Suchergebnisse

In der vorliegenden Master-Thesis beschäftigt sich der Autor mit dem Menschenrecht auf Bildung (MRaB). Mit dem Fokus auf Deutschland wird der Frage nach möglichen Hindernissen auf dem Weg zu einem MRaB für alle nachgegangen. Dabei handelt es sich explizit um keine ausschließlich juristische Arbeit. Vielmehr werden verschiedene – u.a. soziologische, politische, gesellschaftliche und rechtliche – Perspektiven eingenommen. Ausgehend von einer bereits sehr breiten und tiefen Forschungslandschaft zu der Bildungsthematik erfolgt eine starke Orientierung an der – noch etwas weniger stark beleuchteten – menschenrechtlichen Perspektive. Aus diesem Grund liegt der erste Schwerpunkt auf einer zweigleisigen Vorstellung des MRaB. Eingangs steht die Entstehung und Verankerung des MRaB im Vordergrund, bevor eine inhaltliche Auseinandersetzung mit den wesentlichen Erklärungen und anderen rechtlichen Festschreibungen erfolgt. Dem ersten Gleisstrang folgend, wird zunächst die Geschichte der Menschenrechtsentwicklung skizziert. Als Ergebnis steht dabei die hier verkürzte Definition für Menschenrechte als universelle Individualrechte, die bedingungslos jedem allein schon aufgrund seines Menschseins zustehen. Darauf aufbauend wird der Blick auf das MRaB und dessen völkerrechtliche Verankerung gelegt. Hier wird dem Pfad von der Ebene der Vereinten Nationen (VN) über das – im vorliegenden Fall einschlägige – regionale Menschenrechtsschutzsystem der Europäischen Union mit der Europäischen Menschenrechtskonvention (EMRK) hin zu dem Hineinwirken in nationales – in diesem Fall deutsches – Recht gefolgt. Anschließend werden die aktuellen Regelungen zur Umsetzung und Kontrolle der Menschen-rechte im Allgemeinen und des MRaB im Speziellen einer näheren Betrachtung unterzogen. Daran schließt sich die inhaltliche Vorstellung des MRaB mit einer konkreten Auseinander-setzung mit den wesentlichen Rechtsvorschriften an. Aufbauend auf diesen Erkenntnissen und abschließend für den ersten Schwerpunkt werden mit dem "MRaB als Mittel zum Zweck" und dem "MRaB als Selbstzweck" zwei Wesenskerne des MRaB herausgearbeitet und beschrieben. Als zweiter Schwerpunkt folgt die Vorstellung der derzeitigen Lage bei der Umsetzung des MRaB in Deutschland. Dabei wird eine Konzentration auf die Bildungschancen und deren Verteilung vorgenommen. Mit einigen prägnanten Beispielen erfolgt dazu eine kurze Skizzierung des "problematischen" Status Quo. Aufbauend auf diesen Erkenntnissen werden einige Erklärungsversuche zur Herausarbeitung möglicher Hindernisse auf dem Weg zu einem MRaB für alle in Deutschland unternommen. Diese Ansätze folgen jeweils einer spezifischen – u.a. politischen, soziologischen oder rechtlichen – Perspektive. Dabei wird zunächst jeweils ein problematischer Aspekt näher beleuchtet und dann schließlich in einer These zusammengefasst. Exemplarisch sei hier die Vermutung genannt, dass einige Gruppen – auch auf VN-Ebene – eine deutlich schlechtere politische Lobby haben als andere. Anschließend werden einige dieser Thesen diskutiert und Verbindungslinien zwischen diesen beschrieben. Um exemplarisch eine der dadurch gewonnen zentralen Erkenntnisse zu nennen, sei auf die Feststellung verwiesen, dass eine vollständige und gleiche Umsetzung des MRaB wohl schon aus Gründen der konkreten menschenrechtlichen Festschreibungen und darin enthaltenen Besonderheiten kaum möglich ist. Der Autor nimmt aber nichtsdestotrotz die deutsche Politik in die Pflicht und sieht auch in diesem Feld noch großen Nachholbedarf. Zudem werden Ideen für weitere Lösungsansätze – auch unter Berücksichtigung der derzeitigen besonderen Lage durch die Corona-Pandemie – zu den in den Thesen aufgegriffenen Problematiken andiskutiert und Ausblicke auf mögliche Forschungsperspektiven gegeben. ; In this master's thesis, the author deals with the Human Right to Education (HRtE). With the focus on Germany, the question of possible obstacles on the way to an HRtE for everyone is investigated. Explicitly, this thesis does not exclusively deal with legal aspects. Rather different – including sociological, political, social and legal – perspectives are taken. Starting from an already very broad and deep research landscape on the educational topic, there is a strong orientation towards the – still less strongly illuminated – human rights perspective. For this reason, the first focus is on a dualistic presentation of the HRtE. Initially, the focus is on the creation and anchoring of the HRtE, before the essential declarations and other legal assignments are examined. Following the first track, the history of human rights development is outlined. This results in the abbreviated definition of human rights as universal individual rights that are unconditionally available to everyone simply on the basis of being human. Based on this, the focus is on the HRtE and how it is anchored in international law. Here the path is followed from the level of the United Nations (UN) via the relevant regional human rights protection system of the European Union with the European Convention on Human Rights to the influence on national – in this case German – law. The current regulations for the implementation and control of human rights in general and the HRtE in particular are then examined more closely. This is followed by the presentation of the content of the HRtE with a concrete discussion of the essential legal provisions. Building on these findings and closing the first focus, two essentials of the HRtE are elaborated and described with the "HRtE as a means to an end" and the "HRtE as an end in itself". The second focus is the presentation of the current situation concerning the implementation of the HRtE in Germany. Thereby, the focus is on the educational opportunities and their distribution. A brief outline of the "problematic" status quo is provided with a few concise examples. Based on these findings, some attempts to explain possible obstacles on the way to an HRtE for everyone in Germany are made. These approaches each follow a specific – including political, sociological or legal – perspective. First of all, one problematic aspect is examined in more detail and then finally summarized in one statement. One example is the assumption that some groups – also at the UN level – have a much weaker political lobby than others. Then some of these statements are discussed and the connecting lines between them are described. As an example, one of the obtained findings refers to the statement that a complete and identical implementation of the HRtE is hardly possible for reasons of the specific human rights assignments and their corresponding particularities. Nonetheless, the author makes German politics responsible and sees a lot of catching up to do in this field as well. In addition to that, further solutions – also taking into account the current special situation caused by the corona pandemic – are discussed for the problems addressed in the statements and outlooks on possible research perspectives are given.

