Suchergebnisse

14 páginas.-- Resumen de la Memoria presentada a la Comisión de Coordinación nº 55 de la UEAtc.-- Nota técnica. ; [ES] Anualmente la UEAtc (Union Européenne pour l'Agrément technique dans la construction / Unión Europea para la Idoneidad Técnica en Construcción), creada en 1960, y que por tanto celebrará su 50 aniversario el próximo año, reúne a los Directores de sus 18 Institutos Miembros, representantes, a su vez, de otros tantos países europeos, en la reunión anual denominada: Comisión de Coordinación. En esta Comisión, se discuten las situaciones nacionales y las interacciones entre las actividades de cada Instituto (País), para la evaluación de la innovación en la construcción y particularmente para la referida a los productos de construcción innovadores, en el ámbito del Documento de Idoneidad Técnica (DIT) (en otras lenguas Agrément, Avis Technique, etc.). Como en muchas otras actividades que practicamos en nuestra vida, a veces, no prestamos suficiente atención a que éstas, se desarrollan en un contexto marcado por hechos históricos más o menos relevantes que se suceden paralelos a nuestra actividad profesional, a la que sin duda de una manera u otra afectan significativamente. Es por ello, que se realiza aquí, una reflexión con ánimo constructivo y optimista, un ejercicio simple subjetivo y con alguna dosis de humor, que lista, paralelamente a algunos de los hechos históricos anuales que han ido aconteciendo, aquellos otros, más técnicos, que tienen que ver con el DIT. Exposición que se finaliza con el Resumen Anual (2008), de actividades del DIT, presentado a la última Comisión de Coordinación de la UEAtc. El mensaje es doble: por un lado no deberíamos olvidar la historia y lo que hemos conseguido, y por otro lado, nuestro trabajo no debería abstraerse en sí mismo, hasta el punto de perder de vista la relatividad de lo que hacemos. ; [EN] Every year the UEAtc (Union Européenne pour l'Agrément technique dans la construction / European Union of Agrément), which was founded in 1960 and will therefore be celebrating its 50th anniversary next year, convenes the directors of its member institutes, each representing its home country, to a meeting of the Co-ordination Commission. This Commission discusses national circumstances and the interaction among the activities conducted by the respective Institutes (countries) in connection with the assessment of construction industry innovations, particularly innovative products, procedure called in Spanish, Documento de Idoneidad Técnica (in other languages: Agrément, Avis technique and so on). As it is for other of life's activities, so it is with technical approvals, that at times we pay little heed to the fact that they take place in a context marked by relevant historic events occurring during our careers, which are significantly affected by these situations in one way or another. This is what underlies the present constructive and optimistic reflection, a simple and subjective exercise with some sense of humour that lists some of the yearly highlights coetaneous with other more technical events related to technical approvals. This discussion concludes with the annual summary of activities in 2008 submitted to the March 2009 meeting of the UEAtc's Co-ordination Commission. The message conveyed is that while on the one hand we must not ignore history and what we have achieved to date, on the other our efforts should not become so self-involved as to lose sight of the relativity of our endeavours. ; Peer reviewed

La culture de plantes transgéniques Bt – produisant des toxines insecticides issues de la bactérie Bacillus thuringiensis – engendre un risque que les populations de ravageurs cibles deviennent résistantes à ces toxines. Pour limiter ce risque, les autorités des États-Unis exigent la mise en oeuvre d'une stratégie appelée « haute dose/refuge » (HDR). Cette stratégie repose sur le maintien, à proximité des cultures transgéniques, de cultures « refuges » – exemptes de toxines Bt – constituant des réservoirs d'individus sensibles. Son efficacité est notamment conditionnée par un brassage génétique intense entre ces individus sensibles et les individus résistants sélectionnés dans les parcelles de plantes Bt. Pour plusieurs ravageurs cibles de ces toxines, sa mise en oeuvre a pourtant précédé l'examen détaillé des traits d'histoires de vie pouvant influencer l'intensité de ce brassage. Des études ont, depuis, partiellement comblé ces manques : nous présentons une synthèse de résultats récents sur la pyrale du maïs, une des cibles principales des maïs Bt. Bien que ce papillon ravageur soit hautement polyphage, les populations se nourrissant d'autres plantes hôtes – sauvages ou cultivées – sont trop minoritaires pour limiter efficacement le développement de résistances. Par ailleurs, une partie des pyrales semble se reproduire à proximité immédiate de leur lieu d'émergence, de sorte que des refuges situés à plusieurs centaines de mètres des maïs Bt – la distance maximale autorisée étant actuellement de 800 mètres – ne garantissent pas le brassage génétique entre individus sensibles et résistants. Dans le cas de rotations culturales, ce brassage pourrait néanmoins être accru par une gestion différente des bordures de champs Bt et conventionnels. Bien qu'aucune résistance ne se soit déclarée 10 ans après la mise en culture des premiers maïs Bt, ces données indiquent que la stratégie HDR telle qu'elle est actuellement appliquée n'est pas forcément optimale et, plus généralement, qu'il est illusoire d'espérer définir une stratégie universellement adaptée ; The use of transgenic crops producing toxins from the bacterium Bacillus thuringiensis – or Bt crops – is associated with the risk that the targeted pests become resistant to these toxins. To reduce this risk, the US government required the implementation of a strategy named High Dose/Refuge (HDR). This strategy is based on maintaining Bt toxin-free plants or crops – referred to as « refuges » – to preserve a pool of susceptible insects in the vicinity of Bt fields. Among other factors, its efficiency relies on a high gene flow between these susceptible individuals and any resistant individuals selected in Bt fields. For several pests targeted by these toxins, this strategy was nevertheless implemented when little was in fact know, as to the life history traits likely to influence the intensity of the gene flow. Part of this gap has been filled since then: we summarize here the recent advances on the European corn borer (ECB), one of the main targets of insecticidal Bt maize. Although this moth pest is highly polyphagous, its other host plants – whether wild or cultivated – do not provide a sufficient source of susceptible individuals to efficiently prevent toxin resistance from developing. Moreover, a fraction of the ECB reproduce in close vicinity of their place of emergence, so that refuges situated a few hundred meters from Bt maize fields – the maximal distance currently required is 800 meters – may not warrant a sufficient intermixing between susceptible and resistant individuals. In crop rotation situations, this intermixing could however be facilitated through a contrasted management of herbaceous maize field borders. Although 10 years after the beginning of Bt maize cultivation no resistance has yet broken out, our data suggests that it is illusory to aim at a universally suitable strategy, and that the HDR strategy – as currently implemented – may not necessarily be optimal

A implantação de tecnologias reprodutivas no campo médico é mais uma etapa do processo de medicalização da reprodução humana, em continuidade como o regime biopolítico que caracteriza a normalização social contem-poraneamente. Nele, a produção e a reprodução da vida são objetos de investimento político e de relações de poder de um outro tipo uma vez que se tornou integralmente possível seu controle pela intervenção humana, via tecnologia. O surgimento da bioética está intimamente ligado a este processo, tendo esse campo acolhido efetivamente o debate sobre as biotecnociências e a intervenção biotecnológica nos processos vitais. Mas as mudanças que se anunciam e os novos desafios no plano da organização da vida humana – biológica, individual, familiar, das populações etc. – colocam a necessidade de ampliação da regulamentação dessas novas tecnologias. No caso brasileiro, convivemos com uma longa história de curta regulação das tecnologias reprodutivas. Nesse artigo, indicaremos os principais problemas e iniciativas encontradas para enfrentá-los no sentido de contribuir para o adensamento do debate público sobre a reprodução assistida no Brasil. Palavras-chave: bioética, reprodução humana, reprodução assistida, regulamentação, biotecnologias. REPRODUCTION AND BIOETHICS. The regulation of assisted reproduction in Brazil The implementation of reproduction technologies is another stage of the medication process of human repro-duction, together with the biopolitical regime that currently characterizes social normalization. Production and reproduction of life are seen as objects of different political investments and relationships of power, since they can be totally controlled by human intervention through technology. The outcome of bioethics is closely related to this process, whereas this field has housed the debate on biotechnical-sciences and biotechnology intervention in the vital processes. However, the changes that are announced and the new challenges to the plan or organi-zation of human life – biological, individual, family, population, etc.. emphasize the need of expanding the regulation of these new technologies. Brazil has experienced a long history of short regulation of the reproductive techno-logies. This paper points out the main problems and the initiatives found to overcome them, thus contributing to the intensification of the public debate on assisted reproduction in Brazil. Key words:bioethics, human reproduction, assisted reproduction, regulation, biotechnologies. ReproduCTION eT BioétHiQUE. LA regulaTION dE La reproduCTION assistEE AU BrEsil L'implantation de technologies reproductives dans le domaine médical est une étape de plus dans le processus de médicalisation de la reproduction humaine, en continuité avec le régime biopolitique qui caractérise présen-tement la normalisation sociale. Dans ce processus, la production et la reproduction de la vie sont des objets d'investissement politique et de relations de pouvoir d'un autre genre, étant donné qu'il est devenu tout à fait possible de le contrôler par le biais de l'intervention humaine, via techno-logie. Le surgissement de la bioéthique est profondément lié à ce processus vu que ce domaine a effectivement accueilli le débat concernant les biotechnos-ciences et l'intervention biotechnolo-gique dans les processus vitaux. Mais les changements qui s'annoncent et les nouveaux défis sur le plan de l'organisation de la vie humaine – biologique, individuelle, familiale, des populations, etc. impliquent le besoin d'amplifier la réglementation de ces nouvelles technologies reproductives. Dans le cas du Brésil, nous vivons une longue histoire de courte réglementation des technologies reproductives. Cet article fait état des principaux problèmes et des initiatives trouvées pour les affronter afin de contribuer au renforcement du débat public concernant la reproduction assistée au Brésil. Mots-clés: bioéthique, reproduction humaine, reproduction assistée, réglementation, biotechnologies. Publicação Online do Caderno CRH: http://www.cadernocrh.ufba.br

