Suchergebnisse

Contents: Part I. Perspectives and theories of voice -- 1. Employee voice: Bridging new terrains and disciplinary boundaries / Adrian Wilkinson, Tony Dundon, Jimmy Donaghey and Richard Freeman -- 2. Employee voice before Hirschman: Its early history, conceptualization, and practice / Bruce E. Kaufman -- 3. Hirschman and voice / Matthew M.C. Allen -- 4. Employee voice and the transaction cost economics project / Paul Willman, Alex Bryson, Rafael Gomez and Tobias Kretschmer -- 5. Industrial democracy in the twenty-first century / Catherine Casey -- 6. Labour process / Abigail Marks and Shiona Chillas -- 7. Employee voice and silence in organizational behavior / Chad T. Brinsfield and Marissa Edwards -- Part II. Actors -- 8. Managing voice: An employers perpective / Peter Holland -- 9. Line managers / Keith Townsend and Paula Mowbray -- 10. Union voice / Sarah Kaine -- 11. The missing employee in employee voice research / Dionne M. Pohler, Andrew A. Luchak, & J.M. Harmer -- 12. The expression of worker voice through civil society organizations / Edmund Heery and Stephen Williams -- 13. Employee voice and democracy: A critique of national and transnational laws / Glenn Patmore -- Part III. Voice processes -- 14. Collective bargaining / Virginia Doellgast and Chiara Benassi -- 15. Works councils / Werner Nienhüser -- 16. Joint consultative committees / Amanda Pyman -- 17. Individual voice: Grievance and other procedures / David Lewin -- 18. High performance work systems and employee voice / Bill Harley -- 19. Task-based voice and teamworking / Stephen Procter, Jos Benders and Jonas Ingvaldesen -- 20. Workplace partnership / Stewart Johnstone -- 21. Voice in the mutual gains organization / Ariel C. Avgar, Stacey Sekwao, Phoebe Strom -- 22. Non-union employee representation / Tony Dobbins and Tony Dundon -- 23. Employee and collective voice engagement: Being psychologically present when speaking up at work / Jamie A. Gruman and Alan M. Saks -- 24. Individual voice in informal and formal contexts in organizations / Deirdre O'Shea and Kevin Murphy -- 25. Whistleblowing / Kate Kenny, Wim Vandekerckhov and Muhammad Irfan -- Part IV. Evaluating voice 26. Voice across borders: Comparing and explaining the dynamic of participation in a context of change / Maria González Menéndez and Miguel Martínez Lucio -- 27. Employee silence / Niall Cullinane and Jimmy Donaghey -- 28. Diversity management and missing voices / Jawad Syed -- 29. The internet, the web and social media: The promise and practice of e-voice / Louise Thornthwaite, Craig Macmillan and Alison Barnes -- 30. Charting voice in a developing economy: The case of China / Jenny Chan -- Part V. Future directions on voice -- 31. Workplace voice: Assessing its impact on the individual and the organization / Brian Klaas -- 32. Integrating voice : Voice within hospitals: Reciprocal relationship between employee voice related to patient care with working conditions voice / Adrian Wilkinson, Michael Barry, Paula Mowbray and Ariel Avgar -- 33. The future of employee voice / Senia Kalfa and John W. Budd -- Index.