YÖK Tez No: 680723 ; Dünyanın yaşam kaynağının temel taşlarından biri enerji kaynaklarıdır. İnsanoğlu varoluşundan günümüze kadar enerji kaynaklarından yararlanmıştır. Bu nedenle geçmişten günümüze kadar geçen süreçte insanların bitmek bilmeyen ve sürekli daha da artan ilgisini üzerinde toplamıştır. Hatta tarihte yaşanan birçok savaşın ve katliamların asıl nedeni olmuştur. Çünkü enerjiye sadece tarım ve sanayide değil, kültürel ve sosyal ihtiyaçların karşılanabilmesi için de gereksinim duyulmuştur. Bu nedenle de her daim bağımlılığın yanı sıra elde edilmesinin zorunluluğunu da beraberinde getirmiştir. Sanayi devrimiyle birlikte enerji öncelikle askeri ve sanayi alanında olmak üzere birçok alanda önemini arttırarak hissettirmiştir. Günümüzde ise ülkeler toplumsal refahını, ekonomisini ve sürdürülebilir kalkınmalarını olumlu yönde gerçekleştirebilme hedeflerini enerji ihtiyaçlarını karşılama yoluyla ulaşabilmekte ve dış politikalarını bu yönde şekillendirip, uygulamaktadırlar. Bundan dolayı dünya siyaseti enerji üzerine şekillenmekte ve yaşadığımız yüzyılda ülkeler arasında enerji kaynaklarına sahip olabilmek için büyük bir rekabet yaşanmaktadır. Bu çalışmada enerjinin ve enerji kaynaklarının ülke çıkarları açısından önemi vurgulanmış, enerji politikaları kavramı tanımlanarak uluslararası ilişkilerde enerjinin rolü ortaya konulmuş, ABD'nin dış politika stratejilerinin oluşumu ve bu dış politika stratejilerini belirleyen temel unsurlar ele alınarak bu politikaları şekillendiren enerji kaynaklarından petrol ve doğal gaz incelenmiştir. Bu bağlamda Orta Doğu bölgesinin zengin petrol yataklarının ABD çıkarları açısından önemine değinilmiştir. Çalışmada enerji kaynaklarının uluslararası arenada gerek gelişmiş gerekse de gelişmekte olan ülkeler açısından sosyal ve ekonomik refah düzeyinin yükseltilmesinde ve bu arenada söz sahibi olabilmek adına bu kaynağı vazgeçilemez bir nimet olarak gören ülkelerin başında ABD'nin geldiği savunulmaktadır. Orta Doğu'daki mücadelelere katılmak ve bu mücadeleleri kendi lehine çevirmek için çeşitli bahaneler üreterek binlerce kilometre uzakta bile olsa yine de bölge üzerinde söz sahibi olmaya çalıştığı, bölgenin yer altı zenginliklerinde hakimiyet kurmak, bölge üzerindeki sözde müttefiklerine yardım etmek ya da insan haklarının çiğnendiği, soykırımın yapıldığı gibi bahanelerin arkasına sığınarak kendi çıkarları doğrulusunda bölge üzerinde faaliyetlerini sürdürmekte olduğu ve bölgedeki tek büyük gücün sadece kendisi olması için adımlar attığı savunulmuştur. ABD'nin bölgedeki asıl amacının, koltuğa hangi başkan geçerse geçsin hiç fark etmeksizin hedeflerine ulaşmak ve enerji mücadelesinde rakip devletler karşısında kazanacağı kâr paylarını ve menfaatlerini en üst seviyeye taşımak olduğu ve bunu da Amerikan ulusunun çıkarları doğrultusunda yaptığı ve ilerisi içinde yapacağı değerlendirilmiştir. ; One of the cornerstones of the world's life source is energy resources. Mankind has benefited from energy sources since its existence. For this reason, it has attracted the endless and ever-increasing interest of people in the process from the past to the present. In fact, it has been the main cause of many wars and massacres in history. Because energy is needed not only in agriculture and industry, but also in order to meet cultural and social needs. For this reason, it has always brought with it the necessity of obtaining as well as addiction. With the industrial revolution, energy has increased its importance in many fields, primarily in the military and industrial fields. Today, countries can achieve their goals of realizing their social welfare, economy and sustainable development in a positive way by meeting their energy needs, and they shape and implement their foreign policies in this direction. Therefore, world politics is shaped on energy and in the century we live in, there is a great competition between countries to have energy resources. In this study, the importance of energy and energy resources for the interests of the country is emphasized, the concept of energy policies is defined and the role of energy in international relations is revealed, the formation of the foreign policy strategies of the USA and the basic elements that determine these foreign policy strategies are discussed, and oil and natural gas are examined from the energy sources that shape these policies. In this context, the importance of the rich oil fields of the Middle East region in terms of US interests has been mentioned. In the study, it is argued that the USA comes first among the countries that see energy resources as an indispensable blessing in order to increase the level of social and economic welfare in terms of both developed and developing countries in the international arena and in order to have a say in this arena. Even thousands of kilometers away, he tries to have a say in the region, to dominate the underground riches of the region, to help his so-called allies in the region, or to have a It was argued that he was continuing his activities in the region in line with his own interests by hiding behind excuses as was done and taking steps to make himself the only great power in the region. It has been evaluated that the main purpose of the USA in the region is to achieve its goals, regardless of which president takes the seat, and to maximize the profits and interests it will win against rival states in the energy struggle, and that it does this in line with the interests of the American nation and will do so in the future.

Tese de doutoramento em Design, Universidade Lusíada de Lisboa, 2020 ; Exame público realizado em 7 de Maio de 2021 ; Durante o Estado Novo a arquitectura, as artes visuais e performativas, o folclore, a literatura e a cultura em geral, foram usados como instrumentos para expressar os valores que formavam o regime. Tal ocorreu de forma mais incisiva durante as duas primeiras décadas do regime, quando um programa cultural – a Política do Espírito – foi implementado pelo director do Secretariado da Propaganda Nacional, António Ferro, escritor e jornalista associado à primeira geração modernista portuguesa. Não sendo o estudo do uso das artes como instrumento de propaganda novidade na história da arte, o papel do design de interiores – percebido como uma arte menor, subordinada ao que sucede nas 'artes maiores' – costuma ser ignorado. Acontece que em Portugal, num regime centrado na trilogia "Deus, Pátria e Família", a decoração do lar não podia ser descurada como possível veículo ideológico, pelo que se justifica que seja objecto central de investigação. Este estudo aborda como o regime do Estado Novo, através do seu órgão oficial de difusão de propaganda e cultura, doutrinou a população sobre um conjunto de valores estéticos baseados na redescoberta das artes populares e como – rejeitando assim o design moderno, as influências estrangeiras e até os habituais estilos nacionais históricos, imagem de passados decadentes – participou no desenvolvimento de um 'novo' estilo nacional que se apropriava de formas tradicionais do mobiliário e da decoração. Através da observação e análise de fontes primárias estudou-se como esta acção se realizou com o recurso a uma série de diferentes processos e meios desde a apresentação das fontes estéticas nacionais, as artes populares, a exemplos de interiores de casas que seguiam os padrões apropriados exibidos em exposições e na imprensa. Analisa-se igualmente como o próprio regime desenvolveu e promoveu um conjunto de interiores não privados – uma série de pequenas pousadas estatais – que, ao serem concebidas como 'casas de família', vieram a servir de modelo de inspiração e gosto, não só à iniciativa hoteleira nacional, como ao cidadão comum, alcançando-se assim o objectivo original: a construção de uma identidade nacional verdadeiramente consentânea com os valores políticos. O entendimento dos métodos empregados pelos diferentes actores – regime e criadores – para a prossecução deste intento, torna-se essencial para perceber como esta acção pode, hoje, ser lida como um processo de design, num país onde a disciplina começava apenas a definir-se. ; During Estado Novo, architecture, visual and performing arts, folklore, literature and culture in general, were used as instruments to express the values that moulded the regime. This occurred more intensely during the first two decades of the regime, when a cultural policy – A Política do Espírito [the Policy of the Spirit] – was implemented by the director of the National Propaganda Bureau, António Ferro, writer and journalist related to the first Portuguese modernist generation. While the use of the arts as propaganda is not new in art history studies, the role of interior design - perceived as a minor art, subordinated to what happens in the 'major arts' - is often ignored. It so happens that in Portugal, in a regime centred on the "God, Fatherland and Family" trilogy, the decoration of the home could not be neglected as a possible vehicle of ideology, so it is justified that it is a central object of investigation. This study addresses how the Estado Novo regime, through its official propaganda and culture dissemination organ, indoctrinated the population on a set of aesthetic values established on the rediscovery of popular arts and how – thus rejecting modern design, foreign influences and even the usual national historical styles, image of a decadent past – participated in the development of a 'new' national style that appropriated traditional forms of furniture and decoration. Through the review and analysis of primary sources, it was studied how this action was carried out using a series of different processes and mediums, from the presentation of the national aesthetic sources, the folk arts, to examples of home interiors that followed the appropriate standards, all displayed in exhibitions and press. It was also analysed how the regime itself developed and promoted a set of non-private interiors – a series of small state inns, the pousadas – which, being conceived as 'family homes', came to serve as a model of inspiration and taste, not only to the national tourism initiative, as well as to ordinary citizens, thus achieving the original objective: the construction of a national identity truly in line with the political values. Understanding the methods used by the different actors – regime and creators – for the pursuit of this intent, becomes essential to comprehend how this action can, today, be perceived as a design process, occurring in a country where the discipline was beginning to define itself.