1ABSTRACTThe purpose of this thesis is to study the effects of EU-Turkey Customs Union onTurkish Economy in terms of selected parameters and to make a general evaluation onwhether it is effective for Turkey or not. In the thesis, first, regional integrations andcustoms union theories are briefly examined, then the development of relations betweenEU-Turkey is detailed and finally the effects of customs union is discussed, with anadditional part covering the effects of customs union on automobile and textile clothingsectors.Customs union is often narrowed down to foreign trade. The effects of customsunion is discussed under the headings of foreign trade, FDI, financial aids, competitionand other parameters like effects on way to membership, technical barriers on trade,intellectual property rights and public income.Turkey benefited from Customs union in terms of foreign trade. The trade deficitwith the EU decreased, Turkey's export to EU increased and no trade diversion occurredwith third countries.FDI inflows to Turkey did not increased as expected after Customs union due tolack of necessary stable political and economic environment and lack of legalinfrastructure.Turkey did not receive enough financial aid after Customs union, yet resourcesallocated blocked due to political reasons rather than economic reasons.Competition environment in Turkey developed via the Customs union, which in turnincreased both producer and consumer utility.2Turkey has not yet completed legal alignment on technical barriers to trade. IPRsconsciousness is improving due to Customs union harmonization. Public income did notdecreased because the decrease in tariff rate is compensated with the increase in totaltrade. All the adjustments that Turkey has been making since 1963 will ease thenegotiation process in the related chapters.There is no serious evidence under the light of parameters discussed that Customsunion, most sophisticated economic and politic action taken by Turkish Republicthroughout her history, hurt Turkish economy even though the existence of negativeissues like absence of political willingness, no representation in the decision-makingmechanisms, aid blockings based on political reasons. Consequently, it seems thateconomic benefits outweigh results raised from political issues and overall effect ofcustoms union on Turkish economy is positive.1ÖZETBu tezin yazılmasındaki amaç, AB-Türkiye Gümrük Birligi'nin TürkiyeEkonomisi üzerindeki etkilerini seçili parametrelerle incelemek ve Türkiye için etkili biruygulama olup olmadıgı hakkında genel bir degerlendirme yapmaktır. Tezde, öncebölgesel entegrasyonlar ve gümrük birligi teorilerine deginilmis, devamında AB-Türkiyearasındaki iliskilerin gelisimine yer verilmis, son olarak Gümrük Birligi'nin etkileri vehazır giyim ile otomotiv sektörlerinin nasıl etkilendigi incelenmistir.AB-Türkiye arasındaki Gümrük Birligi genellikle sadece dıs ticareteindirgenmistir. Bu tezde Gümrük Birligi'nin Türkiye Ekonomisi üzerindeki etkileri dısticaret, mali yardımlar, dogrudan sermaye yatırımları, rekabet ve diger (üyelik süreçinde,ticaretin önündeki teknik engellerin kaldırılmasında, fikri mülkiyet hakları üzerinde vekamu gelirleri üzerinde etkileri) baslıkları altında incelendi.Dıs ticaret açısından Gümrük Birligi Türkiye için faydalı olmustur. AB-Türkiyearasındaki dıs ticaret açıgı azalmıs, AB'ye ihracatımız artmıs, üçüncü ülkelerle yapılanticarette bir sapma olusmamıstır.Gerekli politik, ekonomik istikrarın ve yasal altyapının olusmaması nedeniyledogrudan sermaye yatırımlarında Gümrük Birligi sonrası istenilen etki görülmemistir.Gümrük Birligi sonrasında ekonmik nedenlerden ziyade siyasi nedenlerleTürkiye'ye yeterli miktarda mali yardım ayrılmadıgı ve ayrılan yardımların dakullanımının engellendigi belirlenmistir.2Gümrük Birligi uyum yasaları çerçevesinde rekabet ortamı gelismis, bu da hemüretici hem tüketici faydasını arttırmıstır.Ticaretin önündeki teknik engellerin kaldırılmasında Türkiye, uyum çalısmalarınıhenüz tamamlamamıstır. Fikri mülkiyet hakları bilinci Gümrük Birligi sayesindeTürkiye'de yerlesmektedir. Kamu gelirlerinin artan ticaret hacmi nedeniyle azalangümrük oranlarından etkilenmedigi gözlemlenmistir. Gümrük Birligi uyumuçerçevesinde yapılan 1963'den beri yapılan tüm yasal altyapı degisiklikleri Türkiye'ninmüzakere döneminde ilgili alanlarda yapması gereken mevzuat uyumunukolaylastıracaktır.Türkiye Cumhuriyeti tarihinin en kapsamlı siyasi ve ekonomik kararı olan GümrükBirligi'nin, siyasi irade eksikligi, ilgili karar alma mekanizmalarında yer alınamaması,mali yardımların siyasi nedenlerle engellenmesi gibi negatif yönlerine ragmen, incelenenparametreler ısıgında Türkiye ekonomisine zarar verdigine dair bir bulguyarastlanmamıstır. Sonuç olarak, Gümrük Birligi'nin Türkiye'ye siyasi yarardan çokekonomik yarar sagladıgı ve ekonomiyi genel olarak olumlu etkiledigi belirtilebilir.

-Anthony P. Maingot, Eric Williams, Forged from the love of liberty: selected speeches of Dr. Eric Williams. Compiled and introduced by Paul K. Sutton. Trinidad: Longman Caribbean, 1981. 473 pp.-Sue N. Greene, Selwyn R. Cudjoe, Resistance and Caribbean literature. Athens OH, Chicago and London: Ohio University Press. 1980. xii + 319 pp.-Sue N. Greene, O.R. Dathorne, Dark Ancestor: the literature of the Black man in the Caribbean. Baton Rouge and London: Louisiana State University Press, 1981. x + 288 pp.-Charles V. Carnegie, Jane C. Beck, To windward of the land: the occult world of Alexander Charles. Foreword by Roger D. Abrahams. Bloomington IN and London: Indiana University Press, 1979. 1 + 309 pp.-Pedro A. Cabán, Labor migration under capitalism; the Puerto Rican experience. History Task Force, Centro de Estudios Puertorriquenos. New York and London: Monthly Review Press, 1979. 287 pp.-Pedro Cabán, Manuel Maldonado-Denis, The emigration dialectic: Puerto Rico and the U.S.A. (Translated from the Spanish by Roberto Simon Crespi.) New York: International Publishers, 1980. 156 pp.-Matthew Edel, Arthur MacEwan, Revolution and economic development in Cuba. New York: St. Martins Press, 1981. xvi + 265 pp.-Matthew Edel, Carmelo Mesalago, The economy of socialist Cuba: a two-decade appraisal. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1981. xvi + 235 pp.-Percy C. Hintzen, Carl Stone, Democracy and clientelism in Jamaica. New Brunswick NJ and London: Transaction Books, 1980. 262 pp.-Frank E. Manning, Colin A. Hughes, Race and politics in the Bahamas. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1981. 229 pp.-W. Marvin Will, Earl Gooding, The West Indies at the crossroads: the search for a viable future. Cambridge MA: Schenkman Publishing Company, 1981. xviii + 243 pp.-Trevor W. Purcell, Michael Lieber, Street scenes: Afro-American culture in urban Trinidad. Cambridge MA: Schenkman Publishing Co., 1981. xv + 119 pp.-Michael Lieber, Keith Q. Warner, Kaiso! the Trinidad calypso. Washington D.C.: Three Continents Press, 1982. xi + 155 pp.-Virginia R. Domínguez, Bernardo Vega, Ensayos sobre cultura dominicana. Santo Domingo: Museo del Hombre Dominicano, 1981. 245 pp.-H. Hoetink, Bernardo Vega, Los Estados Unidos y Trujillo: colección de documentos del Departamento de Estado y de las Fuerzas Armadas Norteamericanas. Santo Domingo: Fundación Cultural Dominicana, 1982. Ano 1945 - 352 pp.; Ano 1946 (2 vols.) - 507 + 171 pp.-Ronald R. Smith, Martha Ellen Davis, Voces del purgatorio: estudio de la salve dominicana. Santo Domingo: Museo del Hombre Dominicano, Investigaciones Antropológicas No. 15, 1981. xv + 106 pp.-Nancie L. González, Ruy Galvao de Andrade Coelho, Los Negros Caribes de Honduras. Translated from the English by Guadalupe Carias Zapata. Tegucigalpa, Honduras: Editorial Guaymuras, 1981. 208 pp.-Silvia W. de Groot, Nina S. de Friedemann ,Ma Ngombe: guerreros y ganaderos en Palenque. Bogotá: Carlos Valencia Editores, 1979., Richard Cross (eds)-Irving Rouse, Marcio Veloz Maggiolo, Las sociedades arcaicas de Santo Domingo. Santo Domingo: Museo del Hombre Dominicano, Serie Investigaciones Antropológicas No. 16; Fundación García Arévalo, Serie Investigaciones No. 12, 1980. 100 pp.-Irving Rouse, Marcios Veloz Maggiolo ,Los modos de vida Meillacoides y sus posibles origenes (un estudio interpretativo). Santo Domingo: Museo del Hombre Dominicano, 1981. 433 oo., Elpidio Ortega, Angel Caba Fuentes (eds)-A.H. Versteeg, E.H.J. Boerstra, De precolumbiaanse bewoners van Aruba, Curacao en Bonaire. Zutphen: De Walburg Pers, 1982. xl + 79 pp.-Alexis M. Gardella, Philip Baker ,Isle de France Creole: affinities and origins. Ann Arbor MI: Karoma Publishers, 1982. viii + 299 pp., Chris Corne (eds)

