La pobreza en Colombia tuvo una reducción heterogénea entre las ciudades capitales en las últimas cuatro décadas. A pesar del descenso en pobreza monetaria, Florencia permanece alejada del promedio nacional y de las principales capitales. Con un porcentaje de pobreza monetaria del 32,8% en 2018, esta se encontraba en el sexto lugar entre las 23 principales ciudades. Este indicador es 1,2 veces mayor al promedio nacional, 2,0 veces el promedio de las 13 principales ciudades y 2,6 veces el de Bogotá. Utilizando la base de datos del SISBEN III, el censo de población y vivienda e información cartográfica, este documento analiza y caracteriza la pobreza en Florencia. Los resultados evidencian que espacialmente la pobreza se concentra en los sectores periféricos oriental y occidental, donde se han establecido asentamientos informales con condiciones precarias como consecuencia del crecimiento urbano no planificado y el desplazamiento forzado desde la década del 2000. Para superar las limitaciones encontradas, el trabajo propone una serie de inversiones a 2030. ; Poverty rate in Colombia dropped heterogeneously among capital cities during the last four decades. Despite a decline in monetary poverty, Florencia remains far below national average and main capital cities. The state capital of Caquetá had 32,8% of the population under the poverty line in 2018, which placed them within the six highest among the 23 main cities. This rate was 1,2 times higher than the national average, 2,0 the average of the 13 main cities, and 2,6 the measure of Bogotá. This document addresses and characterizes these conditions in Florencia employing the SISBEN III database, the national household survey and cartographic information. Results reveal that poverty is clustered in the eastern and western peripheral sectors, where slums have been established as a consequence of unplanned urban growth and forced displacement primarily in the 2000s. In order to overcome these challenges, this study proposes a set of investments to close the poverty gap by 2030. ; La pobreza en Florencia: Un análisis de sus factores, consecuencias y posibles soluciones Enfoque La reducción de la pobreza en Colombia ha sido notoria en el siglo XXI. A pesar de esto, en algunas ciudades la pobreza persiste por razones variables. Este estudio analiza la evolución de la pobreza en Florencia y los posibles factores asociados. Se utiliza información cartográfica por sectores censales para analizar la incidencia espacial de la pobreza en la ciudad. El análisis se basa principalmente en el Censo Nacional de Población y Vivienda - CNPV y en la encuesta del Sisben III para elaborar mapas de pobreza. Adicionalmente se identifican y construyen mapas de asentamientos informales que concentran la pobreza urbana. Por otro lado, se priorizan inversiones para los sectores en los que se debe focalizar el gasto público para reducir la pobreza en 2030 al nivel del promedio de ciudades capitales y se exploran posibles mecanismos de financiación. Contribución El estudio permite analizar la pobreza de Florencia, los indicadores agregados y la dimensión espacial de los mismos. Las cifras agregadas de la ciudad se contrastan con el progreso relativo experimentado en otras ciudades del país y el promedio nacional. Además, se construyen indicadores por sectores censales que permiten comparar la persistencia en zonas específicas de la urbe. Adicionalmente, el análisis revela las inequidades espaciales en el bienestar de la ciudad, evidenciado principalmente a través de la falta de acceso a servicios públicos, infraestructura de vivienda inadecuada y bajo logro educativo. El documento contiene una propuesta de las inversiones adicionales requeridas en sectores prioritarios a pesar de que las finanzas públicas de la ciudad han crecido. Esta inversión se propone para un período de 11 años, y se calcula posibles fuentes de recursos adicionales, como el recaudo de recursos propios. Frase destacada: La informalidad urbana es el principal determinante de la persistencia de la pobreza. Las zonas periféricas oriental y occidental, donde se han establecido asentamientos informales con condiciones precarias, concentran los indicadores más agudos. Resultados La informalidad urbana es el principal determinante de la persistencia de la pobreza. Las zonas periféricas oriental y occidental, donde se han establecido asentamientos informales con condiciones precarias, concentran los indicadores más agudos. Estos se conformaron como consecuencia del crecimiento urbano no planificado y el desplazamiento forzado desde la década del 2000. En la actualidad, estos tienen alta incidencia de déficit de vivienda, NBI y bajo logro educativo. Existen cerca de 50 zonas informales identificadas en la ciudad. Dentro de estas, las más agudas concentran cerca de 1.827 unidades residenciales. La Troncal del Hacha y el Timy son los asentamientos informales más críticos. Se calcula que se requiere una inversión de 359.224 millones de pesos para programas de mejoramiento integral de barrios – MIB, programas de educación para el empleo y competitividad y para la implementación de la jornada única.
The creation of the United Nations Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons (2003) was a crucial step in raising awareness about the serious international crime of trafficking in persons, but despite being included in the protocol, trafficking in persons for the purpose of organ removal remains an overlooked and largely unaddressed problem. On the other hand, long transplant waiting lists combined with significant advances in transplantation technology and immunosuppressant drugs means that the transplantation of organs is becoming easier and more common, and consequently the crime of organ trafficking is only going to grow. Trafficking in persons for the purpose of organ removal (TPOR) is considerably different from other more well-known types of trafficking in persons, such as sex and labour trafficking. Firstly, it is not the labour of the trafficked person that is exploited; secondly, the period of exploitation is short, limited to the transplantation surgery; thirdly there is a limited overlap between TPOR and smuggling as generally the victim remains or quickly returns to their own community; and finally the organ removal requires highly qualified medical personal and must be performed in a facility with hospital equipment. For these reasons it does not fit well within standard trafficking frameworks that focus on the transportation of victims and specifically prohibit the acts of criminals engaged in the transfer and harbouring of the trafficked individuals. In sex and labour trafficking the worker and the 'user' often reside in the same country whereas with TPOR the organ recipient travels to either the victim's country or a third country for the operation. Determining which movement of persons is non-consensual is a highly fraught area of trafficking in persons. Often an individual consents to some part of the process, but then is later exploited. For this reason consent was left out of the international protocol on trafficking, and it explicitly states that State parties should not include consent when domestically implementing the offences. Despite this, many legislators and commentators still strongly distinguish between the traffic in persons for their organs and the trade by individuals of their organs. Temporarily alleviating their extreme poverty is the key incentive for individuals that take the drastic step of selling an organ. Areas such as rural India, sprawling Istanbul, depressed agricultural regions in Moldova and the slums of Manila are prominent centres for the trade in organs. The colour of a person's skin also determines the price they will receive for a kidney - US$6000 for a Brazilian kidney, $5000 for a Turkish one, $1000 in India and only $500 in Iraq. But drawing sharp distinctions between a sold and trafficked kidney is dangerous, as generally a level of coercion exists at some stage of the transplantation process. Further, the vulnerability of the 'donor' is nearly always exploited with the victim being left uncompensated for their kidney and with no post-operative medical care. The blurred lines between trade and traffic mean that lumping TPOR in with general trafficking legislation is often only marginally effective in deterring and punishing organ trafficking. Australia provides a case in point. The federal legislation implementing the United Nations protocol, the Criminal Code Amendment (Trafficking in Persons Offences) Act 2005, focuses on the facilitation of the exit and entry of individuals into Australia for exploitation. As most TPOR does not happen in western nations with highly regulated borders and medical systems few victims trafficked for their organs will end up on Australia's shores. Victims of organ trafficking thus generally will not qualify for domestic victim support services, which focuses on providing incentives for victims trafficked into Australia to contribute to criminal prosecutions. Further, the legislation fails to criminalise the acts of medical staff engaging in illegal and unethical behaviour. Recommendations The current criminal response is unlikely to significantly deter desperate wealthy individuals hoping to prolong their lives and equally desperate individuals seeking to temporarily alleviate their extreme poverty. The blurred lines between the trade in organs and the traffic in people means that legislative responses outside of the standard trafficking framework might be more effective in prosecuting individuals, including criminalising the traffic of organs and tissues themselves, specifically criminalising the acts of medical personal, recipients and insurance companies engaging in the trade and the exciusion of 'donors' from liability to encourage exploited individuals to seek prosecution. However, any criminal response is unlikely to be effective on its own. Recipient countries must increase their domestic donation levels through mechanisms such as 'presumed consent' laws, exchangeable 'matched pairs' live donation and through changing cultural attitudes towards cadaver harvesting. The onus is also on the international community to work to reduce the extreme poverty in many parts of the world that induce individuals to sell an organ for their own survival.
