Suchergebnisse

Trafficking is an emerging concern in West Africa that is gaining increasing attention from the international community. This paper examines the relationship between trafficking and fragility in the region through a meta-analysis of existing knowledge and data on the subject. Given the scope of this paper, we will not attempt to provide any primary empirical or qualitative analysis, but instead focus on offering a comprehensive, unbiased overview of the recent policy and academic literature on the subject, which we hope will assist development practitioners working in the region and help the World Bank identify possible programmatic responses. The authors start this paper by defining trafficking to frame our analysis, and then provide an overview of the trafficking economy across the region. Next, authors outline the potential channels between trafficking and fragility, discussing the actors involved (organized criminal groups, rebels, local or national level politicians, the military, and civilians) and their relevance to specific countries. Finally, the authors present our suggestions on possible policy and programmatic responses, based on identifying both regional and external dimensions to the problems.

For the 2014-2020 programming period, the Government of Romania (GoR) is considering a new approach presented by the European Commission (EC) - community-led local development (CLLD). Through CLLD, empowered communities have the opportunity to directly shape and own the process of local development, during all stages of EU - funded interventions, from concept design through implementation. If Romania ultimately pursues CLLD, the critical task facing the government is to design an optimal implementation framework for the new approach - this is precisely the focus and scope of the current integrated intervention tool (IIT). The preparation of this IIT entailed a number of steps, including extensive field work to define relevant subtypes of urban marginalized communities and to review past experiences with urban integration in Romania. This summary covers multiple sections, in line with the key chapters of the main IIT report. It first reviews CLLD's main features and best practice principles at the EU level. It focuses on Romania, making some recommendations for where CLLD can apply and what it will require in terms of coordinating different sources of funding. It also covers the main six stages of operationalizing CLLD in Romania, as follows: launch: preparations through capacity building and information campaigns; call for expressions of interest regarding the potential submission of local integration strategies (LISs); mobilization of the community for the establishment of local action groups (LAG) and development of LIS by each LAG; selection of strategies to be financed; implementation of LISs approved for financing, including selection and implementation of individual projects under these strategies; and phase-out activities and evaluation.

The World Bank has prepared three reports in the framework of the promoting inclusive growth in Hungary reimbursable advisory service activity, with a view to provide clear step-by-step guidance for addressing complex social inclusion challenges by leveraging European Union (EU) funds. The reports examine three dimensions of social inclusion in Hungary: measuring inclusive growth for enhanced development impact focuses on methods for monitoring development outcomes and better targeting of social investments. Enabling inclusive growth in Hungary discusses how national-level planning can better support local planning and implementation. The people behind the numbers, a handbook for the implementation of local equal opportunity programs in Hungary, offers practical guidance and instruments to empower local stakeholders to shape the local social inclusion landscape more actively and effectively as part of local equal opportunity programs.

Policy makers are often confronted with a myriad of factors in the investment decision-making process. This issue is particularly acute in infrastructure investment decisions, as these often involve significant financial resources and lock-in technologies. In regions and countries where the infrastructure access gap is large and pubic budgets severely constrained, the importance of considering the different facets of the decision-making process becomes even more relevant. This paper discusses the trade-offs policy makers confront when attempting to prioritize infrastructure investments, in particular with regard to economic growth and welfare, and proposes a methodological framework for prioritizing infrastructure projects and portfolios that holistically equates such trade-offs, among others. The analysis suggests that it is not desirable to have a single methodology, providing a single ranking of infrastructure investments, because of the complexities of infrastructure investments. Rather, a multidisciplinary approach should be taken. Decision makers will also need to account for factors that are often not easily measured. While having techniques that enable logical frameworks in the decision-making process of establishing priorities is highly desirable, they are no substitute for consensus building and political negotiations.

This paper quantifies the misallocation of manufacturing output and factors of production between establishments across Indian districts during 1989-2010. It first distills a number of stylized facts about misallocation in India, and demonstrates the validity of misallocation metrics by connecting them to regulatory changes in India that affected real property. With this background, the study next quantifies the implications and determinants of factor and output misallocation. Although more-productive establishments in India tend to produce more output, factors of production are grossly misallocated. A better allocation of output and factors of production is associated with greater output per worker. Misallocation of land plays a particularly important role in these challenges.