Este trabajo analiza la manera cómo España construyó, a finales del siglo XIX, una imagen de nación moderna fundamentada en la conciencia de un pasado glorioso, el del descubrimiento de América o del Nuevo Mundo. La atención se enfoca en el análisis de la participación del país ibérico en las Exposiciones Históricas (EH) que tuvieron lugar en Madrid, en 1892, precisamente en el marco de la celebración del IV centenario de dicho suceso. Evento de gran trascendencia para la coyuntura política española de fin de siglo, caracterizada por la profunda crisis que había dejado la pérdida de supremacía sobre la mayor parte de sus antiguas colonias en el continente americano. No es gratuito, pues, que en este contexto se asista a una especie de competencia, entre tres naciones, por conseguir el predominio de la conmemoración. Italia, por ser la cuna de Cristóbal Colón; España, por haber apoyado de forma decida el proyecto colombino; y, Estados Unidos, por considerarse heredera directa de la civilización occidental. En las tres, los eventos expositivos constituirán el eje central de la celebración. Para el caso de España, tras una primera iniciativa, en 1888, de celebrar una exposición de carácter universal -como la inaugurada ese mismo año en Barcelona-, en 1891 se decanta por la realización de dos, de carácter histórico e internacional, "detenidas en el siglo XVI". A diferencia de las ferias mundiales, donde primó el sello arquitectónico que le otorgó cada nación, en las EH a cada nación le será asignada una o varias salas dentro del Palacio de Biblioteca y Museos Nacionales, inaugurado para la ocasión. El piso principal albergará a la Histórico-Europea (HE), proyectada con el propósito de mostrar los testimonios históricos y de las artes provenientes de aquella época y conservados por los países europeos. La planta baja, acogerá a la Histórico- Americana (HA), que busca dar cuenta del estado de desarrollo alcanzado por los pueblos americanos al momento de la llegada de los españoles. De esta manera, las EH se convierten en las más importantes de su género, no sólo en ámbito español de la segunda mitad del siglo XIX sino de todo el orbe. La primera, por reunir objetos de carácter histórico y artístico de varias naciones europeas, pero especialmente de la anfitriona; la segunda, por exponer por primera vez, y a la vista de Europa y el mundo, el panorama de las culturas prehispánicas conocidas hasta ese entonces, algo que no habían logrado ni siquiera los Congresos Internacionales de Americanistas. En ellas, pues, se hace imposible separar lo histórico, cultural, artístico o científico, de sus implicaciones políticas. No es de extrañar, pues, que España hiciera un despliegue de la gran riqueza de su patrimonio histórico-artístico y de material americano, acumulando durante siglos por la casa real y la nobleza; los museos, archivos y bibliotecas; la iglesia; y, los coleccionistas privados, en su mayoría pertenecientes a la aristocracia y a la naciente burguesía. Es, precisamente, la participación de España en estas EH la que interesa en esta investigación, pues tuvo presencia en las dos. En la HE ocupará la mayor parte de los salones que la conformaban, a través de una gran una gran variedad material bibliográfico y documental, pinturas de reconocidos artistas, piezas de arte decorativo, mobiliario litúrgico, tapices y, sobre todo, objetos de valor histórico que hacían alusión a hechos o personajes destacados del devenir nacional, entre los siglos XV y XVII. Por su parte, en la HA, participa con documentación y material arqueológico fruto de su presencia, por más de tres siglos, en territorio americano. De tal manera que, el estudio de dicha participación constituye un prisma privilegiado de observación de sus implicaciones políticas y culturales. El trabajo se divide en cinco partes, cada una de ellas dividida en dos capítulos. La primera aborda, por una parte, los postulados que rigieron las políticas del recuerdo asumidas por Italia, Estados Unidos y España, los tres países que, a uno y otro lado del Atlántico, asumieron la delantera en la celebración del IV centenario del descubrimiento de América (IV centenario); por otra, analiza los sentidos divergentes que adoptaron las exposiciones que, como eventos centrales de la conmemoración, se proyectaron en cada una de dichas naciones, haciendo énfasis en el proceso de delimitación de la naturaleza de las circunscritas para el caso español. En la segunda, emprende el acercamiento al contexto específico del país ibérico, explorando cómo una retórica visual concreta, la relacionada con la iconografía colombina, coloca la figura de Colón y el suceso del descubrimiento al servicio de la imagen de España como nación imperial, en la que confluirán una serie de prácticas del recuerdo circunscritas no solo a la pintura de historia sino al espacio público y a la industria editorial. La tercera, pone el foco de atención en el complejo exhibicionario que tuvo lugar en Madrid en 1892 que muestran, de alguna manera, una jerarquización de imaginarios nacionales en torno a la historia, las artes, la arqueología y la industria. En primera instancia, aborda los proyectos expositivos distintos a las EH, tales como la Exposición Internacional de Bellas Artes, la Escolar y el Certamen de labores, así como pequeñas iniciativas de diversa índole; para luego centrarse en las EH, especialmente en los difusos límites que acompañó el proceso de delimitación de su denominación y naturaleza, y cómo esta situación se exteriorizó en el discurso museográfico que ellas desplegaron. Las dos últimas partes asumen un estudio pormenorizado de la participación de España en las EH. La cuarta, analiza su presencia en la EHA, mostrando cómo dicha participación se inscribe en el contexto geopolítico colonial finisecular abordando, en primer lugar y de manera general, la presencia en dicha exposición de otras naciones que disputan este contexto imperial, en sus múltiples aristas, como Portugal, Dinamarca, Noruega, Francia y los Estados Unidos. En segundo lugar, se examinan las instalaciones de España, que exhibirán material de minería y objetos etnográficos procedentes, especialmente, de las que aún eran sus colonias; así como antigüedades precolombinas conservadas en sus museos. La quinta, explora las implicaciones políticas e históricas que subyacen bajo el propósito de configurar una unidad nacional que subraya la continuidad histórica entre los reyes católicos y la España finisecular en crisis, en la que confluyen: monarquía, instituciones estatales, iglesia y coleccionistas particulares. Así, en primera instancia se estudia el despertar de una conciencia imperial basada en la posesión de un patrimonio histórico y artístico por parte de la casa real; museos, bibliotecas y archivos estales; y, la iglesia católica. Por último, se explora el papel que desempeñaron las colecciones particulares, especialmente de aristócratas, en la ratificación de una línea de tiempo entre los reyes católicos y los soberanos del siglo XIX. En un intento de España por recuperar la credibilidad de un gobierno finisecular en crisis, tanto a nivel interno como hacia el exterior, su participación en las EH fue concebida, dado su alcance ibérico, americano y europeo, como una estrategia política para afirmar y consolidar su lugar como una nación con conciencia imperial; una táctica de visibilización para combatir tres frentes geopolíticos diferenciados. Por una parte, el europeo, en el que predominaba la historiografía de la decadencia expresada en la Leyenda Negra; por otra, el norteamericano, que se proyecta como una nueva potencia que puede desplazar su protagonismo en Hispanoamérica; y, por último, las recién independizadas naciones americanas que, al estar definiendo sus referentes identitarios, y ante las cuales convenia estrechar los lazos que la unían a ellas. De tal manera que, la actualización de una conciencia imperial adquiere, en la coyuntura centenarista, una dimensión enfocada en nuevas formas de colonización, desde el ámbito cultural e histórico, liderado por el movimiento hispanista, en el que historia, raza y religión compartidas, a uno y otro lado del Atlántico, se resignifican como los estandartes de una nación con conciencia imperial. La investigación permitió inferir que, en términos de patrimonialización de un pasado glorioso, se llevó a cabo una diferenciación entre el material de origen europeo, convertido ahora en argumento del grado de civilización alcanzado por España durante la Edad Moderna, expuesto en la EHE; y, el material americano, que adquiere la connotación de prueba y trofeo, exhibido en la EHA. En este contexto, el espectacular despliegue de España en las EH, a través de colecciones históricas, artísticas y de arqueología americana, contribuyó al proceso de patrimonialización de un pasado imperial que, después de cuatro siglos y a través de sus vestigios, ratificaba el aporte del país ibérico a la expansión de la civilización occidental. Logrando unir, como nunca antes, a diferentes estamentos oficiales y particulares, bajo un solo objetivo, el de traer a la memoria los cimientos que sustentaron el "descubrimiento y la conquista" del continente americano. Para el gobierno, la monarquía y la nobleza constituyó un momento propicio para reevaluar su prestigio, a través de una resignificación de sus bienes patrimoniales, que implicaría un giro en su sentido de apropiación, pues se extendería del ámbito particular al nacional. Estableciendo, de esta manera, una línea de tiempo entre la época de los Reyes Católicos, suscrita a la conquista y descubrimientos en ultramar, que elevó a la corona española a la categoría de imperio, y la de la nueva era de los imperialismos de finales del siglo XIX, en la que España necesita competir para expandir su imaginario colonizador, ahora, desde lo cultural. En este propósito, los vestigios de las glorias del pasado se actualizan con el propósito proyectar un imaginario imperialista-paternalista sobre el otro americano, el de una nación con expectativa civilizadora, bajo la que subyace la noción de una raza trasatlántica, cuyos cimientos serán una historia, una lengua y una religión compartidas. ; This work analyzes the way in which Spain built, in the late nineteenth century, an image of a modern nation based on the awareness of a glorious past, that of the discovery of America or the New World. The focus is on the analysis of the participation of the Iberian country in the Historical Exhibitions (EH) that took place in Madrid, in 1892, precisely within the framework of the celebration of the IV centenary of that event. Event of great importance for the Spanish political situation at the end of the century, characterized by the deep crisis that had left the loss of supremacy over most of its former colonies in the American continent. It is not gratuitous, therefore, that in this context we should witness a kind of competition, between three nations, for the predominance of commemoration. Italy, for being the birthplace of Christopher Columbus; Spain, for having decisively supported the Columbian project; and, the United States, for considering it the direct heir to Western civilization. In all three, the exhibition events will be the central axis of the celebration. Event of great importance for the Spanish political situation at the end of the century, characterized by the deep crisis that had left the loss of supremacy over most of its former colonies in the American continent. It is not gratuitous, therefore, that in this context we should witness a kind of competition, between three nations, for the predominance of commemoration. Italy, for being the birthplace of Christopher Columbus; Spain, for having decisively supported the Columbian project; and, the United States, for considering it the direct heir to Western civilization. In all three, the exhibition events will be the central axis of the celebration. In the case of Spain, after a first initiative, in 1888, to hold an exhibition of a universal nature -such as the one inaugurated that same year in Barcelona-, in 1891 it opted for the realization of two, of historical and international character, "arrested in the sixteenth century". Unlike the world fairs, where the architectural seal awarded by each nation prevailed, in the EH each nation will be assigned one or more rooms within the Palace of Library and National Museums, inaugurated for the occasion. The main floor will house the Historical-European (HE), designed with the purpose of showing the historical testimonies and the arts from that time and preserved by European countries. The ground floor will house the Historic-American (HA), which seeks to account for the state of development reached by the American peoples at the time of the arrival of the Spaniards. In this way, the EH become the most important of its kind, not only in the Spanish field of the second half of the nineteenth century but of the whole world. The first, for bringing together objects of historical and artistic character from several European nations, but especially from the hostess; the second, for exposing for the first time, and in view of Europe and the world, the panorama of the pre-Hispanic cultures known until then, something that had not been achieved even by the International Congresses of Americanists. In them, therefore, it becomes impossible to separate the historical, cultural, artistic or scientific from their political implications. It is not surprising, then, that Spain made a display of the great wealth of its historicalartistic heritage and American material, accumulating for centuries by the royal house and the nobility; museums, archives and libraries; the church; and, private collectors, mostly belonging to the aristocracy and the nascent bourgeoisie. It is precisely the participation of Spain in these HE that is of interest in this research, since it was present in both. In the HE will occupy most of the rooms that made it up, through a great variety of bibliographic and documentary material, paintings by renowned artists, pieces of decorative art, liturgical furniture, tapestries and, above all, objects of historical value that alluded to facts or outstanding characters of the national future, between the fifteenth and seventeenth centuries. For its part, in the HA, it participates with documentation and archaeological material fruit of its presence, for more than three centuries, in American territory. Thus, the study of such participation constitutes a privileged prism of observation of its political and cultural implications. The work is divided into five parts, each divided into two chapters. The first deals, on the one hand, with the postulates that governed the policies of remembrance assumed by Italy, the United States and Spain, the three countries that, on both sides of the Atlantic, assumed the lead in the celebration of the IV centenary of the discovery of America (IV centenary); on the other, it analyzes the divergent senses adopted by the exhibitions that, as central events of the commemoration, were projected in each of these nations, emphasizing the process of delimitation of the nature of the circumscribed for the Spanish case. In the second, he undertakes the approach to the specific context of the Iberian country, exploring how a concrete visual rhetoric, related to Columbian iconography, places the figure of Columbus and the success of the discovery at the service of the image of Spain as an imperial nation, in which a series of practices of remembrance confined not only to history painting but to the public space and the publishing industry will converge. In the second, he undertakes the approach to the specific context of the Iberian country, exploring how a concrete visual rhetoric, related to Columbian iconography, places the figure of Columbus and the success of the discovery at the service of the image of Spain as an imperial nation, in which a series of practices of remembrance confined not only to history painting but to the public space and the publishing industry will converge. The third, puts the focus of attention on the exhibition complex that took place in Madrid in 1892 that show, in some way, a hierarchy of national imaginaries around history, the arts, archaeology and industry. In the first instance, it addresses the exhibition projects other than the HE, such as the International Exhibition of Fine Arts, the School and the Work Contest, as well as small initiatives of various kinds; to then focus on the HD, especially on the diffuse boundaries that accompanied the process of delimitation of their denomination and nature, and how this situation was externalized in the museographic discourse that they deployed. The last two parts assume a detailed study of Spain's participation in EH. The fourth, analyzes its presence in the EHA, showing how this participation is part of the finisecular colonial geopolitical context addressing, first and foremost, the presence in this exhibition of other nations that dispute this imperial context, in its multiple edges, such as Portugal, Denmark, Norway, France and the United States. Secondly, it examines the facilities of Spain, which will exhibit mining material and ethnographic objects from, especially, those that were still its colonies; as well as pre-Columbian antiquities preserved in its museums. The fifth, explores the political and historical implications that underlie the purpose of shaping a national unity that underlines the historical continuity between the Catholic kings and the finisecular Spain in crisis, in which they converge: monarchy, state institutions, church and private collectors. Thus, in the first instance the awakening of an imperial consciousness based on the possession of a historical and artistic heritage by the royal house is studied; museums, libraries and state archives; and, the Catholic church. Finally, it explores the role played by private collections, especially of aristocrats, in ratifying a timeline between Catholic kings and nineteenth-century sovereigns. In an attempt by Spain to recover the credibility of a finisecular government in crisis, both internally and externally, its participation in the EH was conceived, given its Iberian, American and European scope, as a political strategy to affirm and consolidate its place as a nation with imperial conscience; a tactic of visibility to combat three distinct geopolitical fronts. On the one hand, the European, in which the historiography of decadence expressed in the Black Legend predominated; on the other, the North American, which projects itself as a new power that can displace its prominence in Latin America; and, finally, the newly independent American nations that, being defining their identity referents, and before which it was appropriate to strengthen the ties that united them. In such a way that, the updating of an imperial consciousness acquires, in the centenarist conjuncture, a dimension focused on new forms of colonization, from the cultural and historical field, led by the Hispanist movement, in which shared history, race and religion, on both sides of the Atlantic, are resignified as the banners of a nation with imperial consciousness. The research allowed to infer that, in terms of patrimonialization of a glorious past, a differentiation was carried out between the material of European origin, now converted into an argument of the degree of civilization reached by Spain during the Modern Age, exposed in the EHE; and, the American material, which acquires the connotation of test and trophy, exhibited in the EHA. In this context, the spectacular deployment of Spain in the EH, through historical, artistic and American archaeology collections, contributed to the process of patrimonialization of an imperial past that, after four centuries and through its vestiges, ratified the contribution of the Iberian country to the expansion of Western civilization. Managing to unite, as never before, different official and private strata, under a single objective, that of bringing to mind the foundations that supported the "discovery and conquest" of the American continent. For the government, the monarchy and the nobility it was a propitious moment to reassess their prestige, through a resignification of their patrimonial assets, which would imply a turn in their sense of appropriation, since it would extend from the particular scope to the national one. Establishing, in this way, a timeline between the time of the Catholic Monarchs, subscribed to the conquest and discoveries overseas, which elevated the Spanish crown to the category of empire, and that of the new era of imperialisms of the late nineteenth century, in which Spain needs to compete to expand its colonizing imaginary, now, from the cultural. In this purpose, the vestiges of the glories of the past are updated with the purpose of projecting an imperialist-paternalistic imaginary on the other American, that of a nation with civilizing expectation, under which underlies the notion of a transatlantic race, whose foundations will be a shared history, language and religion.