Diese Studie bezweckt eine historische Analyse darüber zu liefern, wann und wie die Wahi von Ober Hunzukuc zu Ismailiten geworden sind. Ober Hunzukuc, in der einheimischen Sprache als Gojal bekannt, bezeichnet seit dem Mittelalter den in der Region als Badachschan bekannten Teil des in Pakistan liegenden Karakurum Gebirges. Die Wahi gehören wie alle übrigen Völker aus Badachschan der ostiranischen Sprachfamilie. In dieser Hinsicht sollten die Wahi aus Gojal genauso wie die Wahi aus Afghanistan, Tadschikistan und China-Turkestan im Rahmen des zentralasiatischen Kulturkreises bewertet werden. Wenn ihre Identität zur Hälfte durch das Wahitum gebildet wird, dann wird wohl die andere Hälfe durch die Tradition der Davet-i Nasır gebildet, die eine Interpretation des zentralasiatischen Ismailitentums ist. Wenn auch die Völker des Oberen Hunzukuc abhängig von ihrer Glaubensart unter differenzierten Namen wie Nasıri, Penctani, Mevlevi, Aga Khan bezeichnet werden, so lautet die Bezeichnung, welche ihnen selbst bekannt ist, Davet-i Nasır, welche auf Nasır-ı Hüsrev zurückgeht. Die Tradition von Davet-i Nasır, welche die markanteste Eigenschaft ihrer Glaubensart ist, überlässt in der Gegenwart ihren Platz langsam der Nizari Hodscha Tradition, die eine noch institutionalisierte Organisationsform darstellt, welche unter den Ismailiten in Gojal das wichtigste Diskussionsthema bildet. Eines der wichtigen Merkmale der Region, die im Rahmen sowohl der zentralasiatischen als auch der Ismailitischen Studien bildet, betrifft die Existenz der türkischsprachigen kirgisischen Stämme, die in Gojal zu Ismailiten und als Folge davon auch zu Wahi geworden sind. Anders als die sunnitischen Kirgisen, die in die ismailitischen Siedlungsgebiete nach Tasgurkan (China), Murgab (Tadschikistan) und Wahan (Afghanistan) umgezogen sind, wurden die Kirgisen, die nach Gojal umsiedelten, ismailisiert. Es sieht danach aus, als ob ihre Ismailitisierung zugleich auch ihre Wahitisierung mit sich gebracht hätte. Es zeigt sich, dass sich die sämtliche Geschichte dieser Völker sowie der Tadschiken aus den Bergregionen und die der Wahi, die zu keiner Zeit in der zentralasiatischen Politik Persiens eine zentrale Rolle eingenommen haben, fast auf die mündlich überlieferte Tradition stützt. Aus diesem Grunde stützt sich diese Arbeit jenseits von ganz wenigen historischen Quellen größtenteils auf die Feldstudie, die wir im Jahr 2015 in Ober Hunzukuc durchgeführt haben. ; This paper aims to present an historical analysis of when and how the Wakhis of Upper Hunza became Ismaili. Upper Hunza, known locally as Gojal, is a part of Badakhshan located in the Karakoram Mountains in Pakistan. The Wakhis belong to the Eastern Iranian language group like all the other nations of Badakhshan. This is why we have to consider the Wakhis living in Gojal in the scope of the Central Asian cultural circle, just like the Wakhis of Afghanistan, Tajikistan and Eastern Turkestan of China. Part of their identity stems from the Wakhi culture and the other part from the Dawat-i Nâsir tradition which can be defined as the Central Asian interpretation of Ismailism. The peoples of Upper Hunza have been named according to their belief system as Nâsiri, Panjtani, Mawlavi or Agha Khani. However the name they acknowledge and use is Dawat-i Nâsir, stemming from Nâsir-i Khusraw. Dawat-i Nâsir, their local belief system, which is one of the most prominent characteristics of their identity, now gives way to the Nizari Khoja tradition of India. This is the most striking point of conflict among the intellectuals of Gojal today. Another important characteristic of the region for both Central Asian studies and Ismaili studies is the existence of Turkish speaking Ismaili Kyrgyzs in Gojal who have completely converted to Ismailism and adopted Wakhi culture. Unlike the Sunni Kyrgyz who moved to the Ismaili settlements in Tashkurgan (China), Murgab (Tajikistan), and Wakhan (Afghanistan) yet retained their Sunni faith, those who moved to Upper Hunza converted to Ismailism. Their conversion to Ismailism seems to have paved the way for their assimilation into Wakhi culture. The mountainous Tajiks of Badakhshan, and the Wakhi branch of them, have never been central to the main narratives of Central Asian and Iranian political history, and much of it comes down to us only in the form of oral tradition. For this reason, besides few historical sources, this study based largely on fieldwork I carried out in Upper Hunza in 2015. ; Bu çalışma, Yukarı Hunza Wahilerinin ne zaman ve nasıl İsmaili oldukları hakkında tarihsel bir analiz sunmayı amaçlamaktadır. Yerel dilde Gojal olarak bilinen Yukarı Hunza, ortaçağlardan beri Bedehşan olarak adlandırılan bölgenin Pakistan'daki Karakurum dağlarında kalan kısımlarıdır. Wahiler, diğer bütün Bedehşan halkları gibi Doğu İran dil ailesine mensuptur. Bu yönüyle, Gojal'deki Wahileri, tıpkı Afganistan, Tacikistan ve Çin Türkistanı'ndaki Wahiler gibi Orta Asya kültür dairesi içerisinde değerlendirmek gerekmektedir. Kimliklerinin bir yarısını Wahilik oluşturuyorsa, diğer yarısını da, İsmaililiğin Orta Asya yorumu olarak kabul edeceğimiz Davet-i Nasır geleneği oluşturmaktadır. Yukarı Hunza'daki halklar, inanç biçimlerine bağlı olarak, farklı adlarla, Nasıri, Penctani, Mevlevi, Ağa Hani gibi, adlandırılsalar da, onların bildiği ad, adını Nasır-ı Hüsrev'den alan, Davet-i Nasır'dır. Kimliklerinin en belirgin özelliği olan yerel inanç biçimleri Davet-i Nasır geleneği, günümüzde yavaş yavaş yerini, daha kurumsal bir örgütlenme biçimi olan Hindistanlı Nizari Hocalar geleneğine bırakmaktadır ki, bu durum bugün, Gojal İsmailileri arasındaki en önemli tartışma konusudur. Hem Orta Asya çalışmaları, hem de İsmaililik çalışmaları açısından bölgenin önemli sayılabilecek bir özelliği de, Gojal'deki İsmailileşmiş, bunun sonucu olarak da artık Wahileşmiş, Türk dilli Kırgız kabilelerin varlığıdır. Taşkurgan'daki (Çin), Murgab'taki (Tacikistan), Wahan'daki (Afganistan) İsmaili yerleşim bölgelerine göç eden Sünni Kırgızların aksine, Gojal'e göç etmiş olan Kırgızlar İsmailileşmişlerdir. İsmailileşme aynı zamanda onların Wahileşmesini de beraberinde getirmiş görünmektedir. Orta Asya İran siyasi tarihinin hiçbir zaman merkezinde yer almamış olan bu halkların, dağlı Taciklerin ve onların önemli bir kolu olan Wahilerin, tarihlerinin neredeyse tamamı sözlü geleneğe dayandığını görmekteyiz. Bu nedenledir ki, bu çalışma elimizdeki az sayıdaki tarihi kaynak dışında, büyük ölçüde 2015 yılında Yukarı Hunza'da gerçekleştirdiğimiz saha araştırmasına dayanmaktadır.

The article analyzes the attitude of the Kharkiv University staff to the problem of higher education Ukrainization, actualized after the February Revolution. It is claimed that it was not significantly different from the position of the other two universities of the Dnieper Ukraine – Kyiv and Novorossiysk (Odessa) and was rather cool. Most professors at first demonstrated their negative attitude towards the Ukrainization of social, political and university life, and eventually became generally supportive of the Ukrainization of the cultural and educational sphere though in every way trying to minimize the Ukrainization measures at the university. While declaratively acknowledging the right of Ukrainians to be educated in their mother tongue, university professors remained largely carriers of Russian or Little Russian identity, Russian culture, and therefore did not consider it possible to sacrifice its stronghold – the university actually remaining such one. The position of the student body is not traced; at least, it did not show any significant activity in this matter. Attention is given to the relevant measures of the then authorities and the position of the local public on the university issue. It is emphasized that not only before the formation of the Ukrainian state, but to a great extent even afterwards such actions were situational, episodic, held at the initiative of individuals, lacking some sound basis, proper corporate, public and state support. The reasons for such a situation are analyzed as well: both national and local characteristics of Kharkiv region and the university (long stay of the region under Bolshevik rule, dominance of pro-Russian elements in local administration, weakness of «Prosvita» etc.). Some positions related to the history of Kharkiv University (regarding the formation of the departments of Ukrainian Studies, teaching in Ukrainian by D. Bagaliy and M. Sumtsov, functioning of the People's University etc.) are revised or clarified. ; В статье анализируется отношение коллектива Харьковского университета к проблеме украинизации высшего образования, актуализированной после Февральской революции. Утверждается, что оно существенно не отличалось от позиции двух других университетов Надднепрянщины – Киевского и Новороссийского (Одесского) и было достаточно прохладным. Большинство профессуры сначала демонстрировало отрицательное отношение к украинизации общественно-политической и университетской жизни, со временем стало в целом поддерживать украинизацию культурно-образовательной сферы, однако всячески пыталось минимизировать украинизационные мероприятия в университете. Декларативно признавая право украинцев на образование на родном языке, университетские профессора преимущественно оставались носителями русской или малороссийской идентичности, русской культуры, поэтому не считали возможным жертвовать ее твердыней, каковой фактически оставался университет. Позиция студенчества не прослеживается; по крайней мере, заметной активности в этом вопросе оно не проявляло. Уделяется внимание соответствующим мерам тогдашней власти и позиции местной общественности в университетском вопросе. Подчеркивается, что не только до образования Украинского государства, а в значительной степени и после этого такие действия были ситуативными, эпизодическими, держались на инициативе отдельных лиц, не имели надежной основы, надлежащей корпоративной, общественной и государственной поддержки. Анализируются причины такого положения – как всеукраинского характера, так и локальные, характерные для Харьковщины и университета (длительное пребывание края под большевистской властью, преобладание пророссийских элементов в местной администрации, слабость «Просвиты» и др.). Ревизуются или уточняются некоторые позиции, связанные с историей Харьковского университета (о создании кафедр украиноведческого цикла, преподавании на украинском языке Д. Багалием и Н. Сумцовым, функционировании народного университета и т. п.). ; У статті аналізується ставлення колективу Харківського університету до проблеми українізації вищої освіти, актуалізованої після Лютневої революції. Стверджується, що воно істотно не відрізнялося від позиції двох інших університетів Наддніпрянщини – Київського та Новоросійського (Одеського) й було достатньо прохолодним. Більшість професури спершу демонструвала негативне ставлення до українізації суспільно-політичного й університетського життя, з часом стала загалом підтримувати українізацію культурно-освітньої сфери, проте всіляко намагалася мінімізувати українізаційні заходи в університеті. Декларативно визнаючи право українців на освіту рідною мовою, університетські професори здебільшого залишалися носіями російської чи малоросійської ідентичності, російської культури, тож не вважали за можливе жертвувати її твердинею, якою фактично залишався університет. Позиція студентства не простежується; принаймні, помітної активності в цьому питанні воно не виявляло. Приділяється увага відповідним заходам тогочасної влади та позиції місцевої громадськості в університетському питанні. Підкреслюється, що не лише до утворення Української держави, а значною мірою й після цього такі дії були ситуативними, епізодичними, трималися на ініціативі окремих осіб, не мали надійної основи, належної корпоративної, громадської та державної підтримки. Аналізуються причини такого становища – як загальноукраїнського характеру, так і локальні, характерні для Харківщини й університету (тривале перебування краю під більшовицькою владою, переважання проросійських елементів у місцевій адміністрації, слабкість «Просвіти» та ін.). Ревізуються чи уточнюються деякі позиції, пов'язані з історією Харківського університету (щодо утворення кафедр українознавчого циклу, викладання українською мовою Д. Багалієм та М. Сумцовим, функціонування народного університету тощо).