Frontmatter --Inhalt --Vorwort --Einleitung /Blumenreich, Ulrike / Dengel, Sabine / Hippe, Wolfgang / Sievers, Norbert --Innen und Außen in der Kulturpolitik --Kulturpolitik für eine Kultur der Verständigung /Grütters, Monika --Krise, Ordnung, Europa /Gabriel, Sigmar --Kulturpolitik und Globalisierung --Prolog. Vergessene Konstellationen /Mishra, Pankaj --Ein radikaler Neuanfang für ein weltoffenes Europa /Guérot, Ulrike --Die populistische Revolte /Merkel, Wolfgang --Auf dem Weg zu einer gerechteren Welt /Nida-Rümelin, Julian --Kulturpolitik als Identitätspolitik: Identität und Politik der Differenz --Zwischen Hyperkultur und Kulturessenzialismus: Die Spätmoderne im Widerstreit zweier Kulturalisierungsregime /Reckwitz, Andreas --Identifikation und Identität /Göschel, Albrecht --Vorsicht! Sprache von rechts! Versuch über Sprechweisen und semantische Strategien /Seeßlen, Georg --Stadtkultur ist eine Kultur der Differenz /Siebel, Walter --Kulturpolitik als Identitätspolitik: Identität und kulturelles Erbe --Gedanken zum Kulturerbe in einer sich verändernden Welt /Parzinger, Herrmann --Kunstgeschichte, Transkulturalität und Kulturerbe /Juneja, Monica --Kulturpolitik als Identitätspolitik: Diversität und Transkulturelle Bildung --Statt »Transkulturalität« und »Diversität«: Diskriminierungskritik und Bekämpfung von strukturellem Rassismus: Ein Gespräch von Lena Prabha Nising und Carmen Mörsch /Nising, Lena Prabha / Mörsch, Carmen --Zwischen Transkulturalität und nationalistischen Fliehkräften: Demokratische Haltungen in kunstpädagogischen Prozessen bilden /Schnurr, Ansgar --Kulturpolitik für eine Offene Gesellschaft --Weiterbauen am zivilisatorischen Projekt: Oder: Wer über Globalisierung spricht, darf über Naturzerstörung nicht schweigen /Welzer, Harald --Verlernen. Entgrenzen. Verändern: Notizen über demokratische Selbstverständigungen /Krüger, Thomas --Eintreten für eine offene Welt - mit Kultur und Kulturpolitik Demokratie stärken /Stausberg, Christina --Mit den Künsten die Welt verändern? --Die Rückeroberung der Zukunft: Einige Gedanken zu »Das Kongo Tribunal« und zur »General Assembly« /Rau, Milo --Die Welt steht Kopf -was können wir tun? /Meyer, Barbara --Wie Popkultur wirkt und welche Strömungen derzeit auszumachen sind: Das Selbstverständnis der populären Kultur /Lucker, Katja --Qualityland, oder: Der Immersion begegnen /Arns, Inke --Zwischen den Welten. Kulturvermittlung und Kulturmanagement global: Kulturvermittler*innen vor neuen Herausforderungen --Kulturvermittler*innen vor neuen Herausforderungen /Ebert, Johannes / Grätz, Ronald --Der lange Weg zu einer EU-Strategie für Auswärtige Kulturpolitik /Trüpel, Helga / Eisenburger, Jochen --Vom Dilemma der (außen-)kulturpolitischen Keuschheit: Zwischen Autonomie und Interessen /Wagner, Gottfried --Zwischen den Welten. Kulturvermittlung und Kulturmanagement global: Transkulturelle Kulturarbeit der Kommunen --Nahe Ferne, weite Nähe: Internationale Kultur vor Ort /Esch, Christian --Grenzenlos - Nürnbergs transnationale Kulturarbeit /Schürgers, Norbert --Die Europäische Kulturagenda, die Rolle der Städte und die Kulturstrategie von EUROCITIES /Eichler, Kurt --The maps that shape the roads. On the place of cultural policy actors in the debate on the sustainable development of cities /Pascual, Jordi --Zwischen den Welten. Kulturvermittlung und Kulturmanagement global: Auswärtige Kultur-Politik-Forschung und internationale Kulturvermittlung --Kunst, Gesellschaft, Politik und internationale kulturelle Zusammenarbeit zeitgemäß erforschen: Überlegungen zu Perspektiven der Auswärtigen Kulturpolitik /Crückeberg, Johannes / Lettau, Meike / Maier, David --Zur Konzeption internationaler Kulturbeziehungen: Was kommt nach »Auswärtiger Kulturpolitik«, »Cultural Diplomacy« und »Soft Power«? /Schneider, Wolfgang --Spiegelbilder - Kulturelle Zusammenarbeit und Zivilgesellschaft /Matarasso, François --»Kultur mit allen« statt »Kultur für alle«: Demokratisierung von Kunst und Kultur im 21. Jahrhundert /Henze, Raphaela --Grenzen eines homogenen Kulturverständnisses überwinden: Veränderungen von Aufgaben und Selbstverständnis des Kulturmanagements durch Internationalisierung /Mandel, Birgit --Kultur und Konflikte: Die Rolle der Kulturarbeit bei nationalen und internationalen Konflikten /Wolfram, Gernot / Föhl, Patrick S. / Gegenfurtner, Marc / Butt, Naeema / Minkin, Yaroslaw --Kulturstatistik und Kulturforschung --Der Leitfaden zur Erfassung von statistischen Daten für die Kultur- und Kreativwirtschaft /Söndermann, Michael --Kulturelle Partizipation in Deutschland: Verbreitung und soziale Differenzierung /Reuband, Karl-Heinz --Materialien --Erklärung der Kulturpolitischen Gesellschaft zum 9. Kulturpolitischen Bundeskongress --Chronik kulturpolitischer und kultureller Ereignisse in den Jahren 2015 und 2016 /Hausmann, Jörg --Bibliografie kulturpolitischer Neuerscheinungen 2015 und 2016 /Brünglinghaus, Ralf / Kröger, Franz / Hausmann, Jörg / Blumenreich, Ulrike / Roland, Prüfer / Brünglinghaus, Ingo --Kulturpolitische Institutionen, Gremien, Verbände /Hüfner, Katrin --Autor*innen --Backmatter