This is a retracted article, whose corrected version, bearing the same title, is available under the DOI: https://doi.org/10.11649/slh.2417. The correction was introduced at the request of the Author.
The article is a study of the symbolic topography of Warsaw's Chłodna Street. In 1940–1942 Chłodna Street was an "Aryan" border strip, dividing the Small and Large Ghettos. For the past quarter of century, the symbolic landmark dominating within this space have been the subsequent commemorations of the Ghetto's wooden footbridge that existed here between January and August 1942. These commemorative artefacts evolved from a counter-commemoration (1996), through a commemoration with the use of painting (2007) and photography (2008), to a symbolic reconstruction of the bridge (2011). The analysis of this dynamics, from representation of an object to its materialization, is complemented by a reconstruction of the patterns and stakes of narratives that make up the subsequent layers of the Chłodna Street narrative palimpsest. An important context of the analysis, apart from the history of the site, is the fact that today, the means of control over the space of the former Ghetto are in exclusive possession of the non-Jewish majority.
A breaking point in the commemoration process was Roman Polański's film The Pianist (2002). The bridge over Chłodna was reconstructed "one to one" – in Warsaw but outside the space of the former Warsaw Ghetto. The film was shot in the midst of a nationwide debate taking place in Poland over Jan Tomasz Gross's book Neighbors (2000). The debate concerned the Poles' participation in the Holocaust and the socio-cultural determinants of their attitudes and behaviors. Within the Polish dominant culture, the narrative shock was so immense that a return to the old Polish tale of heroism and martyrdom seemed impossible. Meanwhile the mainstream journalistic discourse cast Gross and Polański on the two sides of a narrative opposition. The former supposedly represented subjectivism and rash generalizations, while the latter was supposed to embody objectivism and fair judgment. The silhouette of the bridge over Chłodna Street merged at that point with a counterfactual vision of the Polish context of the Holocaust. The international success of The Pianist (Palme d'Or and Oscar) sealed the evolution of the bridge as a figure: from an abject to an object of desire, a tourist attraction, and an export. (A separate issue, also tackled in the article, is how the story told in the film relates to the story of Władysław Szpilman, mediated originally by Szpilman's ghostwriter Jerzy Walfdorff and then by the scriptwriters, Ronald Harwood and Roman Polański. In both cases the most serious discrepancies concern depictions of the Poles' attitudes toward the Jews during, but also before, the Holocaust).
The success of the film was the determining factor in a decision made to invest public funds in another, and thus far last, commemoration of the bridge over Chłodna: its symbolic reconstruction in situ. What was reconstructed was not so much the bridge as it was in 1942 but the bridge from the film, and with it – the film's idealized portrayal of the Polish context of the Holocaust. The figure of the bridge suggests tight isolation of Jews and Poles – an isolation instituted by the Germans. By so doing, it feeds into the image of Poles as helpless bystanders (onlookers/gawkers, at times even witnesses) in the face of the Holocaust. The figure of the Polish bystander/witness to the Holocaust, in its turn, is a key figure of Polish innocence. In addition, the symbolic reconstruction of the bridge draws the attention of the users of this space away from another site on Chłodna Street, where Jews and Poles came into direct contact with each other throughout the entire existence of the Warsaw ghetto. In obscuring the factual state of affairs uncovered as a result of the Jedwabne debate, the symbolic reconstruction of the bridge over Chłodna Street functions as a discourse-reproducing machine of sorts, alowing the dominant majority to "indulge in retrospective hallucination" (Baudrillard).
The article uncovers the workings of a roly-poly narrative mechanism that renders impossible any successful reassessment and rejection of the Polish dominant culture and prevents common knowledge about facts from bearing in any way on the collective consciousness.