The political context of the language policy model of Belgium, which, in connection with the languagepolitical problems that split it from the middle, was forced to conclude an alliance treaty and thus to transform from a unitary state to a federal one. The article states that this step did not add to the Belgian community either peace or peace, a lesson for Ukrainian prorussian politicians who, referring to the language and political experience of this state, are trying to introduce in Ukraine a policy that seems to be completely" "Decentralization, regionalization and federalization, which, in their conviction, will strengthen inter-political and inter-governmental relations in the state and will solve in Ukraine all the language-political problems that also split the country from the inside and outside. The author emphasizes that the constituent part of the political context of the language policy model of Belgium, as well as Ukraine, is the language-political problems that are associated with a third party that interferes in the internal affairs of these states. The author tries to show that the language policy of Belgium, which is an important state of the European Union, is closely linked to the linguistic policies of France and the Netherlands, each of which, unlike the Ukrainian authorities, cares about the development of the native state language not only in its own country, and not only on the eve or during the elections to add a few thousand more votes to victory, but also beyond its borders. However, Ukraine's linguistic policy is closely linked to the language policy of neighboring states such as Russia, Hungary, Romania and Poland, each of which is not at all the language in Ukraine, and which language policy is conducted by the Ukrainian authorities in relation to national minorities and indigenous peoples who live compactly on its territory. In this sense, the researcher tries to prove that the language-political model of Belgium is not suitable for Ukraine, which, in comparison with this state, does not consist of separate regions historically populated by other nations, have their own history of development, language and culture, customs and traditions, which have nothing to do with other regions. The national-democratic political forces of Ukraine, referred to by the researcher, claim that the language and political experience of this state can not be a good example for Ukraine, which does not consist of foreign lands, separate territories, which, with the exception of the Crimea, are populated by the overwhelming majority of Ukrainians. ; Досліджується політологічний контекст моделі мовної політики Бельгії, яка, у зв'язку з мовнополітичними проблемами, що розколювали її з середини, змушена була укласти союзний договір і таким чином перетворитися з унітарної держави на федеративну. У статті констатується, що і такий її крок не додав бельгійській спільноті ні спокою, ні миру, що є уроком для українських проросійськи налаштованих політиків, які, посилаючись на мовно-політичний досвід цієї держави, намагаються запровадити в Україні політику, начебто, зовсім «безобідної» децентралізації, регіоналізації і федералізації, яка, на їх переконання, зміцнить міжполітичні і міжвладні стосунки у державі та вирішить в Україні усі мовно-політичні проблеми, які також розколюють країну з середини і зовні. Автор наголошує, що складовою політологічного контексту моделі мовної політики Бельгії як і України є мовно-політичні проблеми, які пов'язані з третьою стороною, яка втручається у внутрішні справи цих держав. Автор намагається показати, що мовна політика Бельгії, яка є важливою державою Єврососоюзу, тісно пов'язана з мовної політикою Франції і Нідерландів, кожна з яких, на відміну від української влади, піклується про розвиток рідної державної мови не лише у своїй країні і не лише напередодні або під час виборів, щоб додати собі ще кілька тисяч голосів виборців для перемоги, а й за її межами. Утім, мовна політика України тісно пов'язана з мовною політикою таких сусідніх з нею держав як Росія, Угорщина, Румунія і Польща, кожній з яких не всеодно, яка мова в Україні є державною і яку мовну політику проводить українська влада по відношенню до національних меншин та корінних народів, які компактно мешкають на її території. У цьому сенсі дослідник намагається довести, що мовно-політична модель Бельгії не підходить Україні, яка, у порівнянні з цією державою, не складається з окремих регіонів, які історично заселені іншими націями, мають власну історію розвитку, мову і культуру, звичаї і традиції, які не мають нічого спільного з іншими регіонами. Національно-демократичні політичні сили України, на які посилається дослідник, запевняють, що мовно-політичний досвід цієї держави не може бути гарним прикладом для України, яка не складається з чужих земель, окремих територій, які, за винятком АРК, заселені у переважній більшості українцями.

The political context of the language policy model of Belgium, which, in connection with the languagepolitical problems that split it from the middle, was forced to conclude an alliance treaty and thus to transform from a unitary state to a federal one. The article states that this step did not add to the Belgian community either peace or peace, a lesson for Ukrainian prorussian politicians who, referring to the language and political experience of this state, are trying to introduce in Ukraine a policy that seems to be completely" "Decentralization, regionalization and federalization, which, in their conviction, will strengthen inter-political and inter-governmental relations in the state and will solve in Ukraine all the language-political problems that also split the country from the inside and outside. The author emphasizes that the constituent part of the political context of the language policy model of Belgium, as well as Ukraine, is the language-political problems that are associated with a third party that interferes in the internal affairs of these states. The author tries to show that the language policy of Belgium, which is an important state of the European Union, is closely linked to the linguistic policies of France and the Netherlands, each of which, unlike the Ukrainian authorities, cares about the development of the native state language not only in its own country, and not only on the eve or during the elections to add a few thousand more votes to victory, but also beyond its borders. However, Ukraine's linguistic policy is closely linked to the language policy of neighboring states such as Russia, Hungary, Romania and Poland, each of which is not at all the language in Ukraine, and which language policy is conducted by the Ukrainian authorities in relation to national minorities and indigenous peoples who live compactly on its territory. In this sense, the researcher tries to prove that the language-political model of Belgium is not suitable for Ukraine, which, in comparison with this state, does not consist of separate regions historically populated by other nations, have their own history of development, language and culture, customs and traditions, which have nothing to do with other regions. The national-democratic political forces of Ukraine, referred to by the researcher, claim that the language and political experience of this state can not be a good example for Ukraine, which does not consist of foreign lands, separate territories, which, with the exception of the Crimea, are populated by the overwhelming majority of Ukrainians. ; Досліджується політологічний контекст моделі мовної політики Бельгії, яка, у зв'язку з мовнополітичними проблемами, що розколювали її з середини, змушена була укласти союзний договір і таким чином перетворитися з унітарної держави на федеративну. У статті констатується, що і такий її крок не додав бельгійській спільноті ні спокою, ні миру, що є уроком для українських проросійськи налаштованих політиків, які, посилаючись на мовно-політичний досвід цієї держави, намагаються запровадити в Україні політику, начебто, зовсім «безобідної» децентралізації, регіоналізації і федералізації, яка, на їх переконання, зміцнить міжполітичні і міжвладні стосунки у державі та вирішить в Україні усі мовно-політичні проблеми, які також розколюють країну з середини і зовні. Автор наголошує, що складовою політологічного контексту моделі мовної політики Бельгії як і України є мовно-політичні проблеми, які пов'язані з третьою стороною, яка втручається у внутрішні справи цих держав. Автор намагається показати, що мовна політика Бельгії, яка є важливою державою Єврососоюзу, тісно пов'язана з мовної політикою Франції і Нідерландів, кожна з яких, на відміну від української влади, піклується про розвиток рідної державної мови не лише у своїй країні і не лише напередодні або під час виборів, щоб додати собі ще кілька тисяч голосів виборців для перемоги, а й за її межами. Утім, мовна політика України тісно пов'язана з мовною політикою таких сусідніх з нею держав як Росія, Угорщина, Румунія і Польща, кожній з яких не всеодно, яка мова в Україні є державною і яку мовну політику проводить українська влада по відношенню до національних меншин та корінних народів, які компактно мешкають на її території. У цьому сенсі дослідник намагається довести, що мовно-політична модель Бельгії не підходить Україні, яка, у порівнянні з цією державою, не складається з окремих регіонів, які історично заселені іншими націями, мають власну історію розвитку, мову і культуру, звичаї і традиції, які не мають нічого спільного з іншими регіонами. Національно-демократичні політичні сили України, на які посилається дослідник, запевняють, що мовно-політичний досвід цієї держави не може бути гарним прикладом для України, яка не складається з чужих земель, окремих територій, які, за винятком АРК, заселені у переважній більшості українцями.