Until very recently, in the debates on water in the Spanish and European context, the concept of the Human Right to Water and Sanitation (HRWS) evoked foreign realities, typical of Latin American countries or other regions of the global south. However, since the beginning of the Great Recession in 2008, as a result of the consequent emergence of situations of poverty and precariousness, the concern to defend the recognition and implementation of this right became present. The declaration of the HRWS by the United Nations in 2010 (United Nations 2010a,2010b), coinciding with this historical juncture, has promoted processes and debates around its effective implementation at an international, European and Spanish level. The current health crisis and the consequent economic debacle caused by the COVID-19 at the beginning of 2020 have updated the urgency of the debate on the HRWS. In 2015, the plenary session of the European Parliament supported the citizens' initiative Right2Water, which sought to guarantee the right to water for all people and the transposition of the HRWS into the legislation of member states. The current reform process of the Drinking Water Directive (98/83/EC) is justified, among other reasons, by the need to adapt these regulations to the aforementioned commitment to coherence. The Right2Water initiative was transferred to Spain, mainly thanks to the encouragement of the Association of Public Water Supply and Sanitation Operators (Asociación de Operadores Públicos de Abastecimiento y Saneamiento Agua, AEOPAS), within the framework of the statewide Public Water Network (Red Agua Pública, RAP), through the Social Pact for Public Water (Pacto Social por el Agua Pública, PSAP). The effects of the crisis also coincided with privatization processes of water services that, justified by austerity policies, European institutions promoted in the countries most affected by the crisis, despite strong social opposition. In some of these countries, such as Spain, the process of privatization has been especially related to the seek of funding by municipalities in crisis, through the perverse mechanism of the 'concession fee', which allows for a rapid injection of money into the municipal treasury in exchange for a decades-long privatization of the service. This process is usually accompanied by increasing rates and greater pressure on users with payment problems. The relations between the causes and consequences of the crisis and privatization, as well as the emergence of situations of water poverty of different types, have led to the present existence of a social movement, with a solid discourse that is committed to defending the human right to water, as well as the model of public management, in our cities. At the same time, the existence of public water management companies, which formally maintain public ownership of the service but practice a mercantile management style (priority of profit and loss accounts, opacity, consideration of users as clients) has led to demands to renew public management models to guarantee compliance with the human right to water in a broad and deep sense, redefined in an antagonistic way: a recognition of access to drinking water and sanitation as a human right rigorously conceived that puts into question the neoliberal logic of managing water services. This is one of the core arguments this article addresses: the HRWS today constitutes the banner of a movement that is articulated around the concept of water as a common good and that is oriented towards the objective of building a collaborative and transparent model of public management. The ownership of water and sanitation services operators (in their different modalities, from strictly public to strictly private formulas) is related to the implementation of the HRWS, which contributes to the reactivation of debates on the need to preserve or recover ('remunicipalización') the public character of these services, and with the need to generate legal frameworks that guarantee effective local democratic policies. To this social dimension, committed to the public and democratic dimension, open to new debates on common goods management, another characteristic is added: the human rights movement in Spain has been in tune from its beginnings in discourse and organizational structure with socio-eco-integrating perspectives of natural resources, aquatic ecosystems management, which is at the foundation of the possibility of implementing the human right to water. This is a relevant and somewhat distinctive quality of the Spanish experience, which contrasts with the unfortunate, although historically explainable, disagreements and conflicts that frequently characterize the social and environmental perspectives in the movements in defense of water. In addition to the above, this article presents a new approach to the typology of water poverties. Until recently, the efforts that have been carried out in the implementation of the HRWS have been focused especially on accessibility, condemning and trying to alleviate the deficits in supply and sanitation coverage in the Global South. In contrast, its recent reception in European countries has focused especially on affordability (prohibition of cuts, guarantee of a vital minimum, social rates) and on implications for governance (transparency, accountability) and the management model (public versus private). However, throughout this research it has been found that accessibility remains a significant problem in certain European regions, especially related to the existence of marginal settlements, slums, homelessness, temporary immigrant workers in rural areas, etc. The problem of HRWS is thus situated in the broader context of access to housing and dignified living conditions, and is related to the marginalization and exclusion of groups or social sectors, due to various factors, generally combined, of economic, cultural and/or ethnic nature. Finally, another issue that this article addresses is the question of the legal regulation of the human right to water in Spain. It will seem strange to a non-expert observer of this matter that after the intense concern, organization and reflection on the subjects that have been mentioned, and which are presented in detail below, and in a country with such a long tradition of water policy and legislation as Spain, we lack a state or autonomic-wide regulatory framework for the management of urban water. And not only do we still lack this or these framework(s) but we have been discussing their need for many years (the jurisdictions and responsibilities over the urban cycle are municipal) and, if they are really needed, their nature, contents and scale of formulation. The article analyzes the keys to this process and ends by presenting the latest propositions on this subject from the HRWS social movement in which its authors are conceptually situated. From a theoretical (urban political ecology) and methodological (transdisciplinary participatory research-action) point of view, the article has been developed in the double framework in which the authors operate. On the one hand, the working group on the urban water cycle of the New Water Culture Foundation (Fundación Nueva Cultura del Agua) and, on the other, the Research Networks of Excellence of the National Research Agency on water poverty (WAPONET, CSO2017-90702-REDT), made up of researchers from seven Spanish universities (Universidad Autónoma de Barcelona, Politécnica de Catalunya, Oberta de Catalunya, Jaume I de Castellón, Alicante, Oviedo, Granada y Sevilla). As a space for transdisciplinary action-participation on which this work has been specifically based, mention should be made of the Andalusian Social Committee on Water (Mesa Social del Agua de Andalucía), whose composition and main activities between 2017 and 2020 are reflected throughout these pages. We owe information, ideas and experiences to all the colleagues who participate in these spaces, where we carried out a real process of co-production of knowledge, throughout years of work in common. ; El derecho humano al abastecimiento y al saneamiento (DHAS) constituye hoy en España y en Europa la bandera de un movimiento que se articula en torno al concepto del agua como bien común y que se orienta al objetivo de construir un modelo de gestión pública participativa y transparente. La materialización efectiva del DHAS se relaciona discursivamente con la titularidad pública o privada de los operadores de los servicios urbanos de agua, lo que ha contribuido a la reactivación de los debates sobre la necesidad de conservar o recuperar el carácter público de estos servicios, y sobre la necesidad de generar marcos jurídicos que garanticen políticas de democracia local efectiva. A esta dimensión sociopolítica, se añade otra característica: el movimiento del DHAS en España sintoniza en discurso y articulación organizativa con las perspectivas socio-eco-integradoras de la gestión del agua como recurso natural, de los ecosistemas acuáticos. Ésta es una cualidad importante y en cierta manera distintiva de la experiencia española, que contrasta con los desencuentros y conflictos que frecuentemente caracterizan a las perspectivas social y ambiental en los movimientos de defensa del agua, y en general de los recursos naturales. Complementariamente a lo anterior, este artículo presenta un nuevo enfoque de la tipología de pobrezas hídricas. La reciente recepción del DHAS en los países europeos se ha focalizado especialmente en la asequibilidad (prohibición de cortes, garantía del mínimo vital, tarifas sociales) y en las implicaciones para la gobernanza (transparencia, rendición de cuentas) y el modelo de gestión (publico versus privado). No obstante, a lo largo de la investigación que se presenta, se ha constatado que la accesibilidad sigue siendo un problema significativo en ciertas regiones europeas, relacionado especialmente con la existencia de asentamientos marginales, chabolismo, personas sin hogar o trabajadores temporeros inmigrantes en áreas rurales. Finalmente, este artículo aborda la cuestión de la regulación legal del derecho humano al agua en España, analizando las claves de este proceso y presentando las últimas propuestas del movimiento del DHAS en el que sus autores conceptualmente se sitúan. Desde un punto de vista teórico (ecología política urbana) y metodológico (investigación-acción participativa transdisciplinar), el artículo se ha desarrollado en el doble marco en el que los autores se desenvuelven. Por una parte, el grupo de trabajo de ciclo urbano del agua de la Fundación Nueva Cultura de Agua (https://fnca.eu/oppa/ciclo-urbano-del-agua); y, por otra, la Red de Excelencia de la Agencia Estatal de Investigación sobre pobreza hídrica (WAPONET, CSO2017-90702-REDT, https://waponet.org/approach/).