The practice in the application of the flexible integration in the EU in the Common Foreign and Security Policy / European Security and Defense Policy (CFSP/ESDP) has been analyzed in the article. Flexible integration within the framework of the European security and defense policy in reality appeared earlier than the policy itself, although outside the institutional framework of the EU. In the middle of 1990s, the most promising area for applying future provisions on advanced cooperation was considered to be the "second pillar" (CFSP). In practice, the Common Foreign and Security Policy was excluded from the scope of advanced cooperation in the Treaty of Amsterdam. Within the framework of the CFSP, the possibility of the constructive retention was provided. In addition, in this area, the Treaty of Amsterdam left open a significant space for ad hoc cooperation outside the treaty. Prior to the entry into force of the Treaty of Nice, a flexible integration in the field of security and defense was largely carried out outside the EU legal framework. This state of affairs was conditioned by, on the one hand, the lack of necessary provisions in the Treaty of Amsterdam, and on the other hand, to the objective necessity and desire of member states to develop cooperation in this area. The result was the participation of EU countries in various associations engaged in ensuring security and defense and created on the basis of the intergovernmental cooperation. The Treaty of Nice significantly expanded the possibilities of using the flexible integration within the EU legal framework. At the same time, the intergovernmental cooperation outside the EU institutional framework continued to develop. Since the introduction of the advanced cooperation in the area of defense did not comply with the provisions of the Treaty of Nice, the heads of four states proposed to make appropriate changes to the future EU Constitution, which has not entered into force. The Treaty of Lisbon created an institutional and legal framework for the functional unity of the CFSP and ESDP and at the same time significantly expanded the possibilities of applying the advanced cooperation (in the form of the permanent structured cooperation) in this area, which was a response to the real problem of developing flexible forms of integration in the military sphere outside the EU institutional framework. According to the provisions of the Treaty of Lisbon, the greatest opportunities for implementing the advanced cooperation projects are open in this area. ; У статті проаналізовано практику застосування в ЄС гнучкої інтеграції у сфері спільної зовнішньої політики та політики безпеки / європейської політики безпеки і оборони (СЗППБ/ЄПБО). Визначено, що гнучка інтеграція у рамках Європейської політики безпеки і оборони в реальності з'явилася раніше самої політики, правда, поза інституціональними рамками ЄС. У середині 1990-х рр. найбільш перспективною для застосування майбутніх положень про просунуту співпрацю вбачалася сфера «другої опори» (СЗППБ). Виявлено, що на практиці Спільна зовнішня політика і політика безпеки була виключена зі сфери застосування просунутої співпраці в Амстердамському договорі. У рамках СЗППБ була передбачена можливість конструктивного утримання. Крім того, в цій сфері Амстердамський договір залишав відкритим значний простір для співпраці ad hoc поза договором. До набуття чинності Ніццького договору реалізація гнучкої інтеграції у сфері безпеки і оборони багато в чому здійснювалася поза правовими рамками ЄС. Такий стан речей був обумовлений, з одного боку, відсутністю необхідних положень в Амстердамському договорі, а з іншого боку, об'єктивною необхідністю і бажанням держав-членів розвивати співпрацю в цій сфері. Результатом стала участь країн Євросоюзу в різних об'єднаннях, що займаються забезпеченням безпеки і оборони і створених на базі міжурядової співпраці. В ході дослідження з'ясовано, що Ніццький договір істотно розширив можливості використання гнучкої інтеграції в правових рамках ЄС. У той же час продовжувала розвиватися і міжурядова співпраця поза інституціональними рамками ЄС. Оскільки впровадження просунутої співпраці в сферу оборони не відповідало положенням Ніццького договору, то глави чотирьох держав запропонували внести відповідні зміни в майбутню Конституцію ЄС, яка не набула чинності. Досліджено, що Лісабонський договір створив інституціональну і правову базу для функціональної єдності СЗППБ і ЄПБО і одночасно істотно розширив можливості застосування просунутої співпраці (у вигляді постійної структурованої співпраці) в цій галузі, що стало відповіддю на реально існуючу проблему розвитку гнучких форм інтеграції у військовій сфері поза інституціональними рамками ЄС. Згідно з положеннями Лісабонського договору, в цій сфері відкриті найбільші можливості для реалізації проектів просунутої співпраці. ; У статті проаналізовано практику застосування в ЄС гнучкої інтеграції у сфері спільної зовнішньої політики та політики безпеки / європейської політики безпеки і оборони (СЗППБ/ЄПБО). Визначено, що гнучка інтеграція у рамках Європейської політики безпеки і оборони в реальності з'явилася раніше самої політики, правда, поза інституціональними рамками ЄС. У середині 1990-х рр. найбільш перспективною для застосування майбутніх положень про просунуту співпрацю вбачалася сфера «другої опори» (СЗППБ). Виявлено, що на практиці Спільна зовнішня політика і політика безпеки була виключена зі сфери застосування просунутої співпраці в Амстердамському договорі. У рамках СЗППБ була передбачена можливість конструктивного утримання. Крім того, в цій сфері Амстердамський договір залишав відкритим значний простір для співпраці ad hoc поза договором. До набуття чинності Ніццького договору реалізація гнучкої інтеграції у сфері безпеки і оборони багато в чому здійснювалася поза правовими рамками ЄС. Такий стан речей був обумовлений, з одного боку, відсутністю необхідних положень в Амстердамському договорі, а з іншого боку, об'єктивною необхідністю і бажанням держав-членів розвивати співпрацю в цій сфері. Результатом стала участь країн Євросоюзу в різних об'єднаннях, що займаються забезпеченням безпеки і оборони і створених на базі міжурядової співпраці. В ході дослідження з'ясовано, що Ніццький договір істотно розширив можливості використання гнучкої інтеграції в правових рамках ЄС. У той же час продовжувала розвиватися і міжурядова співпраця поза інституціональними рамками ЄС. Оскільки впровадження просунутої співпраці в сферу оборони не відповідало положенням Ніццького договору, то глави чотирьох держав запропонували внести відповідні зміни в майбутню Конституцію ЄС, яка не набула чинності. Досліджено, що Лісабонський договір створив інституціональну і правову базу для функціональної єдності СЗППБ і ЄПБО і одночасно істотно розширив можливості застосування просунутої співпраці (у вигляді постійної структурованої співпраці) в цій галузі, що стало відповіддю на реально існуючу проблему розвитку гнучких форм інтеграції у військовій сфері поза інституціональними рамками ЄС. Згідно з положеннями Лісабонського договору, в цій сфері відкриті найбільші можливості для реалізації проектів просунутої співпраці.

This is the corrected version of the retracted article under the same title, which was published with the following DOI: https://doi.org/10.11649/slh.1517
The article is a study of the symbolic topography of Warsaw's Chłodna Street. In 1940–1942, Chłodna Street was an "Aryan" border strip, dividing the small and large ghettos. For the past quarter-century, the symbolic dominance of this space has been made manifest by the subsequent commemorations of the ghetto's wooden footbridge that existed here between January and August 1942. These commemorative artefacts evolved from a counter commemoration (1996), into a commemoration through the use of painting (2007) and photography (2008), into a symbolic reconstruction of the bridge (2011). The analysis of this dynamic, from representation of an object to its materialization, is complemented by a reconstruction of the patterns and stakes of narratives that make up the subsequent layers of the Chłodna Street narrative palimpsest. An important context for the analysis, apart from the history of the site, is the fact that today, the means of control over the space of the former ghetto are in the exclusive possession of the non-Jewish majority.
A turning point in the commemoration process was Roman Polański's film The Pianist (2002). The bridge over Chłodna was reconstructed "one to one" – in Warsaw but outside the space of the former Warsaw ghetto. The film was shot in the midst of a nationwide debate taking place in Poland about Jan Tomasz Gross' book Neighbors (2000). The debate concerned the Poles' participation in the Holocaust and the socio-cultural determinants of their attitudes and behavior. Within Polish dominant culture, the narrative shock was so immense that a return to the old Polish tale of heroism and martyrdom seemed impossible. Meanwhile, the mainstream journalistic discourse cast Gross and Polański on two sides of a narrative opposition. The former supposedly represented subjectivism and rash generalizations, while the latter was supposed to embody objectivism and fair judgment. The silhouette of the bridge over Chłodna Street merged at that point with a counterfactual vision of the Polish context of the Holocaust. The international success of The Pianist (Palme d'Or and Oscar) sealed the evolution of the bridge as a figure: from an abject to an object of desire, a tourist attraction, and an export commodity. (A separate issue, also addressed in the article, is how the events depicted in the film relate to the story of Władysław Szpilman, mediated originally by Szpilman's ghostwriter Jerzy Waldorff and then by the scriptwriters, Ronald Harwood and Roman Polański. In both cases, the most serious discrepancies concern depictions of the Poles' attitudes toward the Jews during, but also before, the Holocaust).
The success of the film was the determining factor in a decision made to invest public funds in another, and up to now the last, commemoration of the bridge over Chłodna: its symbolic reconstruction in situ. What was reconstructed was not so much the bridge as it was in 1942 but the bridge as depicted in the film, and with it the film's idealized portrayal of the Polish context of the Holocaust. The figure of the bridge suggests tight isolation of Jews and Poles – an isolation instituted by the Germans. By so doing, it feeds into the image of Poles as helpless bystanders (onlookers/gawkers, at times even witnesses) in the face of the Holocaust. The figure of the Polish bystander/witness to the Holocaust is in turn a key figure of Polish innocence. In addition, the symbolic reconstruction of the bridge draws the attention of the users of this space away from another site on Chłodna Street, where Jews and Poles came into direct contact with each other throughout the entire existence of the Warsaw ghetto. In obscuring the factual state of affairs uncovered as a result of the Jedwabne debate, the symbolic reconstruction of the bridge over Chłodna Street functions as a discourse-reproducing machine of sorts, alowing the dominant majority to "indulge in retrospective hallucination" (Baudrillard).
The article uncovers the workings of a roly-poly narrative mechanism that renders impossible any successful reassessment and rejection of the Polish dominant culture and prevents common knowledge about facts from bearing in any way on the collective consciousness.