[spa] Rafael Mitjana (1869–1921) desarrolló una importante labor en el campo de la investigación musical, cuyos frutos más conocidos son el «descubrimiento» del Cancionero de Uppsala (Venecia, 1556) y "La musique en Espagne" (1914 y 1920), que es considerada la primera historia de la música española escrita de manera sistemática. Dentro de la obra musicológica de Mitjana destacan también numerosos trabajos sobre música y músicos españoles de los siglos XVI y XVII; por la calidad de sus investigaciones, Mitjana es considerado uno de los padres de la musicología española. Sin embargo, a pesar de la reconocida importancia de esta figura de la música española, poco se sabía hasta ahora sobre su biografía, su trayectoria y su obra como musicólogo, compositor y diplomático. Esta Tesis Doctoral estudia la figura de Rafael Mitjana desde una nueva perspectiva a partir de fuentes primarias localizadas en España y Suecia hasta ahora desconocidas. La Tesis consta de un Estudio dividido en cuatro capítulos (Vol. I) y de once Apéndices (Vol. II, en CD) que contienen la transcripción de 705 documentos (muchos de ellos traducidos del sueco y del francés) y diez partituras autógrafas de Mitjana. En el Capítulo I se ofrece una detallada descripción de las fuentes documentales investigadas en archivos y bibliotecas, entre los que destacan el Archivo del Ministerio de Asuntos Exteriores, en Madrid, la Biblioteca de Catalunya en Barcelona (donde se encuentra la correspondencia con Felipe Pedrell, 1841–1922), la "Kungliga bibliotek-Sveriges national-bibliotek", en Estocolmo, y la "Uppsala universitetsbibliotek", en Uppsala. En los Capítulos II y III se reconstruye la biografía y la actividad diplomática de Mitjana a partir de las nuevas fuentes investigadas, revelándose su ambiente familiar y su relación con personalidades del mundo musical, social, artístico y político de Italia, los Países Bajos, Francia, Suecia, Rusia y España. En el Capítulo IV se comentan sus escritos musicológicos y de crítica musical para vincularlos con el pensamiento regeneracionista, así como sus composiciones musicales. La Bibliografía incluye la lista más completa de publicaciones de Rafael Mitjana (110 ítems, muchas de ellas en la prensa diaria hasta ahora desconocidas) y el Catálogo de sus obras musicales. Esta Tesis Doctoral descubre a Rafael Mitjana como musicólogo, compositor y diplomático cosmopolita e internacionalista, aportando una nueva dimensión al estudio de su figura y su obra. ; [eng] Rafael Mitjana (1869—1921) developed an important role in the field of musical research; his more wellknown achievements are the discovery of the Cancionero de Uppsala (Venecia, 1556) and La musique en Espagne (1914 and 1920), which is considered the first history of Spanish music written in a systematic way. He also conducted several studies on Spanish music and Spanish musicians from the 16th and 17th centuries; due to the soundness of his research Mitjana is considered one of the founders of Spanish musicology. Nevertheless, despite the importance of this personality of Spanish music, very little is known about his biography and his activity as a critic, composer and diplomat. This Doctoral Dissertation studies the personality of Rafael Mitjana from a new perspective after unknown primary sources in Spain and Sweden. This Dissertation is composed by a Study divided into four chapters (Vol. I) and eleven Appendices (Vol. II) which include the transcription of more than 700 documents (many of them translated from the French and the Swedish) and nine musical manuscripts on which the research is based. Chapter I contains a detailed description of the documentary sources investigated in archives and libraries of Spain and Sweden among which stand out the Archivo del Ministerio de Asuntos Exteriores, in Madrid, Biblioteca de Catalunya (correspondence with Felipe Pedrell, 1844--1922), in Barcelona, Kungliga bibliotek-Sveriges nationalbibliotek, in Stockholm, and Uppsala universitetsbibliotek, in Uppsala. Chapters II and III contain the reconstruction of Rafael Mitjana's biography after the new sources investigated; this new biography reveals Mitjana's family environment and his connections with personalities of the musical, social, artistic and political worlds from Italy, Low Countries, France, Sweden and Spain. Chapter IV includes a commentary of Mitjana's writtings as a musicoligist and music critic with the aim of linking him to the regenerationist thought; this chapter also contains the analysis of several musical works by Mitjana. The bibliography contains the most complete list of the 107 published works by Mitjana (many of them unknown in journals) and the catalogue of his musical works. This Doctoral Dissertation reveals the figure of Rafael Mitjana as a cosmopolitan and internationalist musicologist, composer and diplomat, providing a new dimension from which study his figure and his works.

[spa] La tesis recoge el rescate, la ordenación y una primera catalogación del Archivo de la Junta de Protección a la Infancia (Menores) de Barcelona, institución que se crea en 1908 y que estuvo vigente hasta 1985. Este archivo se encuentra actualmente depositado en el Arxiu Nacional de Catalunya (ANC), agrupado en los Fondos Documentales 334 y 181. Por su componente y carácter documental y documentario primordial y con los instrumentos que facilita (una GUÍA que agrupa la información de los legajos desde diversos criterios de tipo cronólogico, técnico, etc.), hará más fácil y productivo el acceso a este archivo por parte del "corpus académico" y del público en general. Se acompaña de estudios complementarios de enmarcamiento histórico y pedagógico que describen: · el proceso de construcción del "espacio social infancia"; · las diferentes respuestas e instituciones, que históricamente se han sucedido en la acción social con la infancia (con especial incidencia en aquellas situadas en Barcelona); · la situación económica, política y social que ve alumbrar la institución en nuestro país; · y se explican las posiciones institucionales y pedagógicas en las que se inscribe la misma, relacionándolas con los factores que la hicieron posible: la aposentación del sistema de burgués basado en el proto-estado social, que se configura en el cambio de siglo del XIX al XX. Realiza también, desde la explotación de la información y de los datos del mismo Archivo, un estudio, introductorio, del transcurso histórico de la institución, en todo su recorrido cronólogico, presentando asímismo, una explicación y descripción lógica de la institución Junta de Protección a la Infància de Barcelona en toda su función y proyección social, desde el estudio diacrónico histórico, y todo ello, relacionándolo sincrónicamente con la historia de la educación social, en particular, y de la acción social, en general. Se complementa con 4 anexos que recogen: la información legislativa de las normas de afectación a la misma, inventarios de archivos complementarios y la reproducción facsímil de más de 20 documentos seleccionados del Archivo, que se presentan comentados y contextualizados y que sirven para ofrecer una imagen representativa bastante ajustada de la institución y de su recorrido histórico. ; [eng] The PhD thesis encompasses the recuperation, the sorting and also an initial cataloguing of the Archive of the 'Junta de Protección a la Infancia (Menores) de Barcelona' (the Barcelona Childhood (Minors) Protection Board), an institution which was established in 1908 and in operation until 1985. This Archive is currently deposited in the 'Arxiu Nacional de Catalunya (ANC)' (National Archive of Catalonia), classified under the 'Fondos Documentales' 334 and 181. Owing to its documentary components and character and, and thanks to the type of tools it offers (a criteria specific GUIDE classifying information from the various registers according to chronological, technical, etc. specifications) it should provide for an easier and more productive access to this archive both for academic bodies and for the public in general. The PhD thesis is complemented by additional historically and pedagogically based analyses describing the following aspects: · the process related to the construction of the "social childhood space"; · the various types of responses and institutions which historically have come about as a result of social action with regards to childhood (with a particular level of incidence of those located in Barcelona); · the economical, political and social situation in which the institution comes to light in our country; · an explanation of the institutional and pedagogical positions in which the institution is inscribed is also offered, relating these positions to the factors which brought about the institution: the establishment of a bourgeois type system based on the social proto-state, shaped during the transition from the 19th to the 20th century. Drawing upon the information and the data available in the Archive, the PhD thesis also comprises an introductory study of the historical lifespan of the institution in the entirety of its chronological development. Moreover, it offers an explanation and a logical description of the 'Junta de Protección a la Infancia de Barcelona', fully covering the aspect of its social function and projection. This is carried out by means of a historical diachronic analysis, entirely interrelated synchronically with the history of social education in particular and social action in general. The PhD thesis is further complemented by 4 appendixes which encompass: the legislative information regarding the norms, in addition to inventories of complementary archives and facsimile copies of more than 20 selected documents from the Archive, all of which are commented and contextualised, thus providing a representative and relatively balanced image of the institution and its historical background.

