Suchergebnisse

The article discusses some of the controversies related to the Voortrekkermonument located on the hills south of Pretoria (Tswane) in South Africa. The monument was inaugurated in 1949 during the installation of the new apartheid regime. For many years it was celebrated as an icon of apartheid and was used by the National Party and extreme right wing groups honoring Afrikaner history and the politics of apartheid. The presence of an apartheid ideology in the historical friezes in the Hall of Heroes is, however, not obvious. The presentation of the wars between the Boers and the Ndebele and Zulus does not necessarily represent the ideology and politics of apartheid. The complete absence of the so-called "colored" population in the friezes may, on the other hand, be interpreted as a sign of apartheid. This makes it difficult to see how the Voortrekkermonument successfully can become part of the national cultural heritage of the new, democratic South Africa.

An analysis of the key political events that led to the installation of gates and cameras around Jacarezinho, the second-largest favela in Rio de Janeiro, in July 2001 and the reaction to them by the news media is here framed by ethnographic data gathered since June 2001 among Afro-Brazilian activists in Rio de Janeiro. Study of the newspaper coverage of the creation of the "favela-condominium" and the public debate that followed shows that such discourses, albeit often tacitly, dehumanized Afro-Brazilians by linking them to crime and corruption and depicted the favelas as likely to produce future generations of dangerous blacks who would continue to terrorize the imagination and lives of nonfavela people. Attention to the way race and urban space intersect is necessary if scholarship on Brazilian cities intends to understand and dialogue with favela activists, who have no choice but to confront their continued dehumanization.

From the nineteenth century sculptures of Edmonia Lewis to contemporary art installations by Pat Ward Williams, the history and aesthetics of African cultures have inspired art-making and political solidarity for artists of African descent in the United States. This article examines
the ways in which African American artists have explored diverse aspects of African history and cultures in their artwork. Their desire to create a Pan-African community by visualizing common black experiences expresses their solidarity with black struggles in Africa and desire to reconnect
with an African heritage lost through the violence of the Atlantic slave trade.
The article discusses the role of Pan-Africanism as a political ideal through which people of African descent can work toward political freedom. It discusses the visual history of Pan-Africanist ideology by
African American artists and explores the current possibility for transnational reciprocity and identification despite cultural and ethnic differences between the African and American contexts.

Résumé Au tournant de l'année 2000, 590 000 « originaires des DOM-TOM » vivaient en France métropolitaine. La population de ce « cinquième DOM » comprend les natifs qui ont migré et leurs enfants nés en métropole. La crise, la montée du chômage et la progression de la précarité ne l'ont pas épargné ces dernières années. Désormais, les natifs des DOM prennent moins le risque d'une installation durable dans l'Hexagone, préférant des départs à l'essai avec, en cas d'échec, un retour rapide « au pays ». Cette stratégie, qui favorise une circulation plus intense entre les DOM et la métropole, se vérifie tout particulièrement chez les jeunes Réunionnais. À l'inverse, l'immigration s'accroît outre-mer, en provenance, notamment, de la métropole ou de l'étranger. Sur les marchés locaux du travail, la concurrence se fait de plus en plus vive, y compris pour les jeunes diplômés de retour « au pays » après leurs études en métropole, et elle est à l'avantage, surtout, des métropolitains.

Предпринимается попытка синтезировать некоторые позиции современного мифогенетического анализа под знаком методологических установок К. Леви-Стросса, Р. Барта, С. Жижека, В. Проппа и А.Ф. Лосева. Гипотеза о том, что мифология массовой культуры работает как машина социального желания и вытеснения, позволяет переоценить многие архетипы кинематографа, рекламы или политики и приводит автора к утверждению о существовании ядра травматического социального опыта, исследованиями которого и должна заниматься мифологическая аналитика. ; In the article attempt to synthesize some positions of the modern mythological analysis in an atmosphere of K. Levi-Strauss, R. Bart, S. Zhizhek, V. Propp and A.F. Losev's methodological installations is undertaken. The hypothesis that the mythology of a masscult works as the machine of social desire and replacement, allows overestimating many archetypes of a cinema, advertising or a politics and results the author in the statement about existence of a nucleus of traumatic social experience in which researches the mythological analytics should be engaged.

The United States has multiple nuclear detection initiatives to secure against a terrorist nuclear attack, including the Container Security Initiative, installation of radiation detectors at U.S. border points of entry, and establishment of the Domestic Nuclear Detection Office (DNDO). The current nuclear detection system architecture falls short of being able to reliably catch fissile nuclear material in transit, specifically shielded Highly Enriched Uranium (HEU) and Plutonium (Pu), both within the US and abroad. Checkpoints at border crossings can be circumvented, and no adequate system is under development to deter the transport of fissile materials. Using nuclear link-budget calculations, we show why a network relying primarily on handhelds, fixed detectors, and portals is not sufficient. We examine the technical, economic, and operational feasibility of a comprehensive national network incorporating in-vehicle detectors to reliably detect and deter the transport of fissile material inside the vehicle itself.