Esta tesis se inscribe en el campo de estudios que han volcado su atención hacia la creciente gravitación de la justicia y el derecho sobre la conflictividad social y los asuntos políticos. Conocido en el debate público y académico como judicialización, este fenómeno ha sido ampliamente abordado con relación a la predisposición de los jueces a involucrarse en la formulación de políticas, y en función de cómo los conflictos se transforman al insertarse en el campo del derecho. Sin embargo, son escasos los trabajos abocados a analizar los modos en que los fallos activistas –por ejemplo, aquellos que exigen la implementación de políticas– se convierten en problemas de política pública. El objetivo aquí es examinar los conflictos y controversias suscitados en los procesos de implementación de políticas judicializadas, allí donde se entrecruzan las lógicas jurídicas, sociales y político-institucionales. En última instancia, se apunta a indagar en los efectos de largo alcance de la judicialización para con las formas de desenvolvimiento de los conflictos y la producción de la acción pública. La tesis se focaliza en los sucesos iniciados en el año 2010 cuando, en el marco de la ejecución de una sentencia por la recomposición ambiental de la cuenca Matanza-Riachuelo, un juez federal les ordenó a los gobiernos condenados que despejasen la ribera de obstrucciones con el fin de abrir una vía de libre circulación (o "camino de sirga") a lo largo del río. Al aducir que su creación era una medida indispensable para facilitar el saneamiento, el magistrado dispuso la reubicación de las personas que allí vivían, en su mayoría habitantes de villas y asentamientos que se extendían hasta los márgenes del curso de agua. La orden de relocalización emitida por el juez se presentó como un paso más hacia la clausura del conflicto por el deterioro ambiental, pero catalizó uno nuevo signado por el desplazamiento de la población. Por lo tanto, cabe preguntarse, ¿de qué modos se redefinió el problema al salir de los tribunales y volcarse al terreno de la formulación e implementación de políticas? ¿Cómo se imbricó la formulación jurídica de la cuestión con los intereses y estrategias de los actores implicados en el proceso judicial? ¿Cuáles fueron sus efectos en relación a las dinámicas sociales presentes en los territorios ribereños? La tesis, centrada en el caso de las relocalizaciones llevadas a cabo en la ciudad de Buenos Aires, se basa en un diseño de investigación cualitativo. Éste implicó la utilización de instrumentos de recolección de información tales como observaciones participantes y no participantes, entrevistas en profundidad y análisis de documentos. Asimismo, se adoptó una estrategia de triangulación intramétodo que requirió el uso de fuentes tanto primarias como secundarias. A partir de esta metodología, se abordan tres objetivos específicos. En primer lugar, se analizan las controversias jurídicas suscitadas en el proceso de emergencia de las resoluciones que ordenaron la puesta en marcha de políticas de relocalización. En segundo lugar, se caracterizan los conflictos socioterritoriales catalizados durante la implementación de las relocalizaciones en relación con las estrategias llevadas a cabo por los afectados y sus defensores para sostener sus demandas. En tercer lugar, se examinan los dispositivos y mecanismos institucionales creados por los condenados para dar cumplimiento a las políticas ordenadas por la justicia, identificando sus límites y potencialidades para la tramitación de los conflictos. En última instancia, la sumatoria de estos objetivos permite comprender de qué manera el traslado de población de la ribera del Riachuelo como problema judicial se transformó al institucionalizarse y territorializarse. ; Cette thèse s'inscrit dans le champ d'études sur l'influence croissante de la justice et du droit sur le conflit social et les affaires politiques. Connu dans le débat public et académique comme judiciarisation, certains aspects de ce phénomène ont été amplement traités, notamment, la prédisposition des juges à s'impliquer dans la formulation de politiques, et la façon dont les conflits se transforment en s'insérant dans le champ du droit. Néanmoins, il y a un manque de travaux consacrés à analyser les manières dont les jugements dits activistes –par exemple, ceux qui exigent la mise en œuvre de politiques– deviennent des problèmes de politique publique. L'objectif est ici d'examiner les conflits et controverses suscités par les processus de mise en œuvre de politiques judiciarisées, là où les logiques juridiques, sociales et politicoinstitutionnelles s'entrecroisent. En définitive, on essaye de connaître les effets de grande portée de la judiciarisation sur le déroulement des conflits et sur la production d'action publique. La thèse analyse les évènements déclenchés en 2010 à partir de l'ordonnance d'un juge qui, dans le cadre de l'exécution d'une sentence portant sur la recomposition environnementale du bassin Matanza-Riachuelo, a obligé les gouvernements condamnés par celle-ci à dégager la rive de toute obstruction afin d'y ouvrir un chemin de circulation libre (ou « chemin de halage »). En allégeant que sa création était une mesure indispensable pour faciliter l'assainissement, le juge a prévu la relocalisation des personnes qui y résidaient, dans la plupart des habitants des bidonvilles qui s'étendaient jusqu'au bord de l'eau. L'ordre de relocalisation émis par le juge a été présenté comme un pas en