destructive cognitive influences on society in cyberspace and through cyberspace, risk assessment of their implementation and taking measures to counter and neutralize them. Conclusions. Cognitive influences have become an integral part of hybrid conflicts, both interstate and domestic, and between any geopolitical and regional actors, corporations, and organizations. The cognitive component has an exceptional role in the set of factors that form and cause conflict, affect its course and results, intensity and consequences. Therefore, modern, and especially conflicts of the future, are and will be conducted for the cognitive sphere of society (society, social groups, individuals), taking control and management of cognitive space, which includes perception, awareness, beliefs, understanding and values, intellectual environment of both individuals and social groups and society as a whole, in which, in fact, is their decision-making. Therefore, the main result of successful destructive cognitive influences is a change in the model of the world and its perception in man, social groups and society as a whole, which provides the opportunity to take control and external management on emotional, moral, cultural, ideological and mental levels with the formation stereotypes for the perception of reality through their prism. Of particular importance are the imposition and promotion of erroneous scientific, social, economic, state, military theories, paradigms, concepts, strategies, narratives, which are most effectively promoted and implemented through educational and scientific institutions, NGOs, electronic, social networks and the blogosphere. To this end, all opportunities for strategic communication are used, informational, psychological, cyber and other measures (actions, operations, etc.) are taken, which are aimed at both the direct participants in the conflict and the population of the participating countries, the international community. Therefore, it is necessary to conduct a thorough analysis of the threats of such influences, their timely detection and deploy an effective system to counter them and neutralize them, because it becomes one of the key components of national security for today and in the future. Key words: cognitive influences; cyberspace; cybersecurity; destructive cyber influences; information security. ; У статті розглядаються теоретико-прикладні аспекти, особливості, небезпеки, загрози і ризики когнітивних впливів на соціум у кіберпросторі і через кіберпростір та реагування на них. Доведено, що боротьба за отримання контролю над певними цільовими групами в сучасних умовах передбачає насамперед можливість управління їхньою когнітивною сферою з використанням методів ментального, образного, мовного тощо впливів на неї. Це здійснюється в різноманітних інфокомунікаційних системах відповідно до ситуацій, переважно через соціальні мережі, блогосферу, художню, науково-популярну і наукову літературу та відповідні ресурси в інтернеті, розважальну і професійно-орієнтовану аудіо- і відеопродукцію, рекламу, ЗМІ, а також шляхом уведення змін, які сприяють цьому, в наукові теорії, навчальні програми тощо. Основна мета – навмисний вплив на відповідні цільові аудиторії для трансформації їх поглядів, переконань, світогляду, і самого сприйняття дійсності відповідно до інтересів і потреб сторони, яка справляє вплив. Це завжди багатоплановий, багатовекторний, комплексний, системний та керований процес загальної спрямованості або цільові, спрямовані на суспільство в цілому або на цільові групи, конкретних індивідів (ключових акторів), який передбачає справляння за єдиним замислом, планом, місцем і часом когнітивних, інформаційних, інформаційно-психологічних, кібер-впливів тощо. У сучасних умовах значна кількість сфер людської життєдіяльності перенеслася до кіберпростору та здійснюється через кіберпростір. При цьому майже єдиним джерелом знань та інформації для більшості людей поступово стають різноманітні інформаційні та освітні портали й електронні ресурси, які формуються в кіберпросторі. Це значно впливає на формування та зміну світогляду і ментальності соціуму. Саме через глобальну мережу «Інтернет» молодь сприймає найбільше неперевіреної, часто негативної, небажаної і навіть небезпечної інформації. Відсутність захисту соціуму від когнітивних загроз, які реалізуються в кіберпросторі і через кіберпростір, стає серйозним фактором ризику, деякі аспекти зменшення якого розглядаються в цій роботі. Ключові слова: когнітивні впливи; кіберпростір; кібербезпека; деструктивні кібервпливи; інформаційна безпека.
Problem statement: general view and its connection with important scientific or practical tasks. Achieving the goals and realizing the interests of states and transnational corporations and even some specific actors on the world stage is gaining new opportunities through the intensive development of high technology, innovation, information and global cyberspace. Open military confrontation and other types of conflicts in these conditions are transformed into hybrid forms of destructive actions, in which the component of cognitive influences aimed at the human mind, worldview, mentality, which are an integral part of the cognitive sphere of society, grows. Such influences, at the present stage of development of society, are often aimed at forming distrust, changing views and value systems, weakening social cohesion and distorted perception of national interests and values, etc., so their study and counteraction is extremely relevant. Analysis of recent publications in sphere of research and identification of previously unresolved parts of the general problem. Issues related to the study of the cognitive sphere and its components, various cognitive influences on the audience in the process of communication, cognitive manipulation, especially in the field of discourses, and their consequences, were considered in the works of many domestic and foreign researchers, namely: M. Eisenko, L. Apostel, M. Bakhtin, D. Bolinger, P. Brown, E. Bienvenu, R. Blakar, X. Weinrich, A. Vezhbytska, V. Vinokur, Y. Habermas, J. Gintikki, G. Grice, S. Green, T. van Dyck, V. Demyankov, V. Zabotkin, A. Zvirintsev, S. Kara-Murza, E. Koit, O. Kubryakova, R. Lakoff, J. Lakoff, J. Lich, Y. Lotman , S. Levinson, D. Marr, J. Allwood, J. Austin, M. Popper, G. Pocheptsov, O. Rosenstock-Hussey, J. Searle, W. Stewart, S. Tulmin, L. Yakubinsky. At the same time, the study of multilevel, interconnected destructive cognitive effects in cyberspace and through cyberspace in hybrid conflicts and the analysis of practical experience of their coping and consequences, especially with regard to deep systemic aspects and synergies in modern publications are insufficiently addressed. The aim of the article is to study the threats and features of cognitive influences on society