Ö Z E TYakın tarihimizin önemli noktalarından sayılan, "Musul Meselesi" çözümünün adil olmadığı, günümüzde daha açıklık kazanmıştır.Yapılan haksızlıklardan en büyük huzursuzluğu da,bölgedeki toplumlar arasında, Irak Türklerinin yaşadığı söylenebilir. Birinci Dünya Savaşı'nda Osmanlı Devleti ve müttefiklerinin yenilmesi ile Anadolu ile Arap yarımadası arasında bulunan Mezopotamya bölgesinde İngiliz İmparatorluğu'nun petrol çıkarları doğrultusunda,yapay sınırlarla Irak Devleti kurulmuştur. Musul ve Kerkük bölgesi Misak-ı Milli kapsamında olmasına ve burada yaşayan Türklerin de nüfusun çoğunluğunu teşkil etmesine rağmen, bölge, İngilizlerin çeşitli hile ve entrikalarıyla Türkiye'den kopartılmıştır. Lozan ve Haliç konferansları sonuçsuz kalınca, bölgenin kaderi Milletler Cemiyeti'nin vereceği karara bağlanmak istendi. Milletler Cemiyeti'nin kararını Türkiye kabul etmedi ise de, sonunda 05 Haziran 1926 Ankara Antlaşması'nı imzalayarak, bugünkü Musul, Kerkük, Erbil ve Süleymaniye illerini kapsayan o dönemin Musul vilayetini İngiliz mandası altında Irak'a bıraktı.Ancak 1932 yılında, manda rejiminden sonra, Irak Türklerinin hakları tanınmış, kendi dilleriyle eğitim hakkı, Türk bölgelerinde Türkçe'nin de resmi dil olması, görev yapacak memurların imkan nispetinde aynı bölgelerden seçilmeleri garanti altına alınmıştı.Fakat,Irak, Milletler Cemiyeti garantisi altında taahhüt ettiği bu hakları Türklere hiç uygulamamıştır.Saddam diktatörlüğü döneminde ise, Türk toplumuna yapılan haksızlıklar artmış,siyasi ve kültürel hakları çiğnenmiş,vatandaşlık hakları Türklerden esirgenmiştir. Her iki savaştan sonra Irak'taki durum,Türkmen toplumunun endişelerini arttırmıştır.Türkmenler,hem yeni Irak yönetiminin,hem de Kürt liderlerin yanlış politikalarına maruz kalmıştır.Irak'ın önümüzdeki günlerde alacağı şekil Türkmenler ve dolayısı ile Türkiye için çok önemlidir. 2004 Haziran ayında oluşturulan ve Temmuz ayı başından itibaren yönetimi üstlenen hükümet içerisinde sadece bir Türkmen bakan yer alabilmiştir.O'na da bilim ve teknolojik gelişmelerle ilgili sorumluluklar,yani Irak'ta etkisi ve uygulaması hiç bulunmayan hususlar bağlanmıştır.Yeni kurulacak Irak Devleti'nde Türkmenler açısından en tercih edilen yönetim,yeni devlet otoritesinin bütün ülke sınırları içerisinde sağlanmasını müteakip,toplumların nüfuslarına göre temsil edildikleri demokratik bir yapıya kavuşulması olacaktır.Eğer Irak Devleti üniter değil, federasyon olacaksa,bunun da etnik veya dini esaslara göre değil,coğrafi esaslara göre yapılması gerekir,Irak Türkleri ve bölgenin geleceği için en faydalı olan yapılanma düşünülüyorsa,bu yönetim şekillerinden birisi uygulanmalıdır. SUMMARY Today it is more obviously understood that the implemented solution for "Mousul Conflict", which is accepted as one of the milestone events of our recent history, is not fair. It can be easily uttered that of all the injustice made among the local communities, Turks in Iraq faced the worst.With the defeat of Ottoman Empire and its Allies in the First World War, Iraq is established with artificial borders in the region of Mesopotamia ,which is placed between Anatolia and Arabian Peninsulas, through the petroleum benefits of the Great Britain Empire. Although the Mousul and Kirkuk is within the borders defined in the National Pact and the majority of the population who lives there were Turks, this region was segregated from Turkey by the various ruses and intrigues of the Great Britain Empire.Since the Lousanne and Golden Horn Conferences did not come to a solution, the faith of the region was depended on the Nations Association's decision. Although turkey did not agree with the Nations Association's decision, in the end in 05 July 1926 signed the Ankara Treaty and left the Mousul City, which includes today's cities of Kırkuk, Mousul, Erbil, Süleymaniye , to Iraq under the mandatory of Great Britain Empire.However, after the mandatory regime in 1932, rights of the Turks in Irak including education rights in native language were given formally, and to accept Turkish as formal language in Turkish regions and to select the employees from the same regions were relatively guaranteed. But, Iraq has never implemented these rights of Turks accepted under the guarantee of Nations Association by them. As for the Saddam dictatorship, injustices acted to Turks had been increased, political and cultural rights were violated, citizen rights of Turks were not given. After both fights, situation in Iraq increased the anxieties of Turkmen. Turkmen were subjected to wrong politics of both Iraq government and Kurdish leaders. Act of Iraq government in following days is essential for Turkmen and so Turkey. There was only one Turkman minister within the government that was formed in June 2004 and took on the administration from the start of July. He was responsible for science and technologic developments, that is to say, the points which do not have any effect or application. The most preferable regime in the new form of Iraq amongst the Turkmen is a democratic structure that is represented according to the societies' population percentages after providing government authority within the whole country. If Iraq Government will be a federation but not unitary, this also must be done depending upon geographical foundations but not ethnic or religious foundations. If the most profitable reform for the Turks in Iraq and future of region is considered, one of these regimes must be implemented.