The purpose of the article. The article highlights the peculiarities of the development of the traditional Ukrainian songbook in the works of well-known vocal and instrumental ensembles (VIA) such as "Smerichka / The Spruce" (Vyzhnytsia, Chernivtsi region) and "Dzvony / The Bells" (Kyiv). The influence of electro musical instruments on artistic processes and the experience of audio recordings of the VIA era as a traditional form of preservation and restoration of song heritage is emphasized. The characteristic features of the emergence of the "big-bit" style in the works of popular bands of the last third of the XX century are outlined.
The methodology. In the course of the research, the methods of analysis, synthesis, generalization, and explanation were used, which were used in the historiographical study of the development of discographic products in the period of the 1970–1990s. The method of statistics was also used to compare the musical content of European countries and Ukraine; the method of description provided a generalized picture of the development of music record companies that actively promoted the creation and restoration of music products.
The results. The emergence of the first Ukrainian vocal and instrumental ensembles VIA "Dzvony / The Bells" and "Smerichka / The Spruce" was a natural phenomenon in the national popular art, marked by the consequences of the intensive development of the industrialization of musical culture in the world. Electronic music, which emerged as a scientific and technical trend of the avant-garde, has become one of the conventional streams of contemporary (popular) culture. There is no doubt that the activities of Ukrainian big beat bands of the 1960s and 1970s laid the foundation for the emergence of popular art in Ukraine. Big beat ensembles were primarily aimed at young people, whose demands were guided by global mass music trends, despite the ideological obstacles of the time. Thus, the works of the VIA "Dzvony / The Bells" "Smerichka / "The Spruce" were based primarily on the aesthetic principles of the new trend rather than on the traditional confessions of the musical culture of the time (academic and folk art). Active work with the use of various electro musical instruments and studio equipment, as well as the use of jazz and rock music arrangement methods, contributed to the spread of mass music culture. VIA's appeal to the genres of Ukrainian folklore was due to the natural need for national self-determination within the totalitarian system of the time, as a kind of resistance of the creative personality to the dominant ideology. This led to the emergence of original compositions on the Ukrainian territory and beyond, using folk sources and their own compositions, saturated with national melodies. Notably, this all happened when Ukrainian vocal groups were part of state concert institutions, which was not the case in Western Europe. Such determinism implied an opposite structure, including a rigidly conditioned repertoire policy, collective dependence on state orders, which limited the creative perspectives and efforts of musicians to produce new models of musical performance. The localization of censorship, the lack of a competitive market, and the prohibition of popularizing European bands characterized the consequences of the degradation of a significant number of domestic vocal and instrumental ensembles, in particular, this was reflected in their decline in terms of artistic level. However, their best examples marked the horizon of national pop culture in the last third of the XX century.
The scientific novelty. For the first time, the current analysis of the development of Ukrainian electro musical instrumentation, based on the "big beat" style, which was dominant in the beginning of Ukrainian popular (pop) art by the VIA "Dzvony" / "The Bells" and "Smerichka" / "The Spruce", is carried out.
The practical significance. In the course of the research, the results of the scientific work can be applied to teaching professional disciplines in higher education institutions, as a component of creative and practical disciplines in sound recording, history of popular art, solo singing, etc.