Bu çalışmada DH Lawrence'in Oğullar ve Sevgililer {Sons and Lovers) ve Charles Dickens'in Oliver Twist adlı yapıtlarını inceleyerek Sanayi Devriminin roman kahramanları üzerindeki etkisini incelemeyi amaçladık. Sözkonusu yazarlar o dönemi bizzat yaşadıkları için eserlerinde sunmuş oldukları izlenimler gerçekleri yansıtır. Bu nedenle elde ettiğimiz sonuçlar yalnızca roman kahramanlarıyla sınırlı olmayıp o günün toplumsal ortamını da gerçekliğiyle yansıtır. Sanayi Devriminin kısa bir tarihçesini verdik. Bu devrimin planlı ve aniden olan bir devrim yerine uzun bir zaman dilimine yayılan bir süreç olduğunu gördük. Avrupada Sanayi Devrimi öncesinde uygulanan ve küçük çiftçilerin topraklarını büyük toprak ağalarına devretmek zorunda bırakan çevirme (enclosure) hareketi ve Birleşik Krallığın özellikle Hindistan'a karşı olan işgalci tutumları Sanayi Devriminin gelişmesinde iki büyük etkendir. Bunlardan birincisi fabrikalara ucuz işçi sağlarken ikincisi de, hazineyi zenginleştirerek, devletin yeni yatırımlara destek olmasını sağlamıştır. Sanayi Devrimi bir çok kişiye iş sağlamıştır ancak, düşük ücret ve uzun çalışma saatleri nedeniyle, insanları insanlıktan çıkarmıştır. İnsanların fabrikalarda hapsedilmelerinden dolayı ilişkiler zayıflamıştır. Estetik anlayışları öldürülmüş, mezarlığı andıran tekdüze inşa edilmiş barakalarda veya büyük şehirlerin varoşlarında derme çatma kulübelerde yaşamaya mahkum edilmişlerdir. Çocuklar ve kadınlar çalışma dünyasına girmişler ve korkunç derecede sömürülmüşlerdir. Bu kesimin çalışma hayatına girişi, yetişkin erkeklere de onlara ödenen ücret kadar ödenmeye başlanması nedeniyle, ücretlerin genel olarak düşüşüne neden olmuştur. Kadınların çalışma hayatına katılmalarıyla toplumdaki yerleri değişmiş, kendi hayatlarını kazanır duruma gelmişlerdir. Ekonomik bağımsızlık onlara daha fazla hak iddia etme hakkı vermiş, bunun sonucunda feminizm hareketleri başlamıştır. Daha iyi bir hayat sürme umuduyla büyük şehirlere göç eden kişiler umduklarını bulamamışlar, gecekondularda veya kulübelerde yaşamaya mahkum olmuşlardır. Gerek devlet ve toplumun ilgisizliği, gerek suç dünyasının kurnaz kişilerinin tuzağı, bazen de bu yoksul kişilerin hevesleri sonucu insanlar suç dünyasının pençesine düşmüşlerdir. Dickens'in romanında üzerinde durduğu gibi toplum ve devlet kurumlarında büyük yolsuzluklar meydana gelmiştir. Bu yolsuzluklar suçluluğu genel olarak artırmıştır. Bunun sonucu, suçu önleme gerekçesiyle daha sert cezalar uygulamaya konmuş, bu uygulamalardan bir çok masum insanın da canı yanmıştır. Sanayi Devrimi iki aşın uç sınıf doğurmuştur. Bunlar iş gücünden başka satacak başka şeyi olmayan büyük çoğunluk ve bu iş gücünü sermayesiyle satınalan ve her şeyin kontrolünü elinde tutan zengin kesim. ; In this study, we aimed at revealing the effects of the Industrial Revolution on fictional characters by analysing the novels, Sons And Lovers by DH Lawrence and Oliver Twist by Charles Dickens which were written under the influence of this revolution. Since these novels were written by the writers who personally experienced the term, their impressions reflect reality. Thus, the conclusions which were obtained by this study are not limited to the fictional characters in these two novels. They also reflect the situation of people in real life of the term. We have presented a brief history of the Industrial revolution. It was found out that this revolution was a process rather than an organised and sudden action. The imperialist attitude of United Kingdom, especially towards India, and the Act of Enclosure are two main factors in the development of the process of the revolution. The former provided the necessary capital for the state so that it can encourage new investments and the latter the cheap work power for the factories. Industrial Revolution provided many people with work yet it caused dehumanisation of them through the long work hours and low wages. Human relations got weakened by the imprisonment in the factories. Their taste of aesthetics was killed and forced to live in grave like pre-fabric blocks or in dirty dens at the suburbs of big cities. Children and women entered the work-life and they were exploited dramatically. Their entrance to the work life caused a general decrease in wages because men were paid same amount as the women and the children. The status of women changed after their entrance into the work life because they began to earn their lives by themselves. They were no more bound to their husbands economically. Their economic freedom provided them with other new ones such as sexual and purchasing freedom. This caused the rise of feminism. m We also found out that the people who had moved to big cities with the hope of leading a better life had to live in dirty slums and dens. This situation was very humiliating for them, they fell in the claws of the criminal underworld partly because of the cunning tricks of illwilled people and Utopian desires of the poor people and partly because of the lack of the necessary support from society and the state. As Dickens argues in his novel, Oliver Twist, all of the institutions, social or governmental, were corrupted. This corruption helped criminality increase and as a result striker rules e.g. thieves were hung publicly, were put into effect which caused th destruction of some innocent people. Industrial revolution created two extreme classes. These were those who sold their work power,a great majority, and those who bought this work power with his capital and controlled everything in the society.
Die hier präsentierten entwicklungssoziologischen und sozialanthropologischen Beiträge sind im Zusammenhang mit dem seit 1991 bestehenden und zum Zeitpunkt der Drucklegung in seiner zweiten Phase befindlichen Graduiertenkollegs "Markt, Staat und Ethnizität" des Forschungsschwerpunkts Entwicklungssoziologie an der Fakultät für Soziologie der Universität Bielefeld entstanden. So finden die in verschiedenen Regionen und Erdteilen durchgeführten Studien auch ihren gemeinsamen Nenner in dem programmatischen Untertitel der ersten Phase des Kollegs "Soziale und kulturelle Dimensionen von Grenzziehungen und Marktintegration". Das Interesse der vorliegenden Beiträge gilt insbesondere den vielfach unter dem Begriff 'Globalisierung' subsumierten Prozessen der Lokalisierung, Ethnisierung und der Entwicklung neuer religiöser Formen. Aus einem anderen Blickwinkel betrachtet, behandeln die vorliegenden Beiträge Formen und Dynamiken einer nicht-europäischen bzw. einer nicht-'westlichen' Moderne. In einem einleitenden Kapitel werden bisherige Resultate des gemeinsamen Forschens vorgestellt.