Technology foresight (TF) is increasingly used by governments, funding agencies, R&D institutions and private companies as a tool for strategy development, prioritisation of R&D funds, and learning. Although the Nordic Council of Ministers aims at"developing Nordic region in next 10 years as the most attractive region in terms of education, research and industry", there seem to be no effective mechanisms capable of embracing the various activities and initiatives at Nordic level. The reportanalyses the potentials of TF in building a Nordic knowledge region. On-going TF activities in the Nordic countries are described as well as the prospects for Nordic TFs. The potentials of a Nordic TF are closely connected with spatial proximity andshared values, as well as with a willingness to exchange experience and to learn from each other. On the other hand, some doubtful concerns stem from the economic and social differences among the Nordic countries. Nordic foresight cooperation may alsoremain as a distant academic exercise if proper links to political and economic decisions cannot be made and maintained. A technology foresight exercise might serve different institutions of the innovation system and the society at large at the sametime. The report recommends: 1. The establishment of a Nordic forum for technology foresight practitioners and researchers. 2. The creation of a common follow-up system for relevant international technology foresight exercises. 3. The realisation oftechnology foresight exercises that involve participants from various Nordic countries (e.g. focusing on specific technologies or problem areas or in selected cross-border regions). ; In the globalised knowledge economy, with increased industrial and economic competition, intense pressure is put on companies to be adaptable and innovative. Private and public decisionmakers must cope with rapid technological developments by anticipating new opportunities and threats. This has intensified the search for proper tools that will create strategic intelligence in decision-making systems. In this context technology foresight exercises are regarded effective tools for "wiring up" the innovation system. Nordic technology foresight (TF) is defined as "systematic, future-oriented interaction processes contributing to shared visions concerning long-term technological developments. In the TF exercises, technological developments are examined in their real-world, economic and societal context, with attention to a wide pool of knowledge and the viewpoints of various interest groups. The processes can be broad-scope or more focused. The purpose is to facilitate communication between the interest groups and to increase decision-makers' and key actors' knowledge base, so that desirable technological developments can be supported with relevant Nordic strategies, decisions and actions. Both analyses and interaction are important in this respect". The Nordic countries have a long tradition of cooperation within research, education, and innovation. Although the Nordic Council of Ministers aims at "developing Nordic region in next 10 years as the most attractive region in terms of education, research and industry", there seem to be no effective mechanisms capable of embracing the various activities and initiatives at Nordic level. Here a Nordic technology foresight may be a promising tool in building a Nordic knowledge region. By increasing Nordic competence and competitiveness, and by creating critical mass behind specific proposals, a Nordic TF may act as a gear change between national research and development activities and the larger European research system within Nordic priority areas. In the Nordic countries governmental institutions, academia and private institutions have embarked on technology foresight activities, though with varying degrees of intensity and at different speeds. The rationale for Nordic technology foresight activities rests on the common values created through a common history and culture and a well consolidated Nordic collaboration within research and innovation. The potentials of a Nordic technology foresight are closely connected with spatial proximity and shared values, as well as with a willingness to exchange experience and to learn from each other. On the other hand, some doubtful concerns stem from the economic and social differences among the Nordic countries. Nordic foresight cooperation may also remain as a distant academic exercise if proper links to political and economic decisions cannot be made and maintained. A technology foresight exercise might serve different institutions of the innovation system and the society at large at the same time. The report recommends: 1. The establishment of a Nordic forum for technology foresight practitioners and researchers. 2. The creation of a common follow-up system for relevant international technology foresight exercises (including monitoring of selected trends and early signals). 3. The realisation of technology foresight exercises that involve participants from various Nordic countries (e.g. focusing on specific technologies or problem areas or in selected cross-border regions).

Version française d'une communication donnée en anglais lors du 11th International Conference of Historical Geographers CIEQ (Centre Interuniversitaire d'Etudes Québecoises) Université Laval, Québec, Canada ; History and geography of ball in France. A changing process according to those of the socio-political structures From 1880 to 1900, French public authorities have try to strengthen the new republican regime. The reinforcement of local council was one of their means. This brought the country people's adhesion to the new regime. These targets had been mainly pursued by taking the significant spatial and community symbolic which was until then in the Church hands. By instituing the 14th of july (14-juillet) national feast, a republican model of community and communal space sacralisation is established with some specific festive rituals. Among them, the most important is the ball, called the public ball but which I call the republican ball. Socio-spatial imaginary has been durably structured by this model throughout all the XXth century. Today, its fast decline is due to the diffusion of new local spatial practices by the generalisation of urban ways of life. But the model is still influent: it explains why the heritage of some XIXth century political quarrels is still living on; it's also the reason of the recurrent failing of local councils reunification laws. This paper wants to define spatial specificities of these festive ritual symbolics to show their political importance: this study of one and a half century appears to be really rich; we will speak about the following points: - the ball's permanent and important evolution although it's traditional image seems fixed. - although regurlarly renewed, it maintains heritages and the active remembering of old quarrels. - balls are permanently at political stake; that's why local and national politician are forever concerned; they also built a strong legal frame because it always has given them legitimacy, especially during changing times. - althrough each period, it has helped to construct local communities; so, it gives a fine view of different kinds of rural and urban spaces (deep rural, perirural, periurban and central urban) by the mean of mentalities. - when studying the balls' audience, it shows the evolution of 4 different level of local space mental structures. - the important contrasts in their pratice makes us wander about the survival of regional cultural behaviours in a strongly standardized France. key words: dancing, country and city, suburban, local places, local authorities, social bind, representation, perceptive space, symbolic place, territory and community, cultural identity, regionalism ; Histoire et géographie du bal en France. Une évolution qui accompagne celle des structures socio-politiques Entre 1880 et 1900, les autorités françaises s'efforcent de consolider le nouveau régime républicain. Entre autres, on renforce l'autonomie municipale et cela va susciter l'adhésion des populations rurales au nouveau régime. La poursuite de ces objectifs passe par la prise en compte de l'importance de la symbolique spatiale et collective jusqu'alors dominée par l'Eglise. A travers l'institution de la fête nationale du 14-juillet se met ainsi en place un modèle spécifiquement républicain de sacralisation de la communauté et de l'espace communal. Pour cela, on organise des rituels festifs spécifiques dont le bal dit significativement bal public est le plus important: on peut parler de bal républicain. Structurant durablement l'imaginaire socio-spatial, ce modèle domine tout le XXe siècle. Aujourd'hui, il décline rapidement du fait de la diffusion de nouvelles pratiques de l'espace local engendrées par la généralisation des modes de vie urbains. Mais son influence reste forte et explique l'importance de l'héritage des querelles politiques du XIXe siècle ou les difficultés à envisager des regroupements de communes. Notre propos vise donc à définir les spécificités spatiales de la symbolique de ces rituels festifs et à mettre en valeur leur importance politique. Cette étude sur un siècle et demi se révèle très riche; nous insisterons sur les points suivants: - malgré une image de tradition immuable le bal connaît une évolution importante et permanente. - bien que novateur, il perpétue les héritages, les conflits anciens. - il est un enjeu politique permanent qui explique l'implication des dirigeants locaux et des représentants du pouvoir central en même temps qu'un encadrement juridique conséquent car il a toujours contribué à asseoir leur légitimité, surtout en période de transition. - à chaque époque, il contribue à construire les communautés locales et permet ainsi de les observer en distinguant finement rural isolé, rural plus dynamique, périurbain et urbain à travers une approche qui insiste sur les mentalités. - l'étude de ses publics permet de mettre en valeur différents niveaux de structuration de l'espace local et leur évolution. - par ses contrastes de pratique il permet aussi de s'interroger sur la permanence de comportements culturels régionaux. mots clés: bal, villes-campagnes, périphérie urbaine, territoire, localité, représentation, espace vécu, pouvoirs locaux, lien social, spatialité symbolique.

Version française d'une communication donnée en anglais lors du 11th International Conference of Historical Geographers CIEQ (Centre Interuniversitaire d'Etudes Québecoises) Université Laval, Québec, Canada ; History and geography of ball in France. A changing process according to those of the socio-political structures From 1880 to 1900, French public authorities have try to strengthen the new republican regime. The reinforcement of local council was one of their means. This brought the country people's adhesion to the new regime. These targets had been mainly pursued by taking the significant spatial and community symbolic which was until then in the Church hands. By instituing the 14th of july (14-juillet) national feast, a republican model of community and communal space sacralisation is established with some specific festive rituals. Among them, the most important is the ball, called the public ball but which I call the republican ball. Socio-spatial imaginary has been durably structured by this model throughout all the XXth century. Today, its fast decline is due to the diffusion of new local spatial practices by the generalisation of urban ways of life. But the model is still influent: it explains why the heritage of some XIXth century political quarrels is still living on; it's also the reason of the recurrent failing of local councils reunification laws. This paper wants to define spatial specificities of these festive ritual symbolics to show their political importance: this study of one and a half century appears to be really rich; we will speak about the following points: - the ball's permanent and important evolution although it's traditional image seems fixed. - although regurlarly renewed, it maintains heritages and the active remembering of old quarrels. - balls are permanently at political stake; that's why local and national politician are forever concerned; they also built a strong legal frame because it always has given them legitimacy, especially during changing times. - althrough each period, it has helped to construct local communities; so, it gives a fine view of different kinds of rural and urban spaces (deep rural, perirural, periurban and central urban) by the mean of mentalities. - when studying the balls' audience, it shows the evolution of 4 different level of local space mental structures. - the important contrasts in their pratice makes us wander about the survival of regional cultural behaviours in a strongly standardized France. key words: dancing, country and city, suburban, local places, local authorities, social bind, representation, perceptive space, symbolic place, territory and community, cultural identity, regionalism ; Histoire et géographie du bal en France. Une évolution qui accompagne celle des structures socio-politiques Entre 1880 et 1900, les autorités françaises s'efforcent de consolider le nouveau régime républicain. Entre autres, on renforce l'autonomie municipale et cela va susciter l'adhésion des populations rurales au nouveau régime. La poursuite de ces objectifs passe par la prise en compte de l'importance de la symbolique spatiale et collective jusqu'alors dominée par l'Eglise. A travers l'institution de la fête nationale du 14-juillet se met ainsi en place un modèle spécifiquement républicain de sacralisation de la communauté et de l'espace communal. Pour cela, on organise des rituels festifs spécifiques dont le bal dit significativement bal public est le plus important: on peut parler de bal républicain. Structurant durablement l'imaginaire socio-spatial, ce modèle domine tout le XXe siècle. Aujourd'hui, il décline rapidement du fait de la diffusion de nouvelles pratiques de l'espace local engendrées par la généralisation des modes de vie urbains. Mais son influence reste forte et explique l'importance de l'héritage des querelles politiques du XIXe siècle ou les difficultés à envisager des regroupements de communes. Notre propos vise donc à définir les spécificités spatiales de la symbolique de ces rituels festifs et à mettre en valeur leur importance politique. Cette étude sur un siècle et demi se révèle très riche; nous insisterons sur les points suivants: - malgré une image de tradition immuable le bal connaît une évolution importante et permanente. - bien que novateur, il perpétue les héritages, les conflits anciens. - il est un enjeu politique permanent qui explique l'implication des dirigeants locaux et des représentants du pouvoir central en même temps qu'un encadrement juridique conséquent car il a toujours contribué à asseoir leur légitimité, surtout en période de transition. - à chaque époque, il contribue à construire les communautés locales et permet ainsi de les observer en distinguant finement rural isolé, rural plus dynamique, périurbain et urbain à travers une approche qui insiste sur les mentalités. - l'étude de ses publics permet de mettre en valeur différents niveaux de structuration de l'espace local et leur évolution. - par ses contrastes de pratique il permet aussi de s'interroger sur la permanence de comportements culturels régionaux. mots clés: bal, villes-campagnes, périphérie urbaine, territoire, localité, représentation, espace vécu, pouvoirs locaux, lien social, spatialité symbolique.