"This extraordinary collection is a game-changer. Featuring the cutting-edge work of over forty scholars from across the globe, The Routledge Handbook of the Global Sixties is breathtaking in its range, incisive in analyses, and revolutionary in method and evidence. Here, fifty years after that iconic "1968," Western Europe and North America are finally de-centered, if not provincialized, and we have the basis for a complete remapping, a thorough reinterpretation of the "Sixties." Jean Allman, J.H. Hexter Professor in the Humanities; Director, Center for the Humanities, Washington University in St. LouisThis is a landmark achievement. It represents the most comprehensive effort to date to map out the myriad constitutive elements of the "Global Sixties" as a field of knowledge and inquiry. Richly illustrated and meticulously curated, this collection purposefully "provincializes" the United States and Western Europe while shifting the loci of interpretation to Africa, the Middle East, Asia, and Latin America. It will become both a benchmark reference text for instructors and a gateway to future historical research. Eric Zolov, Associate Professor of History; Director, Latin American & Caribbean Studies, Stony Brook UniversityThis important and wide-ranging volume de-centers West-focused histories of the 1960s. It opens up fresh and vital ground for research and teaching on Third, Second, and First World transnationalism(s), and the many complex connections, tensions, and histories involved. John Chalcraft, Professor of Middle East History and Politics, Department of Government, London School of Economics and Political ScienceThis book globalizes the study of the 1960s better than any other publication. The authors stretch the standard narrative to include regions and actors long neglected. This new geography of the 1960s changes how we understand the broader transformations surrounding protest, war, race, feminism, and other themes. The global 1960s described by the authors is more inclusive and relevant for our current day. This book will influence all future research and teaching about the postwar world. Jeremi Suri, Mack Brown Distinguished Chair for Leadership in Global Affairs; Professor of Public Affairs and History, The University of Texas at AustinAs the fiftieth anniversary of 1968 approaches, this book reassesses the global causes, themes, forms, and legacies of that tumultuous period. While existing scholarship continues to largely concentrate on the US and Western Europe, this volume will focus on Asia, Africa, the Middle East, and Eastern Europe. International scholars from diverse disciplinary backgrounds explore the global sixties through the prism of topics that range from the economy, decolonization, and higher education, to forms of protest, transnational relations, and the politics of memory."--Provided by publisher.

The current globalization process makes information a resource that goes beyond its use by a sovereign state and extends to other hegemonic groups. This makes information not only a commodity for exchange, but also an institutional threat when there is improper handling of it. The subject of the work is "Journalism and Disinformation" and its objective is to show the characteristics of disinformation in the context of the Post-Truth Era and present the categories of this communication phenomenon. This research develops disinformation from social communication based on the current situation of pandemic worldwide, for which to refer to the work developed by the International Center for Journalists (ICFJ) as part of the ICFJ Global Health Crisis Reporting Forum in the first months of 2020. Disinformation is approached from the following theoretical aspects: Political Communication and Construction of the News. The Political Communication takes into account the actors of this and their constant conflict over the imposition of the political agenda in the mediated public space. On the other hand, in the Construction of the News, not only local aspects are considered, but also transnational news, digital media and social networks. The most prominent is the importance of the media as the main actor and responsible for disinformation as a process. ; El actual proceso de globalización hace de la información un recurso que va más allá de su empleo por un Estado soberano y se extiende a otros grupos hegemónicos. Así, la información se vuelve no solo un bien de cambio, sino también una amenaza institucional cuando hay un manejo indebido de ella. La línea de análisis del trabajo es "Periodismo y desinformación", y su objetivo es mostrar las características de la desinformación en la era de la posverdad y presentar las categorías de este fenómeno comunicacional. La presente investigación desarrolla la desinformación desde la comunicación social a partir de la actual situación de pandemia a nivel mundial, para lo cual hace referencia al trabajo desarrollado por el International Center for Journalists (ICFJ) como parte del ICFJ Global Health Crisis Reporting Forum, llevado a cabo en los primeros meses de 2020. La desinformación es abordada desde los siguientes aspectos teóricos: la comunicación política y la construcción de la noticia. Desde la comunicación política se tiene en cuenta a los actores y su constante conflicto por la imposición de la agenda política en el espacio público mediatizado. Por otro lado, en la construcción de la noticia no solo se consideran los aspectos locales sino también la noticia transnacional, los medios digitales y las redes sociales. Lo más destacado es la importancia de los medios de comunicación como principales actores y responsables de la desinformación como proceso.