The tonitruant announcement of several plans to remove large illegal habitat in Languedoc-Roussillon is rarely followed up. Better, the provision of many services (electricity, water, sanitation) and taxation of cabins raises doubts as to whether there is a real desire to eradicate these houses without building permits. This text proposes several successive levels of analysis of this apparent laxity. Indeed, the game around divergent values (environmental versus social) is part of a political process aimed at culturally and effectively rebuilding social hierarchies. ; International audience This text wants to focus on the ambiguous officials' response to South of France important illegal housing process: the public denunciations without efficient politic struggle, the help to provide supplies and the payment by residents of local taxes indubitably legitimate these illegal houses. The analysis emphasizes on different levels of a cultural construction of the social and spatial hierarchies that has become a major mean to exercise power. ; The tonitruant announcement of several plans to remove large illegal habitat in Languedoc-Roussillon is rarely followed up. Better, the provision of many services (electricity, water, sanitation) and taxation of cabins raises doubts as to whether there is a real desire to eradicate these houses without building permits. This text proposes several successive levels of analysis of this apparent laxity. Indeed, the game around divergent values (environmental versus social) is part of a political process aimed at culturally and effectively rebuilding social hierarchies. ; L'annonce tonitruante de plusieurs plans de suppression de l'important habitat illégal dans la région Languedoc-Roussillon est rarement suivie d'effets. Mieux, la mise à disposition de nombreux services (électricité, eau, assainissement) et l'imposition foncière des cabanes amènent à douter d'une réelle volonté d'éradiquer ces maisons sans permis de construire. Ce texte propose plusieurs niveaux successifs d'analyse ...
Romania aims to be a country in which all citizens are provided with an equal opportunity toparticipate in society, where their basic needs are met and their differences respected, and whereall people feel valued and can live in dignity.Our society is still far from this ideal. One in every five Romanian people is income poor. Most of the people living in relative poverty in Romania are in persistent poverty, meening that they have been in poverty for at least the last three years. Despite its relatively low unemployment rate, the country has a very high rate of poverty for in-work people, which is double the EU-27 rate (9 percent). As a response to this situation, the Government of Romania (GoR) has committed itself to lifting 580,000 people out of poverty by 20205 as part of the Europe 2020 Strategy.By 2020, Romania is committed to putting in place a set of policies and programs to (i) lift at least 580,000 people out of relative income poverty by 2020, compared to 2008; (ii) break the inter-generational cycle of poverty; (iii) prevent the recurrence of poverty and social exclusion; and (iv) ensure equal access to social assistance, cash transfers and services to strengthen social cohesion.the GoR asked for the World Bank's support to develop detailed implementation plans for the 2015-2018 period in the form of nine Flagship Innitiatives that are expected to have the greatest impact in terms of reducing poverty and promoting social inclusion. This Atlas of Rural Marginalized Areas and Local Human Development in Romania represents the Flagship Initiative develop an instrument to identify poor villages and marginalized rural communities. Specifically the Bank's technical assistance provided through this project has helped the GoR to develop: (i) a methodology for defining different types of rural marginalized areas based on a set of key criteria and indicators; (ii) detailed maps that present the spatial distribution of the rural marginalized communities by county; (iii) a methodology for defining degrees of local human development from low to comprehensive development, for rural and small urban settlements; and (iv) detailed county-level maps of local human development. In short, the Atlas helps to define which rural areas are marginalized, who lives in these areas (the profile of various disadvantaged groups), and where they are located in Romania.
In the 1970s,Indonesiais one of thepoorest countries inAsia. In 1976, 54million people in Indonesia(40% of the population) belong to the categoryof poor. In1980-1990anperiodis a period ofhigh economic growth. High economicgrowthis closely linkedwithpoverty reductiondrasticallywhere the numberof poor peoplefell by almost50% from40millionto 22million peoplein 1981s/d1996.In the year2010 the numberof poor peopleamounted to31.02 million people, or about 13:33% andthe poverty ratein March2009 amounted to32.53million, or about 14:15% (BPS). LastBPS dataperSeptember 2013shows that there are28.59millionor11.66% ofthe totalpopulationinIndonesia.PovertyinIndonesia hasdecreasedsignificantlysincethe reformera. Acceleration ofpoverty reductionprogramsinIndonesiais donewithgoodsynergywork programsatnational and local levels. Poverty reduction programscurrently dividedinseveralclusters: Cluster(1) Direct AidSociety(BLM). Thisclusterincludes theSchool Operational Assistance(BOS), Community Health Insurance(Assurance), Ricefor the Poor(Raskin), Family Hope Program(PKH). Cluster1goalistoreducepovertyandimprove thequality ofhuman resources, especiallythe poor.Cluster (2) is the national community empowerment Program (PNPM) independently. The purpose of PNPM Mandiri is to increase prosperity and employment opportunities of the poor independently. Cluster (3) people's business credit (KUR) is a people's business credit is given to the poor without collateral to the community a certain amount. Purpose to provide and strengthening economic access for businessmen of small and micro-scale. An important aspect in strengthening is giving them freely to access of the poor to be able to try and improve the quality of life.In 2011 the Government carry out a Cluster of clusters of four. This Cluster includes: (1) the provision of the House very cheap, (2) a cheap public transport Vehicles, (3) clean water to the people, (4) enhancement of Life for fishermen, (5) improvement of Urban Edge Community Life. The 4 Cluster in the framework of poverty reduction and the achievement of the Millennium Development Goals (the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), so the expected goal of the Millennium Development Goals (the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) by 2015 is reached. As it known that the millennium development goals (the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) is an attempt to meet the basic needs of the rights of man through a joint commitment between the 189 UN Member States to implement the 8 (eight) Millennium development goals, namely (1) tackling poverty and hunger, (2) achieve primary education for all, (3) encourage gender equality and the empowerment of women, (4) reduce child mortality, (5) improve maternal health, (6) fight against spread of HIVAIDS, malaria and other contagious diseases, (7) Living and Sustainability (8) global partnership in development. Eight of these targets as measurable goals for a single package of development and poverty reduction.In September 2000, the United Nations Millennium Summit, where world leaders agreed on eight development goals that are specific and measurable global called the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). The first seven goals focus on eradication of extreme poverty and hunger, achieve universal primary education, promoting gender equality and empowering women, reducing child mortality; In September 2000, the United Nations improve maternal health, combat HIV-AIDS, malaria and other diseases, and ensuring environmental sustainability. Whereas the eighth goal calls for the establishment of a global partnership for development, with targets for aid, trade and debt relief.However approach the year 2015, global world will experience the transformation of the global development of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) into Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). The shifting of the MDGs to the SDGs doesn't mean the goal contained in the MDGs fail is reached. Quite the contrary, many world records that reveal the success in various countries, there is a remarkable improvement experienced by the poor countries in the ranking of HDI (human development index) the lowest. In the last 40 years, the State- countries that are in the lowest rank of 25 percent experienced improved HDI to 82. The IMF report in the 2013 Global Monitoring Report also explain the positive trend in the achievement of the MDGs. reduction of half of the world's poor population, reduction of half of the population without access to clean water, the Elimination of gender inequality in primary education in 2015, and the improvement of life in a hundred million slums by 2020 was reached more quickly, i.e. in 2010. ADB, a number of countries in Asia also experienced progress in achieving the millennium development goals. The number of poor population has decreased significantly in Malaysia, Viet Nam and China. In Thailand and Malaysia, long-term policies to overcome poverty coupled with their concern for the environment has made the countries that are in the lowest rank of 25 percent experienced improved HDI to 82. The IMF report, these countries are on a sustainable growth path. But not so the case with Indonesia, a country with a diversity of biodiversity in forests is raining but the risorsis contained therein are not managed sustainably and fairly.Programme of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) will be forwarded to Suistanable Development Goals (SDGs). The MDGs will expire in 2015, but until now there has been no final draft which will forward the MDGs program. to that end, scientists and many quarters trying to deepen the concept of SDGs as successor to the MDGs. Keywords: Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), primary education, maternal health, clean water.