Continuación del no. 12 -- No. 13 : acta de independencia de la Provincia de Cartagena en la Nueva Granada -- No. 14 : acta por la cual el brigadier Baraya y sus oficiales se separaron del gobierno de Cundinamarca -- No. 15 : oficio de los diputados para el Congreso al presidente Nariño y su contestación -- No. 16 : tratados entre el supremo poder egecutivo de Cundinamarca y los comisionados que nombró la diputación general de las provincias, residente en Ibagué -- Tratados de Santarosa, celebrados en 30 de julio de 1812 entre los gobiernos de Cundinamarca y Tunja -- Artículos adicionales -- Ratificación del gobierno de Tunja -- No. 17 : documentos sobre la instalación del Congreso de las Provincias Unidas de la Nueva Granada -- Alocución del Congreso : el Congreso á los pueblos de la Nueva Granada -- No. 18 : decreto del Congreso de la Nueva Granada declarando a don Antonio Nariño, usurpador y tirano -- No. 19 : oficios del general Bolívar al Congreso de la Nueva Granada y al presidente de Cundinamarca, sobre la campaña de Venezuela, en 1813 -- No. 20 : proclamas por las cuales el general Bolívar declaró la guerra a muerte -- No. 21 : oficio dirigido por el presidente de Quito don Torivio Montes, al gobierno de Santafé -- No. 22 : acta de independencia de la provincia de Santafé ó Cundinamarca, en la Nueva Granada -- Acta de independencia de la provincia de Antioquía -- No. 23 : oficio del general Nariño al brigadier Samano -- No. 24 : ley decretada por la legislatura provincial de Antioquia concediendo la libertad a los hijos de las esclavas -- No. 25 : oficio del presidente de Quito, Montes, al general español Aymerich -- No. 26 : oficio del teniente general español don Toribio Montes, al congreso de la Nueva Granada -- Contestación del presidente del Congreso de las Provincias Unidas al anterior oficio -- No. 27 : decreto del Congreso para reunir un convento eclesiástico -- No. 28 : el ciudadano Manuel Rodríguez Torices, presidente gobernador del estado de Cartagena de Indias, a los habitantes de él, de cualquier clase y condición que sean hago saber -- No. 29 : decreto del congreso para que se invitara Cundinamarca a la Unión -- Oficio con que el gobierno de la Unión dirigió al de Cundinamarca el antecedente acuerdo -- No. 30 : decreto de Fernando VII, aboliendo la constitución de las cortes de Cádiz -- Ministerio de Guerra ; 236 p.

During the German-Soviet War of 1941–1945, Ukraine was occupied by Nazi Germany. Objectively standards of living were a subject to change. The main idea of the article is to study the peculiarities of inhabitants daily lives of the Kremenchukc city, dictated by the change of the Soviet regime's political regime to the Nazis one during the 1941–1943 war period.The struggle for the revival of the Ukrainian national state that arose as a result of the Russian Empire collapse did not reach its main goal. A significant territory of Ukraine for decades felt into the dependence on the newest Soviet communist state, whereas the Ukrainian nation had to pay alot for staying there. During the post-war decades, millions of Ukrainians were brought to death. Therefore, the citizens who remained in the occupied territory had secretly some hope for positive changes in their own daily lives, without the suffering brought to them by the Soviet totalitarian regime. Nationally conscious Ukrainians looked for the defeat the Soviet empire in order to revive Ukrainian statehood. In particular, Kremenchuk's activity was characterized by a nationalist underground, headed by Mikhail Shchepansky, editor-in-chief of the magazine "Dnipro wave".The Nazi regime, like the Soviets, paid a lot of attention to propagandize the principles of the "new order", it was the liberation mission of the German army in the struggle against the "Bolshevik" regime, with the aim to form their own social support in this way.A symbol in the military everyday life of Kremenchuk during the German occupation was the magazine "Dnepr Wave", which carried out an informational and educational mission. The materials of the publication reflected the expression of the editorial staff to inform the population about the orders and requirements of the occupation authorities, assistance in adapting to the new order and supporting of elementary cultural and educational inquiries, such as primary, agricultural and paramedic education, theater, and church. The magazine also touched some "hard themes" of Soviet reality: dispossession, political repressions, the Holodomor of 1932–1933, which in turn, under the Soviet political regime were prohibited by communist censorship.An extraordinary page of the spiritual life of the city was the activity of the Ivan Tobilevich Town Theater. The classical Ukrainian plays were put on the stage: "Wedding on the Goncharivka", "Following two rabbits", "Without talent", "Fuss", etc. Some evening parties were organized at Christmas, in which the the Mykola Lysenko chorus chapel took part.An original form of everyday life coverage of the city were the reports of the towns inhabitants themselves, which became authors, narrators, reporters of the current situation as well as chroniclers of their own history. An analysis of historical existence through the consciousness of an individual becomes an instrument of microhistorical knowledge, a subjective reflection of reality.The tragedy of the Soviet troops was reflected on the pages of "Dniproviy Wave" which was a part of the South-Western Front. The surroundings and the demolition the thousands of fighters, including a significant number of Ukrainians, have cauzed condolences to the local population. The prisoners of Soviet soldiers, who were stationed in a concentration camp in Kremenchug, were in absolute need of things essential: food, footwear, and warm clothes. For these reasons, the newspaper published an "Appeal to the population of the city of Kremenchug", in which it urged the city's residents to help the captives with clothes, underwear's and footwears as well.Consequently, for an ordinary citizen, the military everyday life established the Nazi political regime of the Third Reich and under certain conditions a liberal one. The "New Order" excluded the opposition to its formation. Otherwise, there was a cruel punishment. It was once the case of the nationalist underground led by Schepansky, which was defeated in March 1942.The study of the military everyday life of Kremenchuk, dictated by the change with the Soviet political regime over the Nazis one during 1941–1943 showed that the inhabitants for the first time became acquainted with the open objective evaluation of crimes committed by the Soviet authorities. People looked for return to the spiritual life: church, theater, open press. Indeed, even the minimal nationally oriented subjects on the pages of the newspaper contributed to the formation of nationalpatriotic feelings, supported the faith of the population in the revival of Ukrainian statehood. ; У статті на основі свідчень сучасників подій зображено воєнне повсякдення міста Кременчука у 1941–1943 рр. Основним джерелом для написання розвідки стали матеріали газети "Дніпрова хвиля", що виходила у місті у роки нацистської окупації. Численні дописи мешканців на сторінках видання подають яскраву й водночас драматичну картину побуту містян, змальовують прояви українського культурно-освітнього життя Кременчука воєнної доби. Газета стала осередком націоналістичного підпілля, яким у місті керував головний редактор видання Михайло Щепанський. Зазначено, що саме на сторінках видання містяни вперше віднайшли об'єктивну інформацію про злочини, вчинені сталінським режимом у передвоєнні роки і перші дні війни. У цей період видання активно пропагувало просвітницькі матеріали, які сприяли формування національної свідомості, підтримували віру населення у відродження української державності. Кореспонденції читачів надають часопису особливого колориту, підкреслюють затребуваність національно-просвітницької тематики і являють собою різнопланове джерело мікроісторичного спрямування.