in cyberspace and respond to them to reduce the risks of their consequences. Main results. Modern hybrid warfare is a war with a combination of fundamentally different types and methods of its conduct, which are used in a coordinated manner to achieve its goals. It is a high-tech conflict, a continuation of the policy of states (coalitions, political groups, transnational corporations, etc.) in order to impose their will on opponents through complex, adaptive, asymmetric and synchronized influences on them in multidimensional space and various spheres with a combination of conventional and unconventional components, ensuring multiplicity and synergy of results and a high level of uncertainty for opponents regarding the ultimate goals and ways to achieve them. Its features are permanent, variable, in wide ranges, intensity, focus on systemic destabilization and changes that are useful to achieve the interests of the beneficiary, in all spheres of life and activity of the state that is the object of aggression. Hybrid actions, in addition to the purely force component, include complex destructive cognitive, informational, informational-psychological, propaganda and disinformation influences on certain target groups and society as a whole, with cyberattacks on information resources, infrastructure, economic processes and democratic institutions. At the same time, cognitive influences play a significant role in trying to manage communication, transform the beliefs of target audiences to the right (desired) and control their behavior. Issues of destructive cognitive actions are directly related to the processes of emission, processing, interpretation, transformation and internalization of knowledge in managed communication from strategic to tactical levels, from general to targeted impacts on society as a whole and its individual components and specific targets. audiences with integrated use of linguistic, figurative, hidden media effects, mental and other influences at different levels of cybersocial interaction, which, in modern conditions, is increasingly carried out in cyberspace and / or through cyberspace. The theoretical and applied results presented in the article can be used to ensure timely detection of dangers and threats of destructive cognitive influences on society in cyberspace and through cyberspace, risk assessment of their implementation and taking measures to counter and neutralize them. Conclusions. Cognitive influences have become an integral part of hybrid conflicts, both interstate and domestic, and between any geopolitical and regional actors, corporations, and organizations. The cognitive component has an exceptional role in the set of factors that form and cause conflict, affect its course and results, intensity and consequences. Therefore, modern, and especially conflicts of the future, are and will be conducted for the cognitive sphere of society (society, social groups, individuals), taking control and management of cognitive space, which includes perception, awareness, beliefs, understanding and values, intellectual environment of both individuals and social groups and society as a whole, in which, in fact, is their decision-making. Therefore, the main result of successful destructive cognitive influences is a change in the model of the world and its perception in man, social groups and society as a whole, which provides the opportunity to take control and external management on emotional, moral, cultural, ideological and mental levels with the formation stereotypes for the perception of reality through their prism. Of particular importance are the imposition and promotion of erroneous scientific, social, economic, state, military theories, paradigms, concepts, strategies, narratives, which are most effectively promoted and implemented through educational and scientific institutions, NGOs, electronic, social networks and the blogosphere. To this end, all opportunities for strategic communication are used, informational, psychological, cyber and other measures (actions, operations, etc.) are taken, which are aimed at both the direct participants in the conflict and the population of the participating countries, the international community. Therefore, it is necessary to conduct a thorough analysis of the threats of such influences, their timely detection and deploy an effective system to counter them and neutralize them, because it becomes one of the key components of national security for today and in the future. Key words: cognitive influences; cyberspace; cybersecurity; destructive cyber influences; information security. ; У статті розглядаються теоретико-прикладні аспекти, особливості, небезпеки, загрози і ризики когнітивних впливів на соціум у кіберпросторі і через кіберпростір та реагування на них. Доведено, що боротьба за отримання контролю над певними цільовими групами в сучасних умовах передбачає насамперед можливість управління їхньою когнітивною сферою з використанням методів ментального, образного, мовного тощо впливів на неї. Це здійснюється в різноманітних інфокомунікаційних системах відповідно до ситуацій, переважно через соціальні мережі, блогосферу, художню, науково-популярну і наукову літературу та відповідні ресурси в інтернеті, розважальну і професійно-орієнтовану аудіо- і відеопродукцію, рекламу, ЗМІ, а також шляхом уведення змін, які сприяють цьому, в наукові теорії, навчальні програми тощо. Основна мета – навмисний вплив на відповідні цільові аудиторії для трансформації їх поглядів, переконань, світогляду, і самого сприйняття дійсності відповідно до інтересів і потреб сторони, яка справляє вплив. Це завжди багатоплановий, багатовекторний, комплексний, системний та керований процес загальної спрямованості або цільові, спрямовані на суспільство в цілому або на цільові групи, конкретних індивідів (ключових акторів), який передбачає справляння за єдиним замислом, планом, місцем і часом когнітивних, інформаційних, інформаційно-психологічних, кібер-впливів тощо. У сучасних умовах значна кількість сфер людської життєдіяльності перенеслася до кіберпростору та здійснюється через кіберпростір. При цьому майже єдиним джерелом знань та інформації для більшості людей поступово стають різноманітні інформаційні та освітні портали й електронні ресурси, які формуються в кіберпросторі. Це значно впливає на формування та зміну світогляду і ментальності соціуму. Саме через глобальну мережу «Інтернет» молодь сприймає найбільше неперевіреної, часто негативної, небажаної і навіть небезпечної інформації. Відсутність захисту соціуму від когнітивних загроз, які реалізуються в кіберпросторі і через кіберпростір, стає серйозним фактором ризику, деякі аспекти зменшення якого розглядаються в цій роботі. Ключові слова: когнітивні впливи; кіберпростір; кібербезпека; деструктивні кібервпливи; інформаційна безпека.