EditorialDevelopment practice has become a contested term. The experiences of the contemporary world especially from the latter part of the 20th Century onwards not only confirm this reality but has also shown a full 'paradox of development' experience.While the world has achieved great global strides in economic growth, social upliftment, political participation and technological progress, one also needs to be aware that there is no denying the fact that large sections of the people are being deprived of their right to inclusion and participation in the development process and also victimised by development policies and programmes. One can find mega housing projects, dams, speedways and economic zones being built at the expense of the marginalized and vulnerable like the slum dwellers in cities and the tribals and farmers in rural areas. Thus the poor, marganilized and vulnerable are not only denied their rights but quite often stripped of even what they have.Such experiences raise a fundamental question – 'Why has development which is a dream and wish of all turned out to be a nightmare for some'? Do these sections of the people not count in the global economy, politics, culture and tradition? What makes the degree of this grim reality more serious is that their 'culture of silence' seems to be not anymore imposed by tradition but by state machinery and often in the name of development.It is in this context that the Journal of Development Practice has been conceptualised and realized. While the journal aims at bringing about a resolution of the contested term 'development practice' and 'paradox of development' experiences of the yester decades by creating and providing space for the articulation of EXPERIENCES from the FIELD, it also vows to be a clarion of justice and rights for the oppressed and the marginalized.To achieve these aims the Journal of Development Practice envisages promoting ethical intellectualisation of development practice, experiences and challenges by academicians and development practitioners who are in the field, thus contributing towards the generation and dissemination of knowledge in a scientific and academic ambience.The first volume of the Journal features six articles that are related to environment and public health, theory of tribal social work, methodological challenges in study of social movements, maternal health, urban homelessness, and social work education among indigenous peoples. All the articles arise out of critical reflections from prolonged engagement and experiences in the field.The article on A Meta-Analysis on the Health Risk of Forest-Ecosystem Degradation by Jacob Islary brings out a relationship between forest-ecosystem and human health from literature on environment studies, environmental health, public health and ecology. The study articulates a clear line of relationship between human health and forest-ecosystem. The study also points out the existence of a major gap and need for the development of a methodology of study to statistically link these two variables.In the article titled Towards a Theory of Tribal Social Work: Some Reflections on its Methodological Foundation, bodhi s. ranee discusses the theoretical evolution of Tribal Social Work in India, and attempts to provide a conceptual overview of the key constitutive elements of its methodological foundation by using a historical approach. The study is a major contribution towards strengthening tribal social work in India.Samson Kamei in the article Conceptual and Methodological Problems in a Study of Tribal Movements examines the conceptual ambiguities and problems of categorization in the study of tribal movements. It discusses the methodological challenges from both emic and etic perspectives and points out a knowledge gap in the area of an authoritative formulation of the issue.The article on The Phenomenon called 'Access to Maternal Health Care', by Chesta Sharma presents a review of the models and frameworks of 'access to maternal health care' and proposes a new framework for a better understanding of the phenomenon. The study presents various influencing factors and arrives at a definition of the term 'access' by incorporating aspects that go beyond physical and financial face values by highlighting the involvement of  the complex interplay of health seeking behaviour of individuals with the various components of health systems.Understanding the Problem of Homelessness: A Case for Using Habitus as a Tool by Anup Tripathi speaks about the experiences of homelessness and all the challenges and problems that come along with it. The paper argues that the concept of habitus and social field by Pierre Bourdieu may be able to shed light in understanding the problem of homelessness.Victor Narzary in his article Social Work Education and the Tribal/Indigenous peoples of India's Northeast attempts to conceptualise a social work education framework suited to meet the unique needs of the tribal/indigenous situations of India's Northeast. The study calls for social work education to move away from the remedial approach to and approach that response to the needs of the tribal/indigenous Peoples by accommodating structural and critical perspectives.The Journal of Development Practice wishes to thank the authors of the first volume and hopes that the readers will be informed and enlightened by the thoughts and reflections expressed by them through their articles in this volume. Jacob IslaryÂ
ICBE-RF Research Report No. 47/13 ; This study sought to examine the growth and innovation in micro, small and medium enterprises in Kenya by assessing the performance of the Women Enterprise Fund (WEF) on these dimensions. The WEF, a Government of Kenya initiative, aims to develop and grow women-owned MSMEs. Five years since its inception in 2007, it is imperative to establish whether the Fund is achieving its objectives in reaching the intended beneficiaries with the right kind of funding and support. Using a mixed method approach, comprising qualitative and quantitative methodologies, the study examined the performance of the Fund at the micro, meso and macro levels. Fourteen constituencies in four Counties – Kakamega, Nairobi, Nakuru and Nyeri – were purposively selected. Stratified random sampling (the strata being the borrowing stream) of the entrepreneurs was used to ensure representativeness of the sample. Questionnaires were used in the survey of women owned MSMEs in combination with in-depth interviews and focus group discussions with selected respondent groups. Quantitative data were analysed using SPSS. Descriptive results show the extent of growth and innovation in the post loan period. Multivariate regression analysis sought to empirically establish the determinants of growth and innovation among women owned enterprises. Logistic regression models for the selected measures of growth and innovation were estimated using the maximum likelihood estimation technique. Qualitative data were content analysed for emerging themes and patterns which formed the basis for discussing study findings. Study findings show that although the general indicators reflect positive growth among women owned businesses in terms of total business worth, turnover, gross profit and number of employees, they obscure incidences of stagnation or decline in growth. Incidences of decline or stagnation were significant at between 15 to 30 percent across the four measures. The most common form of innovation was observed in the change or addition of new products in the post loan period. Innovations in terms of services, markets and sources of raw materials were, however, less common among women owned enterprises. The study finds no evidence of significant differences in growth and innovation among enterprises across geographical regions, borrowing stream and age groups. Overall, entrepreneur characteristics such as age, marital status, level of education and family size were poor determinants of growth. Business characteristics such as location, the person who manages the businesses and the age of the loans, were significant determinants of growth in the number of employees. Growth in number of employees is considered a critical proxy for the other forms of growth in terms of total business worth, turnover and gross profit. From the findings, locating an enterprise in an urban area increased the likelihood that the business would either stagnate on decline in its number of employees and gross profit. Urban decline on these indicators was partly attributed to heightened competition among low-end enterprises which characterise most women owned ventures in urban slums and informal settlements. Similar to the case in growth, entrepreneur characteristics of age, marital status, level of education and family size were poor determinants of business innovation. Only some of the business characteristics, growth factors and innovation factors were found to be significant determinants of innovation. Overall, women owned enterprises in urban areas lack the expected 'urban advantage' in terms of growth and innovation. The most widely provided complementary service was training which was accessed by one half of women entrepreneurs in the study. Other common complementary services included general education and awareness on how to run business and business progress monitoring. Although reported in interviews and group discussions, the following complementary services were rarely offered: networking, exhibitions, export promotion and product certification, supplementary