avant vers la clôture du conflit autour de la détérioration environnementale, mais elle a aussi catalysé un autre conflit caractérisé par le déplacement de la population. Il faut se demander : comment le problème a été redéfini après sa sortie des tribunaux et son entrée dans le terrain de la formulation et implémentation des politiques publiques ? Quel rapport existe-t-il entre la construction juridique de la question et les intérêts et stratégies des acteurs impliqués dans le procès judiciaire ? Quels ont été les effets de cette imbrication sur les dynamiques sociales présentes dans les territoires riverains ? La thèse, centrée sur le cas des relocalisations effectuées dans la ville de Buenos Aires, repose sur un modèle de recherche qualitative. Ceci a impliqué l'utilisation des outils de collecte d'information comme des observations participantes et non participantes, des entretiens en profondeur, et l'analyse des documents disponibles. De même, on a adopté une stratégie de triangulation intra-méthode, qui a exigé l'usage de sources primaires et secondaires. Grâce à cette méthodologie, on aborde trois objectifs spécifiques. Premièrement, on analyse les controverses juridiques suscitées par le processus d'émergence des résolutions qui ordonnaient de mettre en marche les politiques de relocalisation. Deuxièmement, on caractérise les conflits socio-territoriaux catalysés pendant la période de mise en œuvre des relocalisations et leur rapport aux stratégies mises en place par les affectés et ses défenseurs pour revendiquer des droits. Troisièmement, on examine les dispositifs et mécanismes institutionnels créés par les gouvernements condamnés pour mettre en marche les politiques ordonnées par la justice, en identifiant ses limitations et potentialités pour la canalisation des conflits. Au bout du compte, la somme de ces objectifs permet de comprendre comment le déplacement de la population des rives du Riachuelo, en tant que problème judiciaire, s'est transformé en s'institutionnalisant et en se territorialisant. ; This thesis is focused on the field of research that has drawn its attention towards the growing influence of justice and law over social conflict and political matters. This phenomenon, known as judicialization in public and scholarly debates, has been broadly examined with regard to judges' tendency to get involved in policy making, and in relation to how conflicts change when they enter the field of law. However, not much research has been done about the ways in which activist rulings –e.g. those that demand the implementation of policies– transform into public policy problems. The goal here is to analyze the conflicts and controversies aroused during the implementation of judicialized policies, in the analytical crossroads between juridical, social and politicalinstitutional logics. Ultimately, I will examine judicialization's far-reaching effects on the ways in which conflicts develop and public action is produced. The thesis studies the events that took place since 2010 when, amid the execution of a ruling that required the environmental recovery of the Matanza-Riachuelo basin, a federal judge told the convicted governments to clear up the riverside from any obstructions in order to open a road (or a 'towpath') along the way. By asserting that its creation was a mandatory measure to achieve the basin's cleanup, the judge ordered the relocation of the people who lived in those lands, mostly inhabitants of slums that had spread up to the river margins themselves. The relocation order signed by the judge was shown as a means of putting an end to the environmental deterioration, but it actually triggered a conflict over the population's displacement. Therefore, it becomes relevant to ask: how was the problem redefined after leaving the courts and entering the field of policy making? How did the juridical elaboration of the issue overlap with the interests and strategies of the implicated actors? What were its effects over the social dynamics of the riverside territories? This thesis is centered on the case of the relocations in the city of Buenos Aires, and it is based on a qualitative research design. This implied using information collection instruments such as participant and non-participant observations, in-depth interviews and document analysis. Moreover, an intra-method triangulation strategy was adopted, which required the use of primary and secondary sources. Three specific goals are pursued. First, I analyze the juridical controversies aroused during the appearance of the resolutions that ordered the relocation policies. Second, I characterize the socio-territorial conflicts that took place during the implementation of the resettlements with regard to the strategies undertaken by those affected by those policies and their defendants in order to keep up their demands. Third, I examine the devices and institutional mechanisms created by the convicted government to apply the policies ordered by the judiciary, while identifying their limits and potentials for the channeling of conflicts. Ultimately, the sum of these goals enhances the understanding of how the relocation of the Riachuelo's riverside population, which was born as a judicial problem, changed by institutionalizing and territorializing. ; Fil: Scharager, Andrés. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Ciencias Sociales. Instituto de Investigaciones "Gino Germani"; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina

Internal displacement, rapid growth of urban areas and proliferation of informal settlements are in the spotlight of public policy debate in Afghanistan at present. This pamphlet discusses characteristics, livelihood strategies and vulnerabilities of households living in informal settlements in three urban centers in Afghanistan. These findings summarize the analysis from a joint World Bank-UNHCR 'research study on IDPs in urban settings', which illustrates the complexities of displacement and of urban informal settlement growth. Motivated by an existing knowledge gap on these issues, the analysis provides a starting point for discussion among actors directly or indirectly involved with management of problems related to displacement and urban informal settlements, including departments in the Government of Afghanistan, international institutions and stakeholders from civil society. The study documents the significance of displacement as a factor underlying vulnerabilities observed in informal settlements, and identifies IDPs as an extremely deprived segment of the population, even in comparison to the profile of urban poverty in the recent national risk and vulnerability assessment.

La meta de esta investigación es intentar entender la relación entre las políticas públicas de memoria que delimitan y recrean los ex CCDTyE La Perla y Campo de la Ribera como espacios para la memoria y la producción de sentidos y conocimientos que circulan en sus entornos vecinales más próximos acerca del terrorismo de Estado y de estos sitios en particular. Nos interesa reconocer la proximidad y/o la distancia entre las representaciones desplegadas desde los sitios de la memoria respecto a las memorias locales, y la recepción, los usos y las resignificaciones de las políticas de memoria de estos sitios por parte de los vecinos.Para ello combinamos diversas técnicas de recolección de datos propias de la metodológica cualitativa, examinamos un amplio corpus de fuentes y analizamos de forma comparada ambos espacios de memoria con sus respectivos entornos urbanos. Los casos han sido seleccionados debido a su importancia en el sistema represivo provincial, su relevancia dentro de las políticas públicas de memoria en la provincia, y su cercanía y vínculos con entornos vecinales que existían como tales desde los funcionamientos de los centros clandestinos. La proximidad geográfica de los vecinos, que en una buena proporción fueron contemporáneos a los hechos de violencia política, habilitó percepciones particulares de los funcionamientos de los ex CCDTyE y de las prácticas de desaparición forzada de personas. Esta investigación se compone de cuatro capítulos. El primero expone una contextualización histórica del ejercicio del terrorismo de Estado y examina la constitución de Campo de La Ribera y La Perla como CCDTyE. El segundo reconstruye principalmente los procesos de lucha por los cuales se reconfiguraron como sitios de memoria, interpelando los contextos políticos y sociales en los que acontecieron. El tercero analiza las prácticas institucionales de uso, apropiación, (re)presentación del pasado reciente y vinculación con los entornos urbanos. El cuarto aborda las memorias locales sobre el terrorismo de Estado, los sentidos y las representaciones que le otorgan a los sitios los vecinos, y las posibilidades de intervención de las políticas desplegadas desde los sitios de memoria en esos trabajos de memoria.La investigación evidencia en primer lugar, que los procesos de memorialización y transformación de esos ex CCDTyE en lugares de memorias y los perfiles adoptados fueron diferentes. En esas definiciones intervinieron las diferencias de cada lugar en relación a los roles ocupados durante el terrorismo de Estado, sus usos en democracia, los intereses y esfuerzos que suscitaron para los Organismos de Derechos Humanos, las características socio-demográficas de los entornos en los que están emplazados, los presupuestos económicos, equipos de trabajo asignados y lo que entendieron las conducciones de cada sitio sobre lo que debía hacerse allí. Por otra parte, es posible establecer similitudes y diferencias entre las construcciones de sentido sobre el terrorismo de Estado en los entornos urbanos de Campo de la Ribera y La Perla. Pese a las diferencias en las condiciones materiales de ambos entornos vecinales, resultan recurrentes las construcciones de sentido permeadas por los supuestos de la teoría de los dos demonios. Las diferencias principales guardan relación con las posibilidades o no de marcar la especificidad del terrorismo de Estado y en la manera en que esas memorias se enlazan con el presente y con otros hechos memorables de los grupos estudiados. Además, verificamos profundas distancias entre las representaciones de los vecinos y las narraciones de los espacios de memoria, mostrando las dificultades y desafíos de construcción de memorias y sentidos colectivos.En segundo lugar, son diferentes las relaciones establecidas entre los sitios y las comunidades aledañas. El sitio de Campo de la Ribera está emplazado en el seno de barrios y villas con agudos problemas sociales y económicos y apostó a desarrollar una política de memoria que acentúa la promoción de derechos para lograr el acercamiento de vecinos e instituciones y a partir de allí trabajar lentamente en la resignificación de la historia del sitio y del pasado allí representado. Por su parte, las relaciones entre el espacio de La Perla y Malagueño fueron hasta el momento muy acotadas, excepto con las instituciones educativas. Aún así algunos grupos de la localidad parecen aceptar participar de un conjunto de instancias de intercambio que hablan de una incipiente ruptura de la espacialidad naturalizada del ex CCDTyE y la construcción de otros sentidos, al punto que los mismos vecinos interpelan e interrogan a sus pares, promueven otras evocaciones y aportan información que permite conocer el pasado del lugar.En tercer lugar, la investigación concluye que los sentidos asignados a ambos ex centros clandestinos y actuales sitios de memoria y las conceptualizaciones del pasado reciente no necesariamente se articulan en una misma dirección, mostrando que las representaciones generales o conceptualizaciones arraigadas sobre lo que sucedió durante el terrorismo de Estado son aún poco permeables a la prácticas instituciones que se desarrollan hasta el momento desde los sitios de memoria. La tesis postula entonces pensar la noción de ?territorios de memoria? de forma no lineal, descartando que la proximidad geográfica per se habilite tanto el conocimiento como una representación acabada del sistema de desaparición, sus responsables y víctimas. En cambio, comprueba que intervienen dimensiones simbólicas cognitivas, afectivas y políticas-ideológicas mediando la relación entre los conocimientos y sentidos del pasado, las representaciones de los sitios de memoria y las posibilidades de apropiarse de sus sentidos por parte de los entornos vecinales. ; The aim of this research is to try to understand the relationship between the public politics of memory that shape and recreate the former Clandestine Detention, Torture and Extermination Centers La Perla and Campo de la Ribera as sites of memory and the creation of meanings and knowledge in their surrounding environments as regards state terrorism and these particular sites. We are interested in recognizing the proximity and/or distance between the representations built from the sites of memory regarding the local memories, and the reception, uses and resignifications of the politics of memory of these sites by the neighbors. To do this, we combined different data collection techniques typical of the qualitative research, analyzed a vast corpus of sources and looked at both sites of memory in a comparative way taking their respective urban environments into account. The cases were selected based on their importance in the provincial repressive system, their relevance within the public politics of memory in the province, and their closeness and links with the surrounding environments that existed as such during the operation of these clandestine centers. The geographical proximity of the neighbors, most of them contemporaneous with the acts of political violence, enabled particular perceptions of the operation of the former Clandestine Detention, Torture and Extermination Centers and the practices of forced disappearance of persons. This research is composed of four chapters. The first chapter presents a historical contextualization of State terrorism and examines how Campo de La Ribera and La Perla became Clandestine Detention, Torture and Extermination Centers. The second chapter mainly reconstructs the processes of struggle by which these Centers were reconfigured as sites of memory, challenging the political and social contexts in which they occurred. The third chapter analyzes the institutional practices of use, appropriation, (re)presentation of the recent past and linkage with the urban environments. The fourth chapter deals with the local memories about State terrorism, the meanings and representations given to the sites by neighbors, and the possibilities of intervention of the politics created from the sites of memory into those works of memory. Firstly, the research shows that the processes of memorialization and transformation of these former Clandestine Detention, Torture and Extermination Centers into sites of memory and the profiles adopted were different. In these definitions, we used the differences of each site as regards their roles during State terrorism, their uses in democracy, the interests and efforts that they provoked for Human Rights Bodies, the socio-demographic characteristics of the environments in which they are located, the budgets, the assigned work teams and what the leading teams of each site understood should be done. On the other hand, it is possible to establish similarities and differences between the constructions of meaning as regards State terrorism in the urban environments of Campo de la Ribera and La Perla Centers. In spite of the differences in the material conditions of both neighborhood environments, the constructions of meaning permeated by the assumptions of the two demons theory are recurring. The main differences are related to the possibilities to determine the specificity of State terrorism, or not, and to how these memories are linked to the present and other memorable events of the groups studied. We also confirmed deep differences between the representations of the neighbors and the narratives of the sites of memory, showing the difficulties and challenges of creating collective memories and meanings. Secondly, the relationships established between the sites and the surrounding communities are different. Campo de la Ribera is located in an area of neighborhoods and slums with severe social and economic problems. The aim of the site is to develop a politics of memory that highlights the promotion of rights to bring neighbors and institutions closer and from that point, to work with the resignification of the history of the site and the past it represents. On the other hand, the relationships between La Perla and Campo de La Ribera Centers were until now very limited, except as regards the relationship with educational institutions. Nonetheless, some local groups seem to agree to participate in a set of exchange instances that reflect an incipient rupture of the naturalized spatiality of the former Clandestine Detention, Torture and Extermination Centers and the construction of other meanings, to the point that neighbors themselves question and challenge their peers, promote other evocations and provide information that allows us to know the past of the site. Thirdly, the research concludes that the meanings assigned to both former clandestine centers and current sites of memory, as well as the conceptualizations of the recent past, do not necessarily articulate in the same direction, which shows that general representations or conceptualizations rooted in what happened during State terrorism are still little permeable to the institutional practices developed so far in the sites of memory. The thesis suggests thinking of the notion of "territories of memory" in a non-linear form, dismissing the idea that geographic proximity per se enables both knowledge and a robust representation of the system of disappearance of persons, their perpetrators and the victims. Conversely, it shows that cognitive, affective and political-ideological symbolic dimensions interact to mediate the relationship between knowledge and the meanings of the past, the representations of sites of memory and the possibility that neighborhood environments make these meanings their own. ; Fil: Garbero, Vanesa. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Ciencias Sociales; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina

As India continues to urbanize and move towards a less agricultural- and more industry-based economy, land demands will continue to grow. Its urban population is expected to increase by more than 200 million by 2030, requiring 4 to 8 million hectares of land for residential use alone. Demands for infrastructure and industry could add a similar amount, summing to total land demand of 5 to10 percent of the land area currently used for agriculture. If not handled well, such massive land use change may increase vulnerability and food insecurity, rent-seeking, environmental problems, social dislocation, inequality, and conflict. But it also provides an opportunity to address the underlying structural issues, propelling India into the league of middle-income countries and laying the ground for significantly advancing shared prosperity and reduced poverty. This synthesis report presents results from land governance self-assessments by six states: The fact that land is a state subject implies that actions to improve land governance need to be initiated at state level. To identify opportunities, six states implemented the Land Governance Assessment Framework (LGAF), a tool that allow comparing the status of their land governance against international good practice along a set of dimensions in a very participatory process. Results are summarized in state reports that were validated publicly and discussed with policy makers in each state. This national report complements these and draws out common areas.

Developing countries have urbanized rapidly since 1950. To explain urbanization, standard models emphasize rural-urban migration, focusing on rural push factors (agricultural modernization and rural poverty) and urban pull factors (industrialization and urban-biased policies). Using new historical data on urban birth and death rates for seven countries from Industrial Europe (1800–1910) and thirty-five developing countries (1960–2010), this paper argues that a non-negligible part of developing countries' rapid urban growth and urbanization may also be linked to demographic factors, such as rapid internal urban population growth, or an urban push. High urban natural increase in today's developing countries follows from lower urban mortality, relative to Industrial Europe, where higher urban deaths offset urban births. This compounds the effects of migration and displays strong associations with urban congestion, providing additional insight into the phenomenon of urbanization without growth.