В статье анализируется явление трансформации дипломатической деятельности под влиянием мировых процессов и общественных требований. Одним из таких мировых процессов является феномен глобализации. Доступность информации, скорость ее распространения и рост взаимодействия гражданских лиц в социальной, политической, экономической, культурной и др. сферах, вынуждают государства и дипломатические ведомства бороться за общественное мнение, посредством предоставления наиболее конкурентноспособной и оперативной версии событий. Косвенно, включая гражданское общество, во внешне политические события. Целью статьи является демонстрация потенциала дипломатии в процессах адаптации государств и национальных правительств к усиливающейся взаимосвязанности при принятии внешнеполитических решений. Проведенная работа, приводит к выводу о том, что одним из наиболее эффективных ресурсов продуктивной внешней политики государства, является установленная система взаимоотношений государства и гражданского общества, на основе тесных взаимодействий с представителями экспертных групп и профессиональных практикующих консультантов-специалистов. Сложность представляет консерватизм, основанный на восприятии сферы международных отношений, как прерогативы национальных государств и традиционной дипломатии, соответственно, медленные темпы трансформации наработанных схем деятельности. Данная тема является актуальной, вследствие, все возрастающей роли негосударственных, транснациональных, надгосударственных акторов в международной среде. Новизна состоит в том, что, в отличие от традиционно придаваемого акцента в сторону или государства или надгосударственных, негосударственных субъектов, – здесь осуществляется попытка придать ценностное равенство в их поведении на международной арене, разделяя ответственность в способах реализации национальных интересов. ; The article analyzes the phenomenon of the transformation of diplomatic activity under the influence of world processes and social requirements. One of these world processes is the phenomenon of globalization. The availability of information, the speed of its dissemination and the growing interaction of civilians in the social, political, economic, cultural and other spheres, are forcing states and diplomatic departments to fight for public opinion by providing the most competitive and efficient version of events. Indirectly, including civil society, in foreign political events. The goal of this article is to demonstrate the potential of diplomacy in the processes of adaptation of states and national governments to increasing interconnectedness in making foreign policy decisions. The work done, leads to the conclusion that one of the most effective resources of a productive foreign policy of the state is the established system of relations between the state and civil society, based on close interactions with representatives of expert groups and professional practicing consultants and specialists.The complexity – is conservatism, based on the perception of the sphere of international relations as the prerogatives of national states and traditional diplomacy, accordingly, – the slow rate of transformation of established patterns of activity. The novelty lies in the fact that, in contrast to the traditionally given emphasis to the side of either the state or supranational, transnational, non-state actors, – here, is made an attempt to give equal value in their behavior in the international arena, sharing responsibility in the ways of realization of national interests.

This master's thesis studies the stakeholder interactions for the development of the Nord Stream Project 2 in the regions of Kotka and Hanko. The objective of this study was to analyse the stakeholders' perception of the project in the Finnish municipalities involved in the construction of a second pipeline that transport natural gas to Europe through the Baltic Sea. Thus, this study aims to evaluate the social and political relationships of large-scale energy projects, at the regional and international level, as well as examine the institutional role of corporations in the new social, political and economic paradigm. Qualitative content analysis was chosen as a research method. For that, face-to-face and online interviews were conducted, and press releases and reports were chosen to collect the data needed for this study. The data reflected the role of businesses in international relations. This issue has been analysed through the lens of international political economy and with the help of the English School. These premises support the understanding of the main theory, stakeholder theory, that focuses on the relation of the corporation with the stakeholders in the social, political and economic dimensions. To do so, this theoretical framework combines the Post's model of stakeholder mapping and Mitchell, Agle & Wood's model of stakeholder identification with the main theory in order to explain how these relationships are shaped. This research proposed two research questions, RQ: what legitimizes an actor to execute transnational energy projects that cross different jurisdictional zones? (RQ1) and how residents of Hanko and Kotka Finnish government and Nord Stream 2 AG cooperated to provide with social license to operate for the project? (RQ2). RQ1 was answered by first, in current political economies such as Finland, legitimation entails that state actors and market forces keep an effective relation in order to successfully execute macro-energy projects. Second, the security of supply of energy products highly depends on the cooperation and coordination between state authorities and market forces. This is only possible to achieve by open and constant communication flow, as well as mutual understanding. Whilst, concerning RQ2: third, corporate disclosing and stakeholder accountability and engagement were essential to achieve the cooperation between the authorities, the project company and the citizenry. Fourth, this cooperation was also achieved thanks to the development regional development strategies coordinated by the project company and the regional authorities. This research contributes to firstly, understand the relationship between democracy and corporate planning; secondly, to comprehend the new socio-political context where organisations operate. This is important when developing internal and external processes; and thirdly, it opens new perspectives for research in IR and energy issues.

Democracy is frequently thought of as a "universal value". Donors for the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) accept this assumption and take measures in recipient countries that aim to promote or uphold values they consider central to democracy, including political competition and individual equality, among others. However, some scholars have questioned whether such values are actually universally applicable, and whether donors need to disavow themselves of the notion that "one size fits all" when it comes to promoting democracy in developing countries. Nevertheless, the role of cultural values in mediating the effectiveness of democracy promotion is relatively under-theorised in existing research. This discussion paper is part of the larger research project "What is democracy's value?", which aims at understanding how societal values and attitudes influence the effectiveness of international democracy promotion in African countries. The project looks at how social values and political attitudes mediate democracy promotion in two specific realms: attempts by heads of state to circumvent presidential term limits, and reforms to legislation in the realm of family law and Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transsexual (LGBT+) rights. This discussion paper focusses on two cases that took place in Uganda: Yoweri Museveni's successful 2005 campaign to remove presidential term limits from the Constitution, and the attempt to pass legislation outlawing homosexuality in 2014. In both cases, OECD donors intervened, to varying degrees, in an effort to uphold basic principles of democracy. Despite popular support for maintaining term limits, donor interventions were unsuccessful in the first case. They were, however, successful in thwarting the Anti-Homosexuality Act, even though it had a high level of popular support. The findings of the Ugandan case studies problematise the assumed link between cultural value dimensions – popularised by cross-cultural researchers such as Hofstede, Schwartz, and Inglehart and Welzel – and popular political attitudes. A tendency towards particular value dimensions does not necessarily seem to predispose Ugandans towards particular attitudes, nor does a match or mismatch between the value dimensions of donors and Ugandans result in a corresponding match or mismatch of political attitudes. Likewise, a widespread political attitude does not dictate the outcomes of reform processes, at least in the authoritarian context in which Ugandan politics takes place. More important is the magnitude of material incentives and/or sanctions offered by donors, and the transnational alliances between international and domestic actors. This is not to say that values do not matter. Cultural values are an integral part of the social and political contexts in which democracy promotion takes place and are an important factor in informing the behaviour of executive decision-makers. A greater understanding of cultural values, beliefs and attitudes is integral for both the study of democracy promotion and designing context-sensitive and effective interventions to support democracy in recipient countries.