loans, mobile banking and overdrafts. From the findings, it can ii be deduced that besides training, few complementary services were available to the majority of women borrowers of the WEF loans at a level that could meaningfully sustain businesses on the growth path and spur innovations. The Fund continued to face numerous challenges at the WEF secretariat, lender and borrower levels. The main challenges at the Fund level included inadequate WEF field personnel, inadequate fieldwork facilitation, low loan amounts, delays in disbursements and an inefficient multi-layered Fund structure. High cost of loan administration, competition with commercial bank products, poor dissemination of information, high demand/limited scope of coverage, lack of distinct product branding, lack of individual choices in group lending, high default rates, bureaucratic processes and limited business monitoring were the main challenges at lender level. For the borrowers, the challenges included limited and shrinking markets/competition, lack of business knowledge, misconception about the purpose of the Fund, diversion of the funds, low literacy among segments of women borrowers, lack of loan securities and domestic interference. To reform the Fund in a way that enhances its quality, service delivery and sustainability, as well as the growth and innovation of the enterprises, the study recommends that there should be: improved field level staffing at WEF, improved business monitoring, allocation of more resources to field teams, provision of individual loans, increase in amounts of loans, enhanced and standardised training, development of legal framework for default recoveries, increased funding to the CWES stream, business incubators for start-ups, enhanced revolving funds, rationalization of administrative costs, increase in the number of loan holding banks, timely disbursement of the funds and simplification of the application process. ; This study sought to examine the growth and innovation in micro, small and medium enterprises in Kenya by assessing the performance of the Women Enterprise Fund (WEF) on these dimensions. The WEF, a Government of Kenya initiative, aims to develop and grow women-owned MSMEs. Five years since its inception in 2007, it is imperative to establish whether the Fund is achieving its objectives in reaching the intended beneficiaries with the right kind of funding and support. Using a mixed method approach, comprising qualitative and quantitative methodologies, the study examined the performance of the Fund at the micro, meso and macro levels. Fourteen constituencies in four Counties – Kakamega, Nairobi, Nakuru and Nyeri – were purposively selected. Stratified random sampling (the strata being the borrowing stream) of the entrepreneurs was used to ensure representativeness of the sample. Questionnaires were used in the survey of women owned MSMEs in combination with in-depth interviews and focus group discussions with selected respondent groups. Quantitative data were analysed using SPSS. Descriptive results show the extent of growth and innovation in the post loan period. Multivariate regression analysis sought to empirically establish the determinants of growth and innovation among women owned enterprises. Logistic regression models for the selected measures of growth and innovation were estimated using the maximum likelihood estimation technique. Qualitative data were content analysed for emerging themes and patterns which formed the basis for discussing study findings. Study findings show that although the general indicators reflect positive growth among women owned businesses in terms of total business worth, turnover, gross profit and number of employees, they obscure incidences of stagnation or decline in growth. Incidences of decline or stagnation were significant at between 15 to 30 percent across the four measures. The most common form of innovation was observed in the change or addition of new products in the post loan period. Innovations in terms of services, markets and sources of raw materials were, however, less common among women owned enterprises. The study finds no evidence of significant differences in growth and innovation among enterprises across geographical regions, borrowing stream and age groups. Overall, entrepreneur characteristics such as age, marital status, level of education and family size were poor determinants of growth. Business characteristics such as location, the person who manages the businesses and the age of the loans, were significant determinants of growth in the number of employees. Growth in number of employees is considered a critical proxy for the other forms of growth in terms of total business worth, turnover and gross profit. From the findings, locating an enterprise in an urban area increased the likelihood that the business would either stagnate on decline in its number of employees and gross profit. Urban decline on these indicators was partly attributed to heightened competition among low-end enterprises which characterise most women owned ventures in urban slums and informal settlements. Similar to the case in growth, entrepreneur characteristics of age, marital status, level of education and family size were poor determinants of business innovation. Only some of the business characteristics, growth factors and innovation factors were found to be significant determinants of innovation. Overall, women owned enterprises in urban areas lack the expected 'urban advantage' in terms of growth and innovation. The most widely provided complementary service was training which was accessed by one half of women entrepreneurs in the study. Other common complementary services included general education and awareness on how to run business and business progress monitoring. Although reported in interviews and group discussions, the following complementary services were rarely offered: networking, exhibitions, export promotion and product certification, supplementary loans, mobile banking and overdrafts. From the findings, it can ii be deduced that besides training, few complementary services were available to the majority of women borrowers of the WEF loans at a level that could meaningfully sustain businesses on the growth path and spur innovations. The Fund continued to face numerous challenges at the WEF secretariat, lender and borrower levels. The main challenges at the Fund level included inadequate WEF field personnel, inadequate fieldwork facilitation, low loan amounts, delays in disbursements and an inefficient multi-layered Fund structure. High cost of loan administration, competition with commercial bank products, poor dissemination of information, high demand/limited scope of coverage, lack of distinct product branding, lack of individual choices in group lending, high default rates, bureaucratic processes and limited business monitoring were the main challenges at lender level. For the borrowers, the challenges included limited and shrinking markets/competition, lack of business knowledge, misconception about the purpose of the Fund, diversion of the funds, low literacy among segments of women borrowers, lack of loan securities and domestic interference. To reform the Fund in a way that enhances its quality, service delivery and sustainability, as well as the growth and innovation of the enterprises, the study recommends that there should be: improved field level staffing at WEF, improved business monitoring, allocation of more resources to field teams, provision of individual loans, increase in amounts of loans, enhanced and standardised training, development of legal framework for default recoveries, increased funding to the CWES stream, business incubators for start-ups, enhanced revolving funds, rationalization of administrative costs, increase in the number of loan holding banks, timely disbursement of the funds and simplification of the application process.
Violent crime has emerged as a growing development challenge, affecting large segments of societies, and taking a severe toll on economic development. In many high crime environments, weak institutions, fiscal constraints, and political resistance have undermined the effectiveness of development programs and threatened their sustainability. The World Bank has begun to confront this challenge. The country of Honduras is the most violent in the world as measured by its homicide rate, which reached 90.4 per 100,000 inhabitants in 2012. This report presents the findings of a study of crime dynamics and prevention practices focused around a comparison of nine neighborhoods in three of the most violent cities in Honduras: La Ceiba, El Progreso, and Choloma. The research revealed that although the transnational drug trade, economic downturn, and political crisis have deepened the country's vulnerability, some neighborhoods have successfully prevented crime. Drawing from extensive qualitative research in these neighborhoods, the study identified practices that communities pursue to prevent violence through collective responses. It also examined the characteristics of communities, societal factors, and institutional context that have enabled or constrained these responses. The research points to measures that can be built upon, scaled up, and tested through future research and programming to strengthen community-based crime prevention. It illustrates how deep examination of the dynamics of insecurity - and the ways communities manage it - can inform efforts to improve public safety in violence-prone countries.
