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103 107 32 2 ; S ; Purpose This paper aims to present a comparison between three types of manufacturing techniques, namely, screen-printed, inkjet and gravure, using different types of inks, for the implementation of concentric ring electrodes which permit estimation of Laplacian potential on the body surface. Design/methodology/approach Flexible concentric ring electrodes not only present lower skin electrode contact impedance and lower baseline wander than rigid electrodes but are also less sensitive to interference and motion artefacts. The above three techniques allow printing of conductive inks on flexible substrates, and with this work, the authors aim to study which is the best technique and ink to obtain the best electrode response. Findings From the results obtained regarding ink thickness, resistivity, electrode resistance and other performance parameters derived from electrocardiographic signal recording tests, it can be said that concentric electrodes using the screen-printing and inkjet techniques are suitable for non-invasive bioelectric signal acquisition. Originality/value The development of new types of inks and substrates for the electronics industry and the adaptation of new manufacturing techniques allow for an improvement in the development of electrodes and sensors. This work was financially supported by the Spanish Government and European FEDER funds (MAT2012-38429-C04-04). García Breijo, E.; Prats Boluda, G.; Lidon-Roger, JV.; Ye Lin, Y.; Garcia Casado, FJ. (2015). A comparative analysis of printing techniques by using an active concentric ring electrode for bioelectrical recording. Microelectronics International. 32(2):103-107. doi:10.1108/MI-03-2015-0021 Besio, W., Aakula, R., Koka, K., & Dai, W. (2006). Development of a Tri-polar Concentric Ring Electrode for Acquiring Accurate Laplacian Body Surface Potentials. Annals of Biomedical Engineering, 34(3), 426-435. doi:10.1007/s10439-005-9054-8 Besio, W., & Chen, T. (2007). Tripolar Laplacian electrocardiogram and moment of ...

In previous editions of the International Relations Yearbook, we have addressed the issue of Western Sahara (the last colony in Africa) from its historical, legal and political aspects, noting both the struggle of the Sahrawi people to regain their territory and the actions taken in this regard by the Sahrawi government itself and by other actors and entities within the framework of the United Nations, the European Union and the African Union. Although there is significant and varied literature on the subject in general, the aspect of the relationship between Latin America and the Caribbean and the struggle of the Sahrawi people has been poorly addressed, all the more so given that it is the only Africa-African-Spanish-speaking people, the latter being able, as a matter of priority, to establish links between the two parties. We will therefore present here a small sample of further research involving extensive fieldwork by addressing the issue from the perspective of the Sahrawi own — residents both in the occupied territories and in the refugee camps in Tindouf (Algeria) and other parts of the community in the diaspora. Department of Africa. Institute for International Relations (IRI) ; En números anteriores del Anuario Relaciones Internacionales hemos abordado la cuestión del Sáhara Occidental (última colonia en África) desde sus aspectos históricos, jurídicos y políticos, dando cuenta tanto de la lucha del pueblo saharaui por recuperar su territorio como de las acciones llevadas a cabo en ese sentido por el propio gobierno saharaui y por otros actores y sujetos en el marco de las Naciones Unidas, la Unión Europea y la Unión Africana. Si bien sobre el tema en general existe importante y variada bibliografía, el aspecto relativo a la relación entre América Latina y Caribeña y la lucha del pueblo saharaui ha sido poco abordado, más aun teniendo en cuenta que se trata del único pueblo árabe-africano hispanohablante, condición esta última que permitiría -a priori- establecer lazos entre ambas partes. Por ello, ...

National audience The US-China climate agreement signed on 12 November 2014 can be seen as a kind of official declaration of climate leadership by the first two economic powers. This article first recalls the limited offers of the US and China, noting the singularity of the critical analysis of Indian researchers and the recent speech by Prime Minister Narenda Modi on environmental and climate issues. A less "climate" reading of this agreement is then proposed. Indeed, there are other determinants or underlying factors than the only policy to reduce carbon dioxide emissions, in particular the fight against air pollution. Above all, there is a need to clear up the trading horizon for climate-compatible competition, and in any case there is a new state of the world political economy where the old acrimonia between the two major powers must find a modus operandi in terms of international trade, competition and the environment. In substance, the agreement reveals what was expected: a climate G2 United States/China has already pre-empted the vertebral column of the Paris Climate Agreement. ; National audience L'accord climatique États-Unis/Chine signé le 12 novembre 2014 peut être analysé comme une sorte de déclaration officielle de leadership climatique par les deux premières puissances économiques. Cet article rappelle tout d'abord les offres de limitation des États-Unis et de la Chine, en notant la singularité de l'analyse critique de chercheurs indiens ainsi que du discours récent du Premier ministre Narenda Modi sur les questions d'environnement et de climat. On propose ensuite une lecture moins "climatique" de cet accord. Il y a en effet d'autres déterminants ou sous-jacents que la seule politique de réduction des émissions de dioxyde de carbone, en particulier la lutte contre la pollution atmosphérique. Il y a surtout la nécessité de déblayer l'horizon des échanges pour une concurrence climat-compatible, en tout cas il y a bien, un nouvel état de l'économie politique mondiale où l'acrimonie ancienne entre les ...