ÖZET Tarihte gerçekleşmiş teknolojik devrimler arasında en büyük sosyal ve kültürel değişiklikleri meydana getiren ve kendini sürekli artan bir hızla yenilemeyi sürdüren, dijital devrim olmuştur. Egemenliğin bileşenlerinden olan siyasal iktidar da insan yaşamındaki ve paradigmasındaki bu global ölçekli ve bütüncül değişime karşı kayıtsız kalamamaktadır. Dijital devrimin siyasal iletişim ve siyasal katılım alanındaki katkılarının, anayasal fonksiyonları yerine getiren kişi ve kurumlar üzerinde de etki yaratması beklenmekte ve hâlihazırda gözlemlenmektedir. Bunun yanında yurttaşlar da kolektif karar alma süreçlerine etki edebilecek yeni teknolojik olanakları gözlemleyerek artık daha aktif katılımcılar olabileceklerini düşünmekte ve hatta çoğu zaman kamusal kararlara doğrudan yön verebileceklerine inanmaktadır. Bu tez yasama, yürütme ve yargı organlarının yapısının ve işleyişinin bilişim teknolojilerindeki gelişmeler ile birlikte dönüşümünü incelemeyi amaçlamaktadır. Bu dönüşüm incelenirken ayrıca bilişim teknolojilerinin siyasal iktidarın kullanılmasına ve denetlenmesine yurttaşları dâhil etme biçimine de değinilecektir. Çalışma boyunca Türkçe ve İngilizce literatürün yanı sıra karşılaştırmalı hukuktan uygulamalı örneklere de başvurulacaktır. İÇİNDEKİLER Sayfa No. ÖZET…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………i ABSTRACT…………………………………………….…………………………………………………….…ii İÇİNDEKİLER…………………………………………………………………………………………….…iii KISALTMALAR…………………………………………………………………….……………….….…vii GİRİŞ…….1 BİRİNCİ BÖLÜM: DEMOKRATİK EGEMENLİĞİN KULLANILMASINDA ERKLER ARASINDA DEĞİŞEN DENGELER VE GELİŞEN TEKNOLOJİNİN ROLÜ I.ANAYASAL FONKSİYONLAR ve ERKLER AYRILIĞI……………………….…………11 A.Erkler Ayrılığı Kuramı ve Tarihsel Gelişim İçinde Olgunlaşan Düşünsel Temelleri………………………………………………………………………….…….14 1."Erkler Ayrılığı" Kavramı……………………………………………………….…14 2.Kuramın Bilimsel ve Teknik Gelişmeler ile Birlikte Dönüşümü…………………………………………………………………………………….15 3.Kuramın Düşünsel Temelleri……………………………………………….….18 a.John Locke……………………………………………………………………….20 b.Charles-Louis de Secondat, Baron de la Bréde et de Montesquieu…………………………………………………………………….……21 c.Jean-Jacques Rousseau……………………………………………….…23 d.Hans Kelsen……………………………………………………………….…….25 e.Carl Schmitt………………………………………………………………….….26 B.Farklı Hükümet Modellerinde Erkler Ayrılığı Ve Yürütmenin Güçlendirilmesi Yönelimleri…………………………………………………………….……27 1.Parlamenter Hükümet Modelinde Güçlü Yürütme Yönelimi: Birleşik Krallık Örneği………………………………………………………………….34 2.Rasyonelleştirilmiş Parlamenter Hükümet Modelinde Güçlü Yürütme Yönelimi: Federal Almanya Örneği…………………….…….37 3.Yarı-Başkanlık Hükümet Modelinde Güçlü Yürütme Yönelimi: Fransa Örneği………………………………………………………….….38 4.Başkanlık Hükümeti Modelinde Güçlü Yürütme Yönelimi: Amerika Birleşik Devletleri Örneği………………………………………….41 C.Demokratik Egemenliğin Kullanılmasında Dönüşüm Ve Erkler Ayrılığı Kuramı Üzerine Yeni Fikirler……………………………………………….….44 1.Egemen "Halk"……………………………………………………….…….……………46 2.Egemen "Ulus"……………………………………………………………………….….48 3.Temsil Kurumunun Sorgulanması…………………………………….….49 4.Erkler Ayrılığı Kuramı Üzerine Bazı Yeni Fikirler……………….…51 a.Dördüncü Bir Erkin Gerekliliğine Değinen Yazarlar….52 b.Dördüncü Erk Olarak "Halk"ı Düşünen Yazarlar…….….55 i.Bruce Ackerman……………………………………………….………55 ii.Ethan Leib…………………………………………………………….….56 5.Katılıma Dair Bazı Eleştiriler…………………………………………….…….57 II.GELİŞEN TEKNOLOJİ ve DEĞİŞEN TOPLUM……………………….…………………62 A.Teknoloji–Toplum Etkileşimi Üzerine…………………………………………….62 B.Bilişim, İnternet Ve Ağ……………………………………………………………….…….69 C.Çevrimiçi Siyasal İletişim………………………………………………………….….….75 1.Tekno-Kötümser Yaklaşım………………………………………………….….76 2.Tekno-İyimser Yaklaşım…………………………………………………….……81 İKİNCİ BÖLÜM: ANAYASAL FONKSİYONLARIN BİLİŞİM TEKNOLOJİLERİ İLE DÖNÜŞÜMÜ VE DEĞİŞEN DENGE-DENETİM ARAÇLARI I.ANAYASAL FONKSİYONLARIN DÖNÜŞÜMÜ………………………….…………………84 A.Parlamentoların Yerine Getirdiği Fonksiyonların Dönüşümü…….85 1.Temsil Fonksiyonu Bakımından………………………………………….….89 2.Müzakere Fonksiyonu Bakımından…………………………………….….96 3.Hükümeti Denetleme Fonksiyonu Bakımından……………….….98 4.Yasa Koyuculuk Fonksiyonu Bakımından……………………….….103 5.Aslî Kuruculuk Fonksiyonu Bakımından………………………….….113 B.Yürütme Erkinde Hükümet Fonksiyonunun Dönüşümü…….…….119 1.Elektronik Devlet (E-Devlet)……………………………………………….124 2.Kitle Kaynaklı Çalışma (Crowdsourcing)……………………….……126 3.Yenilenen Sosyal Sözleşmede Hükümet………………………….…129 4.Dijital (Akıllı) Hükümetler……………………………………………….…….136 C.Yargı Fonksiyonunun Dönüşümü…………………………………….…………….144 1.Mahkemenin Fiziksel Dönüşümü…………………………………….….144 2.Yargılamanın Aktörlerinin Geçirmekte Olduğu Dönüşüm.145 II. SİYASAL İKTİDARIN SINIRLANDIRILMASINDA DENGE VE DENETİM MEKANİZMALARININ DÖNÜŞÜMÜ……………………………………………………….…….154 A.Siyasal İktidarın Anayasal Denge ve Denetim Araçları ile Sınırlandırılması………………………………………………………………………………….155 B.Siyasal İktidarın Yurttaşların Etkin Olduğu Denge ve Denetim Araçları ile Sınırlandırılması……………………………………………………………….159 1.Siyasal Katılım………………………………………………………………….…….159 2.Yönetişim………………………………………………………………………….………165 3.Etkin Muhalefet…………………………………………………………………….…168 a. Dijital Aktivizm……………………………………………………….….168 i.Slaktivizm…………………………………………………………….….168 ii.Kampanya Aktivizmi…………………………………………….169 iii.Yurttaş Gazeteciliği…………………………………………….169 iv.Hacktivizm……………………………………………………….……169 v.Whistleblowing ve Leaking……………………………….…170 b.Çevrimiçi Vasıtalar ile Örgütlenen Toplumsal Hareketler……………………………………………………….………………….171 4.Medya………………………………………………………………….…………………….175 5.Yerel Yönetimler…………………………………………………….……………….178 6.Sivil Toplum Örgütleri…………………………………………….………………182 SONUÇ………………………………………………………………………………………….………….…186 KAYNAKÇA……………………………………………………………………………….……….…….190 --- ABSTRACT Among all technological breakthroughs that the history has seen, the digital revolution is the one that has led to the largest social and cultural alternation and maintained a constantly accelerating self-renewal. Political power as a component of sovereignty also fails to ignore this holistic shift in human life and paradigm. It is expected and already observed that the contribution made by the digital revolution to political communication and political participation is soon to have an impact on the persons and institutions practicing the constitutional functions as well. At the same time, citizens, as they observe the new technological opportunities that may affect collective decision-making processes, assume that they can become more active participants and often believe that they can dominate public decisions. This dissertation aims to examine the structural and functional transformation of the legislative, executive and judicial bodies along with the developments in information technologies. At the same time, it will be explained how information technologies support citizens' participation in processes of enjoying and controlling the political power. Besides applied examples from comparative law, references will also be made to the reviewed literature in Turkish and in English throughout the study. LIST OF CONTENTS Page No. CHAPTER ONE: THE CHANGING BALANCE BETWEEN POWERS IN PRACTICING SOVEREIGNTY AND THE ROLE OF THE DEVELOPING TECHNOLOGY I.CONSTITUTIONAL FUNCTIONS AND THE SEPARATION OF POWERS……….…11 A.The Separation of Powers Theory and Its Philosophical Roots In History……….……….14 1.The Concept of "Separation of Powers"……….………………………….……14 2.The Transformation of the Theory Along with the Scientific and Technical Changes……………………………………………………………………………….15 3.Intellectual Foundations of the Theory………………………………….…….18 a.John Locke……………………………………………………………………….…20 b.Charles-Louis de Secondat, Baron de la Bréde et de Montesquieu……………………………………………………………………………….…21 c.Jean-Jacques Rousseau…………………………………………………….……23 d.Hans Kelsen……………………………………………………………….…….25 e.Carl Schmitt…………………………………………………………………….26 B Separation of Powers and Strengthening the Executive in Different Government Models ……………………………………………………………………………….…….27 1.Seeking a Stronger Executive in a Parliamentary Government Model: Case of the United Kingdom …………………………………………….….34 2.Seeking a Stronger Executive in a Rationalised Palrliamentarism: Case of Federal Germany …………………….……….…37 3.Seeking a Stronger Executive in a Semi-Presidency: Case of France …………….…….38 4.Seeking a Stronger Executive in a Presidency: Case of the United States of America……………………………………………………………….….41 C.Transformation in Practicing Sovereignty and New Ideas on the Idea of Separation of Powers………………………………………………………………….……….44 1.The Sovereign "People"…………………………………………….……………….46 2.The Sovereign "Nation" …………………………………………….…………….48 3.Questioning the Idea of Representation………….………………….……….49 4.New Ideas on the Theory of Separation of Powers…………….….……51 a.Writers Who Mention the Need for a Fourth Power…….……52 b.Writers Who Call the Fourth Power "the People"………….….55 i.Bruce Ackerman…………………………………………………….………….55 ii.Ethan Leib…………………………………………………………….………….56 5.Criticism on Participation……………………………………….……………………….57 II.IMPROVING TECHNOLOGY and the CHANGING SOCIETY…….…………………….61 A.On the Interaction of Technology and Society ………………….……………….62 B.Informatics, Internet and the Web………………………………….……………….…….69 C.Online Politic Communication……………………………………………………….….…….75 1.The Techno-Pessimistic Approach………………………………………….…….76 2.The Techno-Optimistic Approach…………….………………………………….….81 CHAPTER TWO: THE TRANSFORMATION OF CONSTITUTIONAL FUNCTIONS ALONG WITH INFORMATION TECHNOLOGIES AND THE CHANGING MECHANISMS OF CHECKS AND BALANCES I.TRANSFORMATION OF CONSTITUTIONAL FUNCTIONS………………….………….…84 A.Transformation of Functions Undertaken by Parliaments………………….85 1.In Terms of Representation………………………………………………………….….89 2.In Terms of Deliberation…………………………………………………………….…….96 3.In Terms of Oversight on the Government…………………………….….98 4.In Terms of Legislation……………………………………………………….………….103 5.In Terms of Primary Constitutent Power……………………………….113 B.Transformation of the Governing Function in the Executive Power.118 1.Electronic Government…………………………………………………………….….….123 2.Crowdsourcing……………………………………………………………………………….…125 3.Government in a Re-shaped Social Contract……………………….……128 4.Smart Governments………………………………………………………………….…….135 C.Transformation of the Judicial Function……….……………………………….…….143 1.The Physical Transformation of the Court……………………………….….143 2.The Transformation of the Actors of Judiciary…………………….….144 II. TRANSFORMATION OF THE MECHANISMS OF CHECKS AND BALANCES IN CONSTRAINING POLITICAL POWER………………………………………………………….……….153 A.Constraining the Political Power by Tools of Checks and Balances Deriving from the Legal System……………………………………………………….….….154 B.Constraining the Political Power by Tools of Checks and Balances Dominated by the Citizens…………………………………………………………………….……158 1.Political Participation…………………………………….…………….………….158 2.Governance…………………………………………………………………….…………164 3.Active Online Opposition………………………………………………….………167 a. Digital Activism…………………………………………………….………….….167 i.Slacktivism……………………………………………………………….….….167 ii.Campaign Activism…………………………………………………….…168 iii.Citizen Journalism…………………………………………………….….168 iv.Hacktivism………………………………………………………….………….168 v.Whistleblowing ve Leaking……………………………………….…169 b.Social Movements Organised by Online Tools…………….….170 4.Media…………………………………………………………………….………………….174 5.Local Governments………………………………………………….……………….176 6.Non-Governmental Organisations…………………………….…………….……180 CONCLUSION…………………………………………………………………………………….…….…185 BIBLIOGRAPHY……………………………………………………………………………………….…….189

1 History of Food Laws in the United States -- 2 The Setting for Food Regulatory Programs -- 3 The Legal System in the United States Government -- 4 Establishing a Legal Basis for Food Regulatory Programs -- 5 The Enactment of Federal Legislation -- 6 Publication, Documentation and Codification of Federal Legislation -- 7 Regulations -- 8 Publication of Federal Regulations -- 9 How to Use the Code of Federal Regulations and the Federal Register -- 10 Regulatory Agencies -- 11 Food Standards -- 12 Product Liability -- 13 Current Federal Food Laws -- 14 Selected Laws Relating to Operation of the Federal Government -- 15 United States Grain Standards Act of 1976 -- 16 Federal Insecticide, Fungicide, and Rodenticide Act -- 17 United States Warehouse Act -- 18 Perishable Agricultural Commodities Act, 1930 -- 19 Agricultural Marketing Act of 1946 -- 20 Animal Welfare Act -- 21 Federal Trade Commission Act -- 22 Fair Packaging and Labeling Act -- 23 Tea Importation Act -- 24 Filled Milk Act -- 25 Import Milk Act -- 26 Butter Act -- 27 Dry Milk Solids Act -- 28 Federal Meat Inspection Act -- 29 Poultry Products Inspection Act -- 30 Egg Products Inspection Act -- 31 Federal Alcohol Administration Act and the Internal Revenue Code—Alcohol Excise Taxes -- 32 Occupational Safety and Health Act of 1970 -- 33 Clean Water Act of 1977 -- 34 Public Health Service Act: Grade A Pasteurized Milk Ordinance; Grade A Condensed and Dry Milk Products Sanitation Ordinance; Safe Drinking Water Act -- 35 Environmental Law: National Environmental Policy Act of 1969; Environmental Quality Improvement Act of 1970; Resource Conservation and Recovery Act of 1976 Clean Air Act Noise Control Act of 1972 -- 36 Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act: The Extent of Its Intent -- 37 Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act—Sections 301, 321, 321a, 321b and 321c: Short Title and Definitions -- 38 Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act—Sections 331–337: Prohibited Acts and Penalties -- 39 Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act—Section 341: Definitions and Standards for Foods -- 40 Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act—Section 342: Adulterated Food -- 41 Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act—Section 343: Misbranded Food -- 42 Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act—Sections 344 and 345: Emergency Permit Control; Regulations Making Exemptions -- 43 Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act—Section 346: Tolerances for Poisonous and Deleterious Substances in Food -- 44 Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act—Sections 346a and 346b: Tolerances for Pesticide Chemicals in or on Raw Agricultural Commodities; Authorization of Appropriations -- 45 Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act—Sections 347, 347a and 347b: Oleomargarine -- 46 Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act—Section 348: Food Additives -- 47 Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act—Sections 349, 350 and 350a: Bottled Drinking Water Standards; Vitamins and Minerals; Infant Formulas -- 48 Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act—Sections 371–375: Regulations, Hearings and Other Administrative Provisions; Seafood Inspection -- 49 Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act—Section 376: Listing and Certification of Color Additives for Foods, Drugs, Devices and Cosmetics -- 50 Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act—Sections 377–379: Advertising of Foods; Confidential Information -- 51 Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act—Sections 381, 391 and 392: Imports and Exports; Miscellaneous -- Appendix A—Action Levels for Poisonous or Deleterious Substances -- Appendix B—Defect Action Levels -- Appendix C—List of General Food Categories -- Laws Cited.