This dissertation is a monograph of the nongovernmental organisation (NGO) Doctors Without Borders (MSF). It is based on an ethnographic inquiry into the operations of this medical humanitarian NGO as they take place. Observing members of MSF providing healthcare to migrants in Paris and to inhabitants of a slum in Nairobi, evaluating and planning projects in their headquarters, we see them tinker together the sometimes-incompatible goals of a seemingly simple humanitarian mission: medical assistance to the vulnerable around the world. Our pragmatist approach consists in arguing that analysis of international aid must account for how humanitarians find a way to hold together the ambiguities, and even the contradictions, of this claimed mission in the ambivalent effects humanitarian aid in practice. To this end, we ask how MSF selects those it seeks to assist around the world. Our response entails close description of the instrumentation of triage: the problematic processes of elaborating and using tools that support the reflexive choice of beneficiaries around the globe. We then make three analytical gestures, allowing us to contribute to ongoing discussions in anthropology on global assemblages, global spaces, and global health. First, we show how the processes of bordering, territorializing, and scaling that triage instruments support, participate in producing humanitarian locations: humanitarian space, the field, medical platforms, and headquarters. Second, analysing the ways triage instruments script for those humanitarians claim to assist, we argue that MSF gains humanitarian agency in the ways it relates to humanitarian beneficiaries: the tact and tactics of care, the reciprocal recognition of beneficiaries in their need and of MSF's need to help, the acceptance of responsibility for this vulnerability coupled with an attempt to transfer responsibility to public health care systems. Third, accounting for these instruments in terms of humanitarian technologies of intervention, we demonstrate how MSF makes timely interventions into governing bodies and the bodies of the governed. Together, our description of aid as it takes place and our analysis of the problems associated with humanitarian locations, beneficiaries, and technologies of intervention constitute what we call MSF's humanitarian presence. This humanitarian presence indicates the ways MSF exists, in their global physical extension, in the health care they practice, in their nongovernmental politics and their ethics of attention. This concept supports critique by indicating, first, the multiple and incompatible goods that are to inhere in humanitarian aid, and second, those specific instances when MSF has failed to do so. ; Cette thèse constitue une monographie de l'organisation non gouvernementale Médecins Sans Frontières. Son matériel de base est une enquête ethnographique menée sur les opérations de cette ONG médicale humanitaire au moment même où elles se déroulent. En observant les membres de MSF en train de proposer des soins médicaux aux migrants dormant dans les rues à Paris ou aux habitants d'un bidonville à Nairobi, ou en train d'évaluer et de planifier leurs projets depuis le siège, nous les voyons bricoler pour faire tenir ensemble les objectifs parfois incompatibles d'une mission humanitaire en apparence simple : l'assistance médicale à des personnes vulnérables à travers le monde. Notre approche pragmatiste nous invite à prendre au sérieux dans l'analyse le fait que c'est l'aide humanitaire elle-même qui doit faire tenir ensemble en situation les ambiguïtés, les ambivalences ou même les contradictions d'une telle mission, tant dans ses projets et ses actions que dans ses effets ambivalents. Pour ce faire, nous nous sommes demandé comment procède MSF pour sélectionner celles et ceux qu'elle cherche à aider autour du monde. Pour répondre, nous avons produit une description fine de l'instrumentation du triage : les processus d'élaboration et l'usage des outils qui soutiennent le choix réflexif des bénéficiaires autour du globe. Nous proposons pour cela trois gestes analytiques, qui nous permettent de contribuer aux discussions actuelles sur la globalité en anthropologie : assemblages globaux, espaces globaux, santé globale. D'abord, nous montrons comment le tracé de frontières, de territoires, d'échelles que ces instruments de triage ne cessent de produire participe à la distribution de lieux humanitaires : l'espace humanitaire, le terrain, les plateformes médicales, le siège de MSF. Ensuite, en faisant porter l'analyse sur la façon dont les instruments de triage débouchent sur une mise en « scripts » ou en scénarios de ceux que les humanitaires prétendent aider, nous montrons comment MSF acquiert la capacité d'agir spécifiquement dans ses relations avec les bénéficiaires humanitaires : tact et tactiques du care, reconnaissance réciproque des bénéficiaires dans leur besoin d'aide et des humanitaires dans leur besoin d'aider, acceptabilité d'une responsabilité envers cette vulnérabilité associée dans le même temps à la tentative de transférer cette responsabilité vers des systèmes des santé publics. Enfin, en rendant compte de ces instruments en termes de technologies humanitaires d'intervention, nous mettons en évidence la façon dont MSF opère des interventions ponctuelles tant dans les organes de gouvernement que dans les corps des gouvernés. Notre description de l'aide en train de se faire et notre analyse des problèmes associés aux lieux, aux bénéficiaires et aux technologies d'intervention humanitaires constituent ce que nous appelons l'aide humanitaire au présent. Par aide humanitaire au présent, nous désignons les manières d'exister de MSF, son extension physique globale, les soins de santé qu'elle accomplit, sa politique non gouvernementale et son éthique de l'attention. Sur ce concept peut se soutenir une approche critique positive de l'aide humanitaire, considérant à la fois la pluralité et l'incompatibilité des bénéfices qu'elle est censée apporter, mais aussi les cas et les instances précis où MSF a échoué à les faire tenir ensemble.
Urbane Informalität ist ein deutlicher Ausdruck der Transformationsprozesse städtischer Räume unter globalen Urbanisierungsbedingungen. Sie stellt sich insbesondere in den Megastädten des globalen Südens als Überlebenskampf der sozial und ökonomisch Benachteiligten, aber auch als enge Verflochtenheit mit den urbanen Entwicklungsprozessen dar. Informelle Siedlungen sind von Armut, Unsicherheit und Vulnerabilität geprägt. Sowohl in der politischen Rahmensetzung als auch in der wissenschaftlichen Auseinandersetzung werden sie bis auf wenige integrative Ansätze bis heute als Problem sozialer, räumlicher und ökologischer Prekarität sowie als Formen der Landbesetzung behandelt, die sich außerhalb der gesetzlichen Normen situieren. Sie spiegeln jedoch auch einen hohen Grad an Selbstorganisation zur Sicherung des Überlebens wieder. Diese drückt sich durch eine gemeinschaftliche Regulierung der Siedlungsräume und Selbstkonstruktion von Infrastrukturen in Abhängigkeit zu städtischer Wohnungsbaupolitik und der Implementierung von Sanierungsprojekten aus. Die Raumproduktion informeller Siedlungen ist durch ein Ineinandergreifen verschiedener und differenzierter Akteursnetzwerke und Interessen geprägt sowie durch eine enge Verbundenheit der Bewohner mit ihrem Wohn- und Siedlungsraum. Vor dem Hintergrund, ein komplexeres Verständnis dieser wechselseitigen Prozesse zu entwickeln, richtet sich die Arbeit auf die Offenlegung der spezifischen Beziehungen zwischen den Akteuren der Raumproduktion und dem Raum informeller Siedlungen. Am Beispiel des Favelakomplexes Manguinhos in Rio de Janeiro wird untersucht, wie diese Prozesse sich entwickeln und welche Akteursnetzwerke daran beteiligt sind. Mit dem Ansatz der Arbeit wird eine neutrale Perspektive verfolgt, die den Raum informeller Siedlungen im Kontext seiner Interaktivität thematisiert. Aus dem Blickwinkel einer raumgestaltenden Disziplin ist Gegenstand der Arbeit die Entwicklung und Anwendung einer theoretisch-analytischen Methode. Sie verbindet sozialwissenschaftliche und architektonische Ansätze, die Raum in seiner interaktiven Rolle und als soziales Konstrukt verstehen. Die Erarbeitung der Methode basiert auf einer grundlegenden Auseinandersetzung mit Henri Lefebvres Werk 'La production de l'espace' von 1974 und seinem Verständnis des sozialen Raums. Sie richtet sich auf Lefebvres theoretisch-methodischen Ansatz, urbanen Raum als Produkt der Interaktion sozialer Beziehungen zwischen der Gesellschaft und den Individuen sowie im Prozess seiner Produktion zu decodieren. Es wird eine konzeptionelle und räumliche Lesart seiner Dimensionen des sozialen Raums herausgearbeitet. Die Methode richtet sich auf die Charakteristik und Entschlüsselung von räumlicher Interaktivität urbaner Räume und innerhalb der Siedlungs- und Freiraumproduktion informeller Siedlungen. Mit einer analytischen Untersuchung von 14 Comunidades in dem Favelakomplex Manguinhos kommt die Methode exemplarisch zum Einsatz. Anhand des Entwicklungsprozesses der einzelnen Siedlungsräume sowie der alltäglichen Prozesse der Freiraumproduktion wird die Komplexität und Dynamik der jeweiligen Raumproduktion sichtbar gemacht. Dazu zählt die Offenlegung der beteiligten Akteursnetzwerke, ihrer sozialen und räumlichen Praktiken der Interaktion sowie der daraus sich abbildenden differenzierten Raumstrukturen. Die Arbeit schließt mit einer