Միջազգային պահուստները արժութային քաղաքականության կարևոր գործիք են: Դրանք անհրաժեշտ են նաև արտաքին պարտքի սպասարկման գծով վճարումների կատարման, ինչպես նաև ներմուծման նպատակով արտարժութային միջոցների նկատմամբ պահանջարկի բավարարման համար: ՀՀ-ում միջազգային պահուստների համալրման հիմնական աղբյուր են Կառավարության և Կենտրոնական բանկի՝ արտարժույթով արտաքին կամ ներքին փոխառություններն ու դրամաշնորհները, ֆինանսական կազմակերպությունների` ԿԲ-ում արտարժույթով հաշիվների մնացորդների աճը, արտարժույթի առքը, Կառավարության կողմից գույքի ապապետականացման արդյունքում արտարժութային միջոցների ներհոսքն ու պահուստների ներդրումից ստացված եկամուտը: ; International audience International reserves are a major tool for the realization of currency policy. Their presence is also necessary for the realization of payments in the service sphere of the external debt which are simultaneously displayed as means of meeting the demand regarding currency necessary for import. The basic sources of updating the international reserves in the RA are grants, external and internal loans of the RA Government and the RA Central Bank in a foreign currency, growth of balance of foreign accounts in the RA Central Bank, currency buying up, inflow of currency means as a result of privatization of property from the RA Government and the profit received from investment reserves.

Plausibilität spielt in allen Wissenschaftskulturen eine gewichtige Rolle - ob implizit oder explizit. Auffällig ist jedoch, dass es keiner spezifisch geschulten Kompetenz oder der Vermittlung eigenständiger Fähigkeiten bedarf, um einen Sachverhalt als "plausibel" zu beurteilen, während bei verwandten Begriffen wie etwa "logisch" je nach den methodologischen Gepflogenheiten der einzelwissenschaftlichen Disziplin besondere Schulung, Einarbeitung oder Expertise erwartet wird. Der vorliegende Text verfolgt zwei Ziele: Zunächst wird anhand von Auszügen einer Analyse die Verwendung des Wortes plausibel in Philosophie und Linguistik herausgearbeitet und strukturiert sowie schließlich in ein Modell seines typischen Sprachgebrauchsmusters überführt. Dieses Muster ist das erste Ziel, ein Zwischenergebnis, das als Basis für das zweite Ziel dient. Im daran anschließenden Teil wird dieses Muster hypothetisch auf möglichst vielfältige Wissenschaftsbereiche übertragen und auf seine Anwendbarkeit zur allgemeinen Beschreibung wissenschaftlicher Umbruchsprozesse hin überprüft, angefangen bei historischen Beispielen bis zur Gegenwart und darin dem besonderen wechselseitigen Verhältnis zwischen Laienwissen, Fachwissen und den dazwischen vermittelnden Medien. Das zweite Ziel ist es, zu zeigen, dass sich in den vielschichtigen und flexiblen Verwendungen von plausibel ein implizites Argumentations- und Denkmuster widerspiegelt, mit dem Wissen sowohl gefestigt als auch hinterfragt werden kann. Mit diesen Wissensdynamiken einhergehend wird entsprechend auch der Status wissenschaftlicher Tatsachen immer wieder neu zur Disposition gestellt: Was gilt unter welchen Bedingungen als plausibel oder nicht? Was ist das besondere an der Verwendung dieses Wortes?

national audience Le climat does not seem to be at the top of the French government's agenda and diplomacy. However, it was President Hollande who proposed in September 2012 that the meeting to conclude a new comprehensive climate agreement be held in Paris in December 2015. The United States has already submitted — the first country to have done so — its key proposals for the conference. Everything remains to be negotiated. However, the main thrust of the agreement to be signed in Paris is already known: (1) no binding international agreement, but only 'national policies', (2) no commitment by States, but only 'contributions', and (3) the end of the bifurcated approach to the Kyoto Protocol, in accordance with the terms of the US proposal, where only developed countries had committed themselves, with known results, to reducing their emissions. This time, voluntary, variable contributions are expected from most countries, including emerging and developing countries. But the concrete targets for reducing greenhouse gas emissions that can already be anticipated will unfortunately not produce a miracle in terms of stabilising emissions. In order for a compromise to be acceptable to as many people as possible, and to safeguard solidarity with the most vulnerable countries and communities, there should be at least active diplomacy well in advance of December 2015. ; The climate issue doesn't seem to figure as a top priority on the agenda of the French government and diplomacy. Yet, it was the President, Francois Hollande, himself who suggested in September 2012 that the meeting, aiming to seal a new global agreement on climate change, should be held in Paris on December 2015. The U.S. however, has already submitted key proposals for the conference, and is the first to have done so. Everything is still up for negotiation. The broad lines of the agreement due to be signed in Paris are however already know: 1) no international binding agreement, but only the implementation of "national policies", 2) no member State ...

The achievement of peace in Palestine/Israel requires an understanding of the broader context, beginning with the asymmetry between the two parties. More than twenty years of negotiations have shown that Israel, as the stronger party, which benefits from its occupation of Palestinian land, has little incentive to reach a just solution. The international community has the ability and the responsibility to provide the necessary external incentives. Europe's clear policy on the two-state solution should lead to more active support for its realization. Peace will remain elusive as long as the imbalance between the parties remains. Any lasting solution must guarantee justice, freedom and equality for all. (S+F/Pll)

The events of May 68 in France constituted a moment of questioning of the power and of the social role of the University. Two of the philosophers who contributed the most to that questioning were Althusser and Foucault. Their thoughts on the way in which power, discourse and social institutions are articulated played a major role in awakening the students' political consciousness and in opening the doors of the University to social movements that had been, until then, left out of academic discourse. Their positions on the events triggered passionate reactions that ended up changing the institutions of higher education from the inside. The Faure law, issued in the aftermath of the protests, on November 12, 1968, finally acknowledged that higher education should be available to mature students. Taking into account the points of contiguity between conceptual apparatuses of these authors, this paper intends to offer a reflection on the power-effects of the scientific discourse issued by the University and on how its power was contested in a period of deep ideological and political fractures, leading to a paradigmatic shift that democratized the institution and to the emergence of a new learning subject. (DIPF/Orig.)