From 2012 to 2014 water and sanitation service delivery assessments (SDA) have been carried out in seven selected countries in the East Asia and Pacific region under the guidance of the World Bank's water and sanitation program and with valuable contributions of other development partners, such as United Nations Childrens Fund (UNICEF), WaterAid, and Asian Development Bank (ADB). Countries where SDA were carried out are Cambodia, Indonesia, Lao Peoples Democratic Republic (PDR), Papua New Guinea, Philippines, Timor-Leste, and Vietnam, while in Myanmar, a broad joint sector assessment took place by World Bank, UNICEF, ADB, and Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA). SDA were implemented as a country-owned process led by key government agencies, and drew on the experience and methodology of similar assessments conducted in more than 40 countries (and states) in Africa, Latin America, and South Asia. It has three main components: a review of past water and sanitation access trends, a costing model to assess the adequacy of anticipated future investments, and a scorecard that allows diagnosis of bottlenecks along the service delivery pathways.

Water, as a resource, is integral to human activities of all kinds. The water sector, as a society's means of ensuring individuals have sufficient water is fundamental to recovery and development. While designing and implementing water supply operations in any societal context is a complicated endeavor, doing so in contexts affected by conflict, fragility and violence is inherently associated with compounded challenges. The objective of this study is to summarize operational lessons from task teams to inform effective water supply and access operations in conflict-affected and fragile situations. This paper defines common operational challenges and describes actions that task teams have taken in Bank projects in order to address those challenges. Further, the paper explores ways to ensure that water supply projects in fragile and conflict-affected situations (FCS) contexts, in addition to achieving technical objectives, can also address perpetual causes of conflict and fragility. The risks of escalating violence and decreasing stability are exacerbated in situations where access to water resources and services is poor, constrained, inequitable, and unsustainable. This knowledge product summarizes lessons from World Bank task teams that have prepared and implemented water supply projects in locations affected by conflict, fragility and violence. The findings intend to support operational problem-solving during water operations that are conducted in these situations. The study engaged task team members and surveyed project documentation, consolidating data on contextual and operational challenges and responsive methods that staff recommend. The findings of this study show that clear priorities in process and organizational capacity, with a focus on access, are needed to ensure that water supply operations in FCS contexts are conflict-sensitive.

Violent conflict is the multifaceted and cyclical problem that the international community is trying to grapple with. To date, there has been a clear hierarchy concerning what forms of violence are seen to matter most, with political violence that threatens the state taking pole position. In examining this argument, this paper sets out a number of issues relating to security and justice definitions. It will then examine some of the problems associated with placing conflict into a box-set typology: mass violence associated with war and genocide carries unique features but also spawns new challenges which are often being ignored. The paper will then examine in brief some of the measures used by communities, governmental actors and international partners in contending with violence before outlining some key conclusions and recommendations. In reading this paper two further points need be borne in mind: 1) this does not provide a comprehensive overview of violence and security - that is the role of the World Development Report (WDR) itself, and 2) this paper does not present fresh research, but more an overview, along with the other papers in the security-justice series, of some of the key issues confronting policy makers in the domain of security and development.

The provention consortium was created in February 2000 as a formal partnership between the World Bank, other International Financial Institutions (IFIs), bilateral donor organizations, the insurance sector, the academic community, and civil society. Designed as a think-tank to commission research and to disseminate risk reduction tools, the provention secretariat was to rotate from one partner organization to another. Thus, after three years at the Bank, the secretariat was transferred to the International Federation of the Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies (IFRC) in Geneva. The overall goal of provention is to reduce the social, economic, and environmental impacts of natural disasters on vulnerable populations in developing countries in order to alleviate poverty and contribute to sustainable development. This is achieved through (a) forging partnerships; (b) promoting policy; (c) improving practice; and (d) sharing knowledge. Under the Washington-based Secretariat, provention supported four types of activities: applied research studies, pilot and demonstration projects, education and training activities, and workshops and conferences. Provention was repeatedly criticized for its weak governance structure. Therefore, the secretariat commissioned a governance review in 2005. The governance review recommended reactivating the presiding council (PC); replacing the Steering Committee (SC) by a forum to discuss the impact of disasters in developing countries; and creating an Advisory Committee as the main governing body.