Formulierung möglicher Entwicklungstendenzen anhand der markierten interaktiven Schnittstellen des Ineinandergreifens der Akteure und ihres Siedlungs- und Freiraums. Sie zeigt eine Einschätzung über mögliche Tendenzen der Reproduktion und Vervielfältigung, aber auch als Katalysator zur sozialräumlichen Konsolidierung informeller Siedlungen. Es wird eine Wissensbasis geschaffen, die das theoretisch-methodische Raumkonzept Lefebvres für eine analytische Untersuchung sozialer Problemstellungen anwendbar macht. Damit werden die Akteur-Raum-Beziehungen als Schnittstellen markiert für die Prognose der Wachstumsdynamik informeller Siedlungen, die mit dem Risiko einer Ausbreitung des informellen Bodenmarktes, aber auch als soziales und räumliches Regenerationspotenzial mit einer urbanen Tragweite sichtbar gemacht werden können. Die Arbeit versteht sich als interdisziplinärer theoretisch-analytischer Beitrag für eine Erweiterung des wissenschaftlichen Diskurses zu urbaner Informalität und interaktiver Raumproduktion. ; Urban informality is a clear expression of the transformation of urban spaces under conditions of global urbanization. Particularly in the megacities of the global South, it highlights the struggle for survival of the socially and economically disadvantaged, one that is also closely interwoven with processes of urban development. Informal settlements are marked by poverty, insecurity and vulnerability. Both political guidelines and scientific studies, with the exception of a few integrative studies, approach informal settlements as a problem of social, spatial and ecological vulnerability, as well as forms of land occupation that situate themselves outside the legal norms. They, however, also display a great deal of the self-organization required to ensure survival. This is expressed through community-based regulation of the settlement areas and a self-constructed infrastructure dependent on urban housing policy and the implementation of slum upgrading projects. Space production is marked by the interactions of various different actor networks and interests, as well as a close relationship between dwellers and their particular housing and settlement areas. With the goal of developing a more complex understanding of these reciprocal processes, the present study focuses on identifying the interconnectivity between the actors of space production and the spaces of informal settlements. The Manguinhos favela complex in Rio de Janeiro is taken as an example through which to discover how these processes develop and which actor networks are involved. This study's approach takes a neutral perspective that observes the spaces of informal settlements in the context of their interactivity. From the viewpoint of a space-designing discipline, the object of the study is the development and application of a theoretical-analytic method. The method connects social scientific and architectural approaches that understand space in its interactive role and as a social construct. Development of the method is based on a foundational engagement with Henri Lefebvre's 1974 work 'La production de l'espace' and his understanding of social space. It adopts Lefebvre's theoretical-methodological approach to decoding urban space both in the process of its production and as a product of the interactions between society and individuals. This study conducts a conceptual and spatial reading of the dimensions of social space. The method looks at the characterization and decoding of spatial interactivity of urban spaces and within the settlement and the open space production of informal settlements. It is applied to the example of the Manguinhos complex in Rio de Janeiro, with an analytical examination of 14 'comunidades'. Given the historical development processes of the individual settlement spaces, as well as the everyday processes of open space production, the complexity and dynamics of this space production is made visible. This includes the identification of the actor networks involved and their social and spatial practices of interaction, as well as the differentiated spatial structures. . This study concludes with a formulation of possible development tendencies visible in the observed interactive interfaces between the actors and their settlements and open spaces. This allows for an estimation of the possible tendencies of reproduction and multiplication, but also for the socio-spatial consolidation of informal settlements. It creates a knowledge basis that makes Lefebvre's theoretical-methodological spatial concept applicable to the analysis of social problems. The actor-space-relationships are identified as interfaces for the prognosis of growth dynamics of informal settlements, which can be made visible with respect to their risk of expanding of an informal land market, but also as the potential for social and spatial regeneration in an urban context. The work can be seen as an interdisciplinary theoretical-analytical contribution towards the enrichment of the scientific discourse on urban informality and interactive production of space.
Foreword by Professor Stathis Kalyvas, Oxford -- SECTION A: Technologies of Violence in Africa -- 1. Systemic and Epistemic Violence in Africa; Patricia Pinky Ndlovu: Chair of Sociology and Sabelo J. Ndlovu-Gatsheni, Professor and Chair of Epistemologies of the Global South with Emphasis on Africa and Vice-Dean of Research in the "Africa Multiple Cluster of Excellence" -- 2. Theoretical underpinnings of violence in Africa; Clive Tendai Zimunya: Lecturer of Philosophy and Obert Bernard Mlambo, Associate Professor of Classical Studies and History -- 3. Technologies of Violence in Africa; Obert Bernard Mlambo, Associate Professor of Classical Studies and History and Wesley Mwatwara, Historian -- 4. Of Exile as Violence in Lewis Nkosi's Thought; Tendayi Sithole, Department of Political Sciences -- 5. Africa and violence: the metamorphosis and the participation of Child soldiers in conflict zones; Toyin Cotties Adetiba, Department of Political and International Studies -- 6. Structural violence and resource curse in Angola -- 7. Violence against nature in Africa: a historical assessment; Marlino Eugénio Mubai, History, Environmental and Political Ecology -- SECTION B: The State and Violence in Africa -- 8. Understanding Electoral Violence in Africa; Matlosa Khabele, African Union Commission Director for Political Affairs -- 9. Understanding violence from an interpersonal perspective: The case of Zimbabwe and state sponsored violence; Chenai G. Matshaka, Centre for Mediation in Africa and Ruth Murambadoro, the Centre for Feminist Research -- 10. 'Dirge to Slit Bodies': EndSARS, Police Brutality and Nigerian Dystopia in Jumoke Verissimo and James Yéku's Soro Soke: When Poetry Speaks Up; Ayokunmi O. Ojebode, the Institute for Name-Studies (INS) -- 11. The Silent Violence in Africa- Manifestations of Political Violence; Annie Barbara Chikwanha, Politics and International Relations -- 12. Beyond ethnicity: Reflections on the history and politics of violence in Uganda; Evarist Ngabirano, the Makerere Institute of Social Research (MISR) -- 13. Ungoverned Space and National Security in Nigeria; Arinze Ngwube, Department of Political Science -- 14. Bound to violence? Interrogating violence in Francophone African literatures; G. Ncube, Stellenbosch University -- SECTION C: Children, Youth and Violence -- 15. Child Soldiers, Conflict and Cultures of Violence in Contemporary Africa, c.1980-2000s; Stacey Hynd, African History and Co-Director of the Centre for Imperial & Global History -- 16. Youth, Proliferation of Small Arms and Light Weapons and Conflicts in 21st Century Africa; Babayo Sule, Department of Political Science and Ibrahim Kawuley, Department of Political Science -- 17. Youth, Violence and Political Accumulation: Urban militias in Harare; Simbarashe Gukurume, Sociology and Social Anthropology and Godfrey Maringira, Sol Plaatje University -- 18. "Even the Holy Book Recommends it"? Corporal Punishment, the Bible and Sacred Violence in Southern Africa; Ezra Chitando, Phenomenology and History of Religion -- 19. "Even the Holy Book Recommends it"? Corporal Punishment, the Bible and Sacred Violence in Southern Africa; Ezra Chitando, Phenomenology and History of Religion -- SECTION D: Violence, Memory and the Law in Africa -- 20. Discourses on Political Violence and State Legitimation in Official Commissions of Inquiry in Africa; Claire-Anne Lester, Stellenbosch University (Legal Sociology, Political Transitions, Transitional Justice); 21. Remembrance as a confrontation of violence? A religio-ethical consideration of the role of memory in a Zimbabwe established and ruled by violence; Collium Banda, Theology; 22. Geographies of Violence and Informalization: The Case of Mathare Slums in Nairobi, Kenya; Maurice Omollo, Maasai Mara Universit and Solomon Waliaula, Maasai Mara University -- 23. Piracy and Violence off the Coast of Nigeria: A Theoretical Analysis; Kalu Kingsley, the Cultural Heritage Preservation Research Institute -- 24. Incest as Dismissal: Anthropology and Clinics of Silence; Parfait D. Akana, Sociologist & Anthropologist -- 25. Violence and post-coloniality in contemporary Zimbabwean literature: the works of Chenjerai Hove; Oliver Nyambi, University of the Free State -- SECTION E: Religion and Cultural Violence in Africa -- 26. In God's Name: Drivers of Violent Extremism in the Northeast Nigeria; Jacinta Chiamaka Nwaka, Peace