This is a conference paper. ; The Mekong Delta of Vietnam is prone to slow onset of floods. As a result, men, women and children lose their lives, assets and livelihoods. The Government of Vietnam has adopted a policy of shifting them from low lying areas to specially developed residential clusters. More than 300 clusters have been built in the Mekong Delta and on an average 100-300 families live in each cluster. But in the residential clusters developed in Dong Thap Province, no safe water and hygienic sanitation facilities were provided; therefore they were obliged to drink canal water and were affected by water-borne diseases. Oxfam and Red Cross piloted a water-sanitation health promotion project in two such clusters. In addition to installation of watsan facilities, the project also created capacity for operation and maintenance of the facilities by the beneficiaries. This capacity building initiative has helped in ensuring the long-term sustainability of the watsan system.

A letter report issued by the General Accounting Office with an abstract that begins "The military services have owned and operated much housing on their installations but increasingly are privatizing housing, relying on the private sector to manage the renovation, construction, and maintenance of existing and new homes for military families. Funding to operate and maintain existing government-owned housing is provided through the family housing operation and maintenance (O&M) appropriations. The amount of funding required varies based on a number of factors, including how quickly privatization occurs to reduce requirements for government-owned housing. As requested, this report discusses the (1) services' assumptions and methods used to develop budget requests and how well their budget justifications explain the impact of privatization on family housing O&M funds and (2) the extent to which Congress has visibility over the services' reprogramming of family housing O&M funds."

Malaysia plans to be a fully developed and industrialized country by year 2020. Malaysia has achieved good progress in the industrial sector. The industrial sector is operating plants and factories using and storing hazardous substances in quantities exceeding the threshold quantities. The plants that are dealing with hazardous substances exceeding the threshold quantity are classified as major hazard installations (MHIs). Some MHIs are located in heavily populated areas. Experience shows that MHIs pose a risk to the workers and the neighbors of the plants. Malaysia has taken the preventive measures to protect the workers and the public. The preventive measures have been taken through establishment of authorities to set major hazard control regulations, enforcing the regulations, assessing the safety reports and emergency plans, conducting audits and accident investigations. This paper reviews, in brief, the international regulations and guidelines of major hazard control. The paper also reviews the Malaysian experience of major hazard control.

During the course of the air campaign against the Third Reich, the Luftwaffe employed a variety of active and passive defensive measures. The overwhelming tendency to focus solely on the performance of fighters and flak provides only one piece of the air defence mosaic and has led to a widespread under-appreciation of the contributions of deception measures and the role of dummy sites within the Luftwaffe's air defences. The dummy installations and decoy measures experienced varying degrees of success throughout the conflict, but at times they proved instrumental in luring Allied aircraft away from their intended targets. On the one hand, the relatively modest costs associated with these efforts highlighted the benefits that could be achieved by deception. On the other hand, the dynamic nature of these defences and their ability to adapt in the face of Allied countermeasures aptly illustrated the dialectic battle between offence and defence during the Second World War.

The aim of the paper is to move beyond globalisation as a concept and explore processes of globalisation that are linked to ICTs, using Egypt as an example. The paper explores how ICTs have been linked to economic and social development by international agencies such as the UNDP and the World Bank. It focuses on the national initiatives of the Egyptian government to facilitate development through ICTs and shows the variety of agents – other governments, multinationals, international development agencies, new government agencies, local companies – necessary in these plans. We argue that ICT facilitated development has led to the formation of new, and more complex, networks of relations where ICTs act as a common point of interest and where the roles of these diverse actors are redefined in this process. The example of Oracle and the installation of an ERP system in an Egyptian company are used to illustrate these points.

This essay investigates the dimensions of public memory as conveyed in the media. This is achieved by using the example of the resistance against National Socialism, and especially by analysing the image of this resistance advocated in Marion Gräfin Dönhoff's publications over five decades. Among the German public, the image of the resistance against National Socialism has been grately shaped by this influential Hamburg journalist, who died in 2002. Dönhoff's share in the creation, the installation and the conservation of a certain reading of history, which has its roots in the interpretation of the 20th July 1944 as a "moral struggle with the epitome of evil", can hardly be overestimated. The ramifications of Dönhoff's journalistic commitment are varied: they reach from establishing a tradition for the young Federal Republic, to the reconsolidation of Germany's aristocracy after 1945 and its integration into the West German society, as well as social and cultural criticism. (Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte / FUB)