Democracy is frequently thought of as a "universal value". Donors for the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) accept this assumption and take measures in recipient countries that aim to promote or uphold values they consider central to democracy, including political competition and individual equality, among others. However, some scholars have questioned whether such values are actually universally applicable, and whether donors need to disavow themselves of the notion that "one size fits all" when it comes to promoting democracy in developing countries. Nevertheless, the role of cultural values in mediating the effectiveness of democracy promotion is relatively under-theorised in existing research. This discussion paper is part of the larger research project "What is democracy's value?", which aims at understanding how societal values and attitudes influence the effectiveness of international democracy promotion in African countries. The project looks at how social values and political attitudes mediate democracy promotion in two specific realms: attempts by heads of state to circumvent presidential term limits, and reforms to legislation in the realm of family law and Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transsexual (LGBT+) rights. This discussion paper focusses on two cases that took place in Uganda: Yoweri Museveni's successful 2005 campaign to remove presidential term limits from the Constitution, and the attempt to pass legislation outlawing homosexuality in 2014. In both cases, OECD donors intervened, to varying degrees, in an effort to uphold basic principles of democracy. Despite popular support for maintaining term limits, donor interventions were unsuccessful in the first case. They were, however, successful in thwarting the Anti-Homosexuality Act, even though it had a high level of popular support. The findings of the Ugandan case studies problematise the assumed link between cultural value dimensions – popularised by cross-cultural researchers such as Hofstede, Schwartz, and Inglehart and Welzel – and popular political attitudes. A tendency towards particular value dimensions does not necessarily seem to predispose Ugandans towards particular attitudes, nor does a match or mismatch between the value dimensions of donors and Ugandans result in a corresponding match or mismatch of political attitudes. Likewise, a widespread political attitude does not dictate the outcomes of reform processes, at least in the authoritarian context in which Ugandan politics takes place. More important is the magnitude of material incentives and/or sanctions offered by donors, and the transnational alliances between international and domestic actors. This is not to say that values do not matter. Cultural values are an integral part of the social and political contexts in which democracy promotion takes place and are an important factor in informing the behaviour of executive decision-makers. A greater understanding of cultural values, beliefs and attitudes is integral for both the study of democracy promotion and designing context-sensitive and effective interventions to support democracy in recipient countries.

In the last three decades, a phenomenon has been a prey in Mexican society: the forced disappearance in its various manifestations. In a general framework of extreme violence, we have witnessed the process of revictimization of social fighters, students, human rights defenders and transnational activists through the pedagogy of terror that forced disappearance implies. The disappearance of 43 students from the Raul Isidro Burgos Rural Normal School located in the municipality of Ayotzinapa, Guerrero (Mexico) was the historical event that made visible the maximum expression of the social and institutional crisis during the regime of the Presidency of Enrique Pena Nieto. A historical event that put into debate the subject of enforced disappearance, the clandestine graves, the crisis of the legal justice devices, the national security policies, the increase of military actors in public spaces and the emergence of a civil society that demands the appearance alive of their relatives. In this regard, we have spoken with the decolonial feminist anthropologist, Aída Rosalva Hernández Castillo, to address the current situation of victims of forced disappearance and the organization of civil society in response to impunity and institutional emptiness in relation to this new economy of terror and fear that kidnapping produces as a characteristic of the Mexican NarcoState. ; En las últimas tres décadas un fenómeno ha sido presa en la sociedad mexicana: la desaparición forzada en sus diversas manifestaciones. En un marco general de violencia extrema, hemos sido testigos del proceso de revictimización de luchadores sociales, estudiantes, defensores de derechos humanos y activistas transnacionales mediante la pedagogía del terror que implica la desaparición forzada. La desaparición de 43 estudiantes de la Escuela Normal Rural Raul Isidro Burgos ubicada en el municipio de Ayotzinapa, Guerrero (Mexico) fue el evento historico que visibilizó la máxima expresión de la crisis social e institucional durante el régimen de la Presidencia de Enrique Pena Nieto. Un evento historico que puso en debate el sujeto de desaparición forzada, las fosas clandestinas, la crisis de los dispositivos de justicia jurídica, las politicas de seguridad nacional, el aumento de actores militares en los espacios públicos y la emergencia de una sociedad civil que exige la aparición con vida de sus familiares. Al respecto, hemos conversado con la antropóloga feminista descolonial, Aída Rosalva Hernández Castillo para abordar la situacion actual de las victimas de desaparicion forzada y la organización de la sociedad civil como respuesta a la impunidad y el vacio institucional con relación a esta nueva economía de terror y de miedo que produce el secuestro como caracteristica del NarcoEstado mexicano.