and Conflict History -- 27. The Epistemic Scaffolding of Religious Violence; Kizito Kiyimba, SJ -- 28. Life transforming Intercultural Pastoral Care and Counseling with transgender and intersex communities in Botswana; Tshenolo Madigele: Theology Lecturer and Oabona Sepora: Institute of Development Management -IDM -- 29. Enchanted Worldviews and Violence Against Persons with Albinism in Sub-Saharan Africa; Francis Benyah, The Study of Religions -- 30. Violence against persons with albinism in Malawi; Jones Hamburu Mawerenga, Systematic Theology, Christian Ethics, and African Theology -- SECTION F: Gender and Violence in Africa; 31. Sexual Violence Against Girls and Women in African Conflict; Veronica Fynn Bruey, Legal Studies -- 32. Persisting inequalities: An intersectional view of climate change, gender and violence; Mary Nyasimi, Inclusive Climate Change Adaptation for a Sustainable Africa and Veronica Nonhlanhla Jakarasi -- 33. Violence against Women in Egypt: A Closer Look at Female Genital Mutilation and Intimate Partner Violence; Yasmin Khodary -- 34. Gender based violence in Ghana:experiences of persons with disabilities in two selected areas; Mantey Efua Esaaba, Social Work -- 35. African Diaspora Women Perpetuating Violence Against Men in the United Kingdom; Nomatter Sande -- 36. Adolescent Boys, Young Men and Mental Health in Southern Africa; Mutsawashe Chitando: Public Health, Health Economics Unit and Division -- SECTION G: Preventing Violent Conflict in Africa -- 37. Developing a Framework for Ending Violence in Africa; David Kaulemu, Philosophy -- 38. Confronting dysfunctional military violence in Africa's electoral spaces: A call for specialised civilian oversight institutions; James Tsabora, Law in the Faculty of Law -- 39. Managing electoral violence through constructive use of social media: Transforming and empowering vulnerable urban youth in Kenya; Joyce W. Gikandi: Christine W. Njuguna, Joan Kabaria- Muriithi, Lucy Kathuri-Ogola -- 40. Managing Conflict in Africa: Challenges and Opportunities for the African Union;Victor H Mlambo: University of Johannesburg School of Public Management, Governance and Public Policy, Ernest Toochi Aniche, Department of Political Science, and Mandla Mfundo Masuku, School of Built Environment and Development Studies -- 41. Through the Afrocentricity Lens: Terror and Insurgency and Implications for Regional Integration in Southern Africa: Reference from Cabo Delgado Province, Mozambique; Daniel N. Mlambo, Tshwane University of Technology -- 42. Insurgency in Mozambique: Incorporating NATO's Article 5 to the Region's Quest for Collective Defence;Victor H Mlambo: University of Johannesburg School of Public Management, Governance and Public Policy, and Mfundo Mandla Masuku: School of Built Environment and Development Studies, and Daniel N. Mlambo: Department of Public Management.
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Ouagadougou, the capital city of Burkina Faso with the highest school enrolment rates in the country, has not been included in the Decennial Plan for the Development of Basic Education in Burkina Faso implemented since 2002. At the same time, Ouagadougou is experiencing a high demographic growth rate in the country (the rate of growth between two censuses 1996 and 2006 is 7.6 %) with a significant need for basic social infrastructure (education and health) due to the rapid spatial spreading of the city. In research, little is known on the socio-spatial dimension of intra-urban inequalities in education, in the case of Ouagadougou as in other cities on the African continent. This thesis investigates the socio-spatial factors of inequalities in primary school enrolment in Ouagadougou by using a new approach to spatial inequalities in school supplies (through the merger of the georeferenced schools and the schools resulting from the database of school statistics), and by highlighting the factors (individuals, families and contextual) influencing school enrolment of children aged between 9 and 11 years old. Data used in thesis included data from the 2006 general census of the population and housing, school statistics (2000 to 2014), data from the georeferencing of schools and data from surveys with institutional actors in education. Analysis methods used include quantitative (bivariate, classic logistic regression, multilevel logistic regression), qualitative (analysis of the interviews contained) and spatial analysis. The results of this study show that very few development partners intervene in the field of education in Ouagadougou. Those who intervene essentially make outreach, provision of school supplies to students, and very little is being done to build new classrooms. In the cases of the school supply, public primary schools are more implanted in the city centre. The schools who implanted in the slums around the city of Ouagadougou are essentially private and have a bad learning condition. The development of school supplies on the periphery of Ouagadougou city is not depending only on the political will but also depends on management of urban space in which the parcelling has an important role. With regards of analysis of the school factors, the familial status of children is very determined in the school enrolment of children in the city centre, particularly for girls who are used in the domestic activities. In contrast, at the periphery untied, the variables who determined the school enrolment of children are the household's economic conditions and the parent's educational level. Other factors such as the presence of tap water in the household and the possession of transport locomotion are favourable of children's schooling in Ouagadougou. The analysis also shows that there is a contextual effect (even if family effects are more important) in the children's schooling in Ouagadougou. In fact, more the children reside in 'well-educated neighborhoods', more they have likely to enrol in school. ; Le Plan Décennal de Développement de l'Éducation de Base (PDDEB) mis en place depuis 2002 au Burkina Faso (devenu depuis 2012, le Plan de Développement Stratégique de l'Éducation de Base) n'a pas concerné Ouagadougou, la capitale, considérée comme privilégiée en matière de scolarisation, car présentant les taux de scolarisation les plus élevés du pays. Dans le même temps, Ouagadougou connaît une forte croissance démographique (son taux d'accroissement intercensitaire entre 1996 et 2006 est de 7,6 %), avec pour corollaire un besoin important en infrastructures sociales de base (éducation et santé), et un étalement spatial rapide de la ville. Sur le plan scientifique, la dimension socio-spatiale des inégalités intra-urbaines en matière d'éducation reste très peu abordée, à Ouagadougou comme dans les autres villes du continent africain. La thèse traite des facteurs socio-spatiaux des inégalités de scolarisation au primaire à Ouagadougou, d'une part en menant une approche inédite des inégalités spatiales de l'offre scolaire (à travers la fusion du fichier des écoles géoréférencées avec celui des écoles issues de la base de données des statistiques scolaires), d'autre part en mettant l'accent sur les facteurs (individuels, familiaux et contextuels) de la fréquentation scolaire chez les enfants âgés de 9 à 11 ans. Pour ce faire, elle mobilise plusieurs sources de données : le recensement général de la population et de l'habitation de 2006, les statistiques scolaires (2000 à 2014), le géoréférencement des écoles et des entretiens réalisés auprès des acteurs institutionnels de l'éducation. Les méthodes d'analyse utilisées sont à la fois quantitatives (bivariée, régression logistique classique et régression logistique multiniveau), qualitatives (analyse de contenu des entretiens) et spatiales. Les résultats montrent que très peu de partenaires au développement (ONGs, associations, institutions bilatérales et multilatérales, etc.) interviennent dans le domaine de l'éducation à Ouagadougou. Ceux qui interviennent font essentiellement de la sensibilisation, de la dotation de fournitures scolaires aux élèves, et moins de la construction de nouvelles salles de classes. En matière d'offre scolaire, les écoles primaires publiques sont concentrées au centre de la ville. Les écoles qui sont dans la périphérie non lotie sont surtout privées offrant des mauvaises conditions d'apprentissage. Le développement de l'offre scolaire publique à la périphérie de Ouagadougou n'est pas seulement une question de volonté politique. Il dépend aussi de la gestion de l'espace urbain dans laquelle des facteurs comme le lotissement jouent un rôle important. En termes de facteurs explicatifs de la scolarisation, le statut familial de l'enfant est plus déterminant dans la scolarisation des enfants, particulièrement des filles sans lien de parenté avec le chef de ménage en raison de leur utilisation dans les travaux domestiques. Par contre, dans la périphérie non lotie, le niveau de vie du ménage et le niveau d'instruction des parents sont les plus déterminants. D'autres facteurs notamment la présence de robinet dans le ménage et la possession d'un moyen de déplacement jouent positivement dans la scolarisation des enfants à Ouagadougou. Les analyses indiquent aussi qu'il existe des effets contextuels (même si les effets familiaux sont plus dominants) dans la scolarisation des enfants à Ouagadougou. En effet, plus les enfants résident dans un quartier instruit, plus ils ont la chance d'être scolarisés.
