This book is the result of discussions that took place during the XXIII Forum of the Association of Young Legal Historians held in Naples in the spring of 2017. ; The collection of thirty-five essays presented here examines the links forged through the ages between the realm of law and the expressions of the humanistic culture. The essays are organized into sections of ten chapters based around ten different themes. Two main perspectives emerged: in some articles the topic relates to the conventional approach of 'law and/in humanities' (iconography, literature, architecture, cinema, music), other articles are about more traditional connections between fields of knowledge (in particular, philosophy, political experiences, didactics). The variety of authorial nationalities gives the collection a multicultural character and the historiographical interpretation is the element that unites the collection, with a breadth of the chronological period goes from antiquity to the contemporary age. This project is the result of discussions that took place during the XXIII Forum of the Association of Young Legal Historians held in Naples in the spring of 2017. ; New Perspectives on 'Law and Humanities' together with a 'Musical' Approach to the History of Legal Problems: Looking Through the Mirror of Opera / Valerio Massimo Minale (pp. 15-24). -- (History of) Law and Other Humanities: When, Why, How / Luigi Lacchè (pp. 25-43). -- A Legal Study of Medieval Cities from the 11th to 14th Century: The Example of Sigillography in France / Romain Broussais (pp. 47-68). -- Typographic Art and Roman Law: A Renaissance Image of the Lex XII tabularum / Fabiana Tuccillo (pp. 69-80). -- «Oh, the Law is Ruination, and Attorneys are Vexation .» Law and Lawyers in the Opera and Operetta / Krzysztof Bokwa (pp. 83-95). -- The Boyars, the Poet and the Composer. The Portrayal of the Boyar Duma in Puškin's and Mussorgsky's Boris Godunov / Nina Kršljanin, Filip Milinković (pp. 97-122). -- The Dreyfus Affair in Music. L'Hymne à la Justice of Albéric Magnard / Mario Riberi (pp. 123-137). -- Scientia iuris and architectura. A Focus on Buildings for Shows / Paola Pasquino (pp. 141-156). -- Optimus princeps and the Triumphal Arch in Benevento / Alessio Guasco (pp. 157-166). -- Law, Justice and Architecture in Modern Venice: The Rectors' Palaces and the Government of the Mainland / Claudia Passarella (pp. 167-179). -- Milan's Courthouse: A View of the Roman Legal Culture across Fascist Ideology / Virginia Maria De Capitani (pp. 181-192). -- Cicero's Thinking on the Essence of Legal Reasoning / Valentina Cvetković- Dordević (pp. 195-204). -- Interpreting the Antiheretical Edict of Wieluń. Between Literal Meaning and Philosophical