У дослідженні висвітлено процеси розвитку наднаціонального (європейського) виміру забезпечення якості вищої освіти (ЗЯВО). На основі аналізу документів ЄС та Болонського процесу виокремлено етапи розвитку досліджуваного феномену: 1) розробка й експериментальна перевірка методології та процедур ЗЯВО; 2) інституалізація; 3) стандартизація; 4) легітимізація. Систематизовано аспекти інтернаціоналізації діяльності агенцій ЗЯВО в сучасних умовах: транскордонна діяльність агенцій ЗЯВО, оцінювання якості спільних освітніх програм університетів різних країн оцінювання якості транскордонної/транснаціональної вищої освіти. ; The study described the stages of development of a supranational (European) dimension of quality assurance in higher education. To achieve the goal, methods of diachronic and synchronous, comparative analysis of EU documents and the documents of European organizations – collective actors of the Bologna Process (ENQA, ESU, EUA, EURASHE), as well as retrospective and structural-logical analysis of the activities of international organizations of QA (networks, associations, agencies) were used. The following stages of development of the European dimension of QA are identified: 1) the stage of development and experimental verification of QA methodology and procedures in the European region (1991–1997) – preparation and conduction of pilot experiments aimed at the development and implementation of a unified QA methodology in the European region, which should be open to adaptation to its national variants; 2) the stage of institutionalization of the European dimension of QA (1998–2005): the establishment of international QA agencies (ENQA, 2000, CEENQA, 2001, ECA, 2003, NOQA, 2003, etc.), definition of the principles and content of their activities . Launching EQAF as a permanent platform to discuss the development of the European dimension of QA in political, scientific and methodological formats; 3) the stage of standardization of the European dimension of QA (2005–2015): development of ENQA in conjunction with EURASHE, ESU, EUA and approval at the Bergen Ministerial Summit of the document "Standards and Guidelines for Quality Assurance in the European Higher Education Area" (2005), creation of EQAR as a tool for standardizing the activities of national QA agencies, further developing and intensifying the interaction of QA structures at different levels; 4) the stage of legitimizing the European dimension of QA (since 2015): the adoption of the new edition of the "Standards and Guidelines for Quality Assurance in the European Higher Education Area", creation of the European approach to quality assurance of joint programs, the transformation of the European dimension of QA into a leading factor in modernization the EHEA in accordance with the needs of the socio-economic, socio-political, cultural and educational development of the region. Systemic internationalization of QA, the leading tools of which are: cross-border activities of QA agencies, assessment of the quality of joint educational programs of universities of different countries; assessment of the quality of cross-border/transnational higher education.

The 'War on Terror' differs distinctly from the major security challenges that characterized the 20th century, particularly as it is defined by asymmetric warfare, where non-state actors challenge state security. ISIS and Boko Haram are two prominent jihadist groups involved in this conflict. In March 2015, Boko Haram in Nigeria became a branch of ISIS in the West Africa Region. Boko Haram has carried out a number of attacks in Central and West region of Africa against Nigeria, Chad, Niger and Cameroon, making it an international agent. Some queries are raised about the presence and the lack of control by the competent state authorities. Thus Nigeria is considered by some scholars as an incubator of global terror. This claim is also challenged by those who argue there is no clear link between failed or failing states and international terrorism. The aim of this research is to find the relationship between failed or failing states and transnational terrorism. This study will contribute to the scholarly debate on international security. Thus, the topic aims to enrich the discussion on failed states and terrorism in international relations. The findings would seek to contribute to practitioner knowledge regarding potential failed state governments and the dangers these present to the international community as a whole. Keywords: Failed states, Failing states, International terrorism, Nigeria ; ÖZ: 'Teröre Karşı Savaş', 20. yüzyıla damgasını vuran başlıca güvenlik zorluklarından, özellikle de devlet dışı aktörlerin devlet güvenliğine meydan okuduğu asimetrik savaş ile tanımlandığı gibi belirgin biçimde farklılık göstermektedir. DEAŞ ve Boko Haram, bu çatışmada yer alan önde gelen iki cihat grubudur. Mart 2015'te Nijerya'daki Boko Haram, Batı Afrika Bölgesi'nde DEAŞ'ın şubesi hükmünde olmuştur. Boko Haram, Afrika'nın Orta ve Batı bölgesinde Nijerya, Çad, Nijer ve Kamerun'a karşı bir dizi saldırı düzenlemiş ve cihatçı terörün uluslararası bir temsilcisi haline gelmiştir. Yetkili devlet makamlarının varlıkları ve kontrol eksiklikleri hakkında bazı sorular/sorunlar gündeme getirilmiştir. Böylece Nijerya, bazı araştırmacılar/akademisyenler tarafından küresel teröre karşı bir kuluçka kaynağı olarak düşünülür. Bu iddia, başarısız veya başaramayan devletler ile uluslararası terörizm arasında net bir bağlantı olmadığını iddia edenler tarafından da gündeme getirilmektedir. Bu araştırmanın amacı, başarısız veya başaramayan devletler ile ulus aşırı/sınır aşırı terörizm arasındaki ilişkiyi bulmaktır. Bu çalışma, uluslararası güvenlik konusundaki akademik tartışmalara katkıda bulunacaktır. Böylece, konu uluslararası ilişkilerde başarısız devletler ve terörizm üzerine tartışmayı zenginleştirmeyi amaçlamaktadır. Elde edilen bulgular, potansiyel başarısız devlet hükümetlerine münhasır uygulayıcı bilgiye katkıda bulunmak ve bu müşahhas tehditlerin bir bütün olarak uluslararası topluma sunulması niyetindedir. Anahtar Kelimeler: Başarısız durum, Başarısız devlet, Uluslararası terörizm, Nijerya. ; Master of Arts in International Relations. Thesis (M.A.)--Eastern Mediterranean University, Faculty of Business and Economics, Dept. of International Relations, 2017. Supervisor: Assist. Prof. Dr. John Turner.

El consumo político o political consumerism es una forma de participación en la que la ciudadanía utiliza el mercado para expresar sus preocupaciones políticas. Realizar la compra de un producto (buycott) o no (boycott) es una decisión personal justificada, basada en valoraciones éticas, medioambientales o políticas que se hacen de los procedimientos realizados por las empresas o los gobiernos. Las nuevas tecnologías y los distintos medios de difusión informativa influyen en el alcance de este tipo de movilización política dada la importancia creciente de las redes sociales transnacionales y las comunidades en línea, las cuales contribuyen a la formación de opinión de la ciudadanía y a su participación en un nuevo espacio "sub-político". De tal forma que interesa tanto el consumidor crítico o consciente que convierte su hábito de compra en hábito político como el contexto a través del que obtiene la información, y los distintos actores -los activistas o movimientos sociales- con los que participa, convirtiendo el mercado en arena pública y objeto de reivindicaciones para la práctica de la democracia. Este artículo por tanto tiene como objetivos: conceptualizar la participación del consumidor desde la perspectiva de las teorías sociológicas de la modernidad, presentar algunas de las metodologías utilizadas para medir y evaluar la influencia de los consumidores políticos y ver en qué medida su empoderamiento ante el mercado podría acercarse a una "consumocracia'' ; Political consumerism is a form of participation in which citizens use the market to express their political concerns. Making the purchase of a product (buycot) or not (boycott) is a justified personal decision based on ethical values, environmental or political concerning the procedures performed by companies or governments. New technologies and different information media affect the scope of this type of political mobilization given the growing importance of transnational social networks and online communities, which contribute to the formation of the public opinion and to the participation in a new "sub-political" space. So we are interested in: a) critical or conscious consumers transforming their purchase habit in political habit, and b) the context through which they obtain the information, and the different actors, activists and social movements with which they participate, transforming the market into a public arena and a subject of claims for the practice of democracy. This article therefore aims to: concepualize consumer involvement from the perspective of sociological theories of modernity, present some of the methodologies used to measure and evaluate the influence of political consumers, and see to what extent their empowerment trough the market might approach a "consumecracy''.

AbstractA great number of scholarship has been devoted to examining the impacts of domestic politics to foreign policies. Many studies have also examined the impacts of international politics to domestic politics, focusing on democracy-building or constructing political institutions within the framework of the state-building. However, such scholarship has not focused enough on the impacts of international politics to opposition forces and their relationship to political conflict in the post-conflict era. In countries that have experienced regime change, the formerly exiled opposition forces that became the ruling parties had changed their policies under the influence of the host country and other foreign actors in international politics during their exile. This paper sheds light on the two main Iraqi Islamist parties, the Da'wa Party and the SCIRI, and clarifies their changing policies under the influence of the host countries and international politics. It also makes clear how these changes were reflected by the political conflict in post-war Iraq. Scholars of Iraqi politics have discussed the reasons of political conflict in post-war Iraq as following: (1) sectarian conflicts as a result of the artificiality of the Iraqi state; and (2) struggles for the mobilization of votes in elections. Against these arguments, this paper considers the historical and international impacts on the formerly exiled Islamist ruling parties as a more significant factor in explaining the reasons for political conflict in post-war Iraq.By analyzing primary sources on segments of the Da'wa Party and the SCIRI after their exile, the following two facts are clarified: First, the two Islamist parties came to have differing ideology as well as policy as a result of the influences from the host country and international politics, which reflected the political conflict in post-war Iraq. The SCIRI maintained good relations with the host country, Iran, and had its original Islamist ideology, while the Da'wa Party, not being able to maintain cooperative relations with the host country, consequently changed its Islamist ideology to a more nationalist ideology under the direct influence of Western society. In the post-war era, the SCIRI attempted to construct a regional government in the south based on a transnational Islamist ideology, while the Da'wa Party attempted to construct a centralized government based on a nationalism that aimed to strengthen national unity. Second, the international societies' intervention into the Iraqi opposition forces created mutual distrust, which in turn prolonged political conflict in post-war era. Therefore, an analysis of the historical and international impacts on opposition forces is necessary to understand the reasons for the political struggles in the post-conflict countries.

This working paper addresses two dimensions in which transnational or supranational regulatory regimes may be regarded as self-sufficient, providing some reasons, limits and pitfalls from such a tendency. The focus of both parts is on competition policy, which is of particular importance because of its transversal character: the fact that it can be applied in many if not all markets means that competition policy is a useful tool for market opening/integration and is likely to create conflicts with different policy objectives pursued in various market settings. Moreover, competition policy often acts as a trump on ordinary private law principles and can be used by administrative actors to substantially re-order private relationships. The first section focuses on the regulatory network and the idea of its self-sufficiency as a regulatory club for the self-enforcement of commonly agreed-upon norms independent of any formal mechanism for enforcement or dispute resolution within the network. As such, national regulators may develop obligations qua club members, distancing themselves from national communities. Yet the paper seeks to show that even informal enforcement requires mechanisms for making the actions of national administrations observable and characterisable. While mechanisms that perform that function have been observed in some EU networked regimes, these can be used either to enforce a hierarchical EU intrusion into national legal orders or to stimulate learning from divergent approaches stemming from persistent heterogeneity within the EU; it is an empirical research question to determine which is a better characterisation of the networked regulatory regimes. The second section focuses on self-sufficiency by way of a narrow definition of the policy mandate of legal and regulatory regimes, i.e. the idea of the instrumentalisation of a branch of the law for the achievement of a particular policy objective. This type of mandate definition can have a number of advantages: concentrating on a narrowly defined mandate can increase the likelihood of achieving it, it can allow for the proper sequencing of different policy tools where some objectives need to be prioritised and in a multi-level environment it can allow for the allocation of policy tools to different levels. Yet, by reference to the relationship between competition policy and social policy objectives, the second part highlights some of the risks involved in building such self-standing regimes, including the development of rationalities and institutional habits that are difficult to dislodge even in the face of absence of success in achieving (or better yet trading off) the myriad objectives of public policy. ; The research leading to these results has received funding from the European Research Council under the European Union's Seventh Framework Programme (FP/2007–2013) / ERC Grant Agreement n. [269722]

After democratization and the successful hosting of the 1988 Olympic Games, various South Korean political actors, including the government, have criticized the reckless urban redevelopment projects under past regimes. The public clamour about the need to address the failings of developmentalist regimes has triggered the emergence of a new urban discourse that emphasizes considering non-economic aspects of development, such as environmental justice and broader citizen participation. In particular, the government has embarked on remaking South Korean landscapes in a series of urban renaissance projects through a deployment of "culture," or what I call the cultural city discourse. This dissertation examines the processes by which architectural aesthetics and spatial practices in Global Cultural Zones in Seoul rearticulate "Korean cultures" as well as those of "others." Using the methods of urban history, critical theory, and geographical inquiry, this study examines how economic liberalization and the transnational movement of people have shaped changing urban discourses surrounding development projects. Each chapter analyzes a different urban redevelopment project in a Global Cultural Zone; these represent the city government's efforts to promote an understanding of "Korean cultures" and the concept of a "multicultural society." First, by examining the cases of remodeled hanoks in Bukchon, this study challenges the assumption that vernacular architecture represents the opposite of high architecture. Instead, it highlights the ambiguous status of the former. Then, I look at the construction of "Korean cultures" in Insadong, which takes the form of nostalgia-fueled resistance to change that can be detrimental to cultural diversity. At the same time, I examine how the government's effort to build a "multicultural society" functions as a political ideology that aims to ease the tension arising from participating in the global economy. This study then turns to the construction of the Design Plaza and Park in Dongdaemun and questions the thesis that design-oriented spaces bring further economic growth, let alone producing "cultural space." Lastly, the construction of "multicultural streets" in Itaewon is examined to show that the emergence of ethnic and cultural diversity in Itaewon is the result of coincidental historical events rather than consistent government policy. This research shows that the emphasis on Korean "traditional culture" is not a simple reflection of a desire to re-enact past customs but a project with an objective of reconfirming the modernity of the present. By examining the interlocking relationship between the state and civil society, this study illustrates the dialectical processes of globalization. This dissertation suggests that diversification of the rationales behind urban projects--the simultaneous emphasis on "Korean tradition" and a "multicultural society"--serves as a tool for the continuation of a growth-centered economic framework.