Book review: Manfredo Tafuri, Fernando Aliata, Anahi Ballent, Alejandro Crispiani, Mercedes Daguerre, Adrián Gorelik, Jorge Francisco Liernur, Graciela Silvestri, Tafuri en Argentina. Ediciones ARQ, Santiago de Chile, 2019, 276 págs. ISBN: 9789569571701. Tafuri in Argentina synthesises the intense relationship, over the last forty years, of an outstanding segment of the historiography of architecture in that country with the exceptional figure of Manfredo Tafuri (Rome, 4 November 1935 - Venice, 23 February 1994). This review, written from Seville, allows us to reiterate the particular Spanish-Argentine link that exists around his figure, within an intense process of internationalisation. With a singular analogy that should be highlighted. His first activities in Spain (Barcelona, 1971; Seville, 1974) were still under the dictatorship of General Franco; and his stay in Argentina (1981) in the final phase of his military dictatorship. In both cases, a vital, intellectual and political curiosity prevailed, responding to the demand of young colleagues of progressive left-wing thought, attracted by his novel contributions in the field of the theory and history of architecture. ; Recensión del libro: Manfredo Tafuri, Fernando Aliata, Anahi Ballent, Alejandro Crispiani, Mercedes Daguerre, Adrián Gorelik, Jorge Francisco Liernur, Graciela Silvestri, Tafuri en Argentina. Ediciones ARQ, Santiago de Chile, 2019, 276 págs. ISBN: 9789569571701. Tafuri en Argentina sintetiza la intensa relación, en los últimos cuarenta años, de un segmento destacado de la historiografía de la arquitectura de aquel país con la figura excepcional de Manfredo Tafuri (Roma, 4 de noviembre de 1935 – Venecia, 23 de febrero de 1994). Esta recensión, realizada desde Sevilla, nos permite reiterar el particular vínculo hispano-argentino existente alrededor de su figura, dentro de un intenso proceso de internacionalización. Con una singular analogía que cabe destacar. Las primeras actividades que desarrolló en España (Barcelona, 1971; Sevilla, 1974) se produjeron aún bajo la dictadura del general Franco; y su estancia en Argentina (1981) en la fase final de su dictadura militar. En uno y otro caso primaba una curiosidad vital, intelectual y política, respondiendo a la demanda de jóvenes colegas de pensamiento de izquierda progresista, atraídos por sus novedosas aportaciones en el campo de la teoría e historia de la arquitectura. ; Revisão do livro: Manfredo Tafuri, Fernando Aliata, Anahi Ballent, Alejandro Crispiani, Mercedes Daguerre, Adrián Gorelik, Jorge Francisco Liernur, Graciela Silvestri, Tafuri en Argentina. Ediciones ARQ, Santiago de Chile, 2019, 276 págs. ISBN: 9789569571701. Tafuri na Argentina sintetiza a intensa relação, nos últimos quarenta anos, de um segmento notável da historiografia da arquitetura daquele país com a figura excepcional de Manfredo Tafuri (Roma, 4 de novembro de 1935 - Veneza, 23 de fevereiro de 1994). Esta revisão, escrita a partir de Sevilha, nos permite reiterar o vínculo particular hispano-argentino que existe em torno de sua figura, dentro de um intenso processo de internacionalização. Com uma singular analogia que deve ser destacada. Suas primeiras atividades na Espanha (Barcelona, 1971; Sevilha, 1974) ainda estavam sob a ditadura do General Franco; e sua permanência na Argentina (1981) na fase final de sua ditadura militar. Em ambos os casos, prevaleceu uma curiosidade vital, intelectual e política, respondendo à demanda de jovens colegas de pensamento progressista de esquerda, atraídos por suas contribuições inovadoras no campo da teoria e da história da arquitetura.

In contemporary times, heads of state, motivated by emergency or crises situations, have frequently resorted to a legal and political regime in order to obtain extraordinary powers that allow them to maintain the statu quo; this through creating and imposing anormative, economic, tax and social order of "abnormality" this constitutionally figure regulated in almost all the States of this hemisphere, has a remote ancestor "Republic Rome" and a historical advance worthy of consideration to understand the dimensions of the concept The state of exception cannot be see only from the political and contemporary angle, rather, It must be seen in context and in light of International Humanitarian Law, which is ultimately the system that nourishes it, gives it shape and limits. The case of Ecuador, and almost central issue in this text, is particularly striking, then, in its recent history (13 years) it has lived more than a hundred states of siege without any control and that despite having a structured regulation scheme should be reviewed in order to better understand the complexity of the concept and its consequences. ; En la época contemporánea, los jefes de Estado, motivados por situaciones de emergencia o crisis, han recurrido con frecuencia a un régimen jurídico y político con el fin de obtener facultades extraordinarias que les permitan mantener el statu quo; esto a través de crear e imponer un orden normativo, económico, tributario y social de "anormalidad". Esa figura, regulada constitucionalmente en casi todos los Estados de este hemisferio, tiene un ancestro remoto, la Roma republicana, y un avance histórico digno de considerarse para entender las dimensiones del concepto. El estado de excepción no puede verse únicamente desde el ángulo político y contemporáneo, más bien, debe ser visto en contexto y a la luz del derecho internacional humanitario que, en últimas, es el sistema que lo nutre, le da forma y límites. El caso de Ecuador, cuestión casi central en este texto, resulta particularmente llamativo, pues, en su historia reciente (13 años) ha vivido más de un centenar de estados de sitio sin control alguno y, a pesar de contar con un esquema de regulación estructurado, debe ser revisado en aras de entender mejor la complejidad del concepto y sus consecuencias. ; Nos tempos contemporâneos, os chefes de estado, motivados por situações ou crises de emergência, recorrem frequentemente a um regime jurídico e político para obter poderes extraordinários que lhes permitem manter o statu quo; isso através da criação e imposição de uma ordem normativa, econômica, tributária e social de "anormalidade". Essa figura regulada constitucionalmente em quase todos os estados deste hemisfério possui um ancestral remoto "Roma republicana" e um avanço histórico digno de consideração para entender as dimensões do conceito. O estado de exceção não pode ser visto apenas do ponto de vista político e contemporâneo, mas deve ser visto no contexto e à luz do Direito Internacional Humanitário, que é o sistema que o nutre, em última análise, lhe dá forma e limites. O caso do Equador, uma questão quase central neste texto, é particularmente marcante, pois, em sua história recente (13 anos), mais de cem estados de sítio viveram sem controle e que, apesar de ter um esquema regulatório Estruturado deve ser revisado para entender melhor a complexidade do conceito e suas conseqüências.

Augustus has been represented in many ways in Western culture, but we must point out that in the big and small screen (except for some more recent productions), the audiovisual narratives about him are less common than those dedicated to other political leaders in Rome. Throughout the twentieth century, films set in Classical Antiquity emerged within a framework of late appropriation of the eighteenth century visual and literary culture, integrating narratives and images about Augustus that anticipated his filmic appearance. On one hand, representations of Imperial Rome on the screen tended to show a globalized and multicultural society and projected vague ideas of melting pot or American pax; on the other, we have seen recreations that balance between authenticity, entertainment and moralizing attitudes. Between these boundaries, various narratives and audiovisual compositions have been shaped around the historical figure of Augustus, which, in our opinion, must be reinterpreted within the framework of the so-called Studies of Reception, Film Studies and the History of Culture itself. ; Augusto ha sido representado de distintas maneras en la cultura occidental, pero debemos señalar que, en la gran y la pequeña pantalla (a excepción de algunas producciones más recientes), las narrativas audiovisuales al respecto son menos comunes que las dedicadas a otros líderes de Roma. A lo largo del siglo XX, la película histórica sobre la Antigüedad Clásica surgió en un marco de apropiación tardía de una cultura visual y literaria ochocentista que incorporó narrativas y figuraciones sobre Augusto en referencias anunciadoras de su aparición cinematográfica. Por una parte, las representaciones de los comienzos de la Roma imperial en la pantalla se han inclinado a enseñar una sociedad globalizada y multicultural, proyectando asimismo ideologías difusas demelting potopaxnortemericana; por otra, se han valorizado reinvenciones que oscilan entre una deseada autenticidad, el entretenimiento e la moralización de las costumbres. Entre estas fronteras se han moldeado narrativas variadas y composiciones audiovisuales en torno a la figura histórica de Augusto, que, en nuestra opinión, deben ser reinterpretadas en el marco de los denominados Estudios de Recepción, de los Estudios Fílmicos y de la propia Historia de la Cultura. ; Augusto tem sido representado de formas diversas na cultura ocidental, mas devemos assinalar que, no grande e no pequeno ecrã (excetuando algumas produções mais recentes), as narrativas audiovisuais a seu respeito são menos comuns do que as dedicadas a outros líderes políticos de Roma. Ao longo do século XX, o filme histórico sobre a Antiguidade Clássica surgiu num quadro de apropriação tardia de uma cultura visual e literária oitocentista que incorporou narrativas e figurações sobre Augusto em referências prenunciadoras da sua aparição fílmica. Por um lado, as representações dos inícios de Roma imperial no ecrã tenderam a mostrar uma sociedade globalizada e multicultural e projetaram ideologias difusas de melting pot ou pax americana; por outro, têm-se apreciado recriações que oscilam entre uma pretendida autenticidade, o entretenimento e a moralização de costumes. Entre estas fronteiras se têm moldado variadas narrativas e composições audiovisuais em torno da figura histórica de Augusto que, em nossa opinião, devem ser reinterpretadas no quadro dos denominados Estudos de Receção, dos Estudos Fílmicos e da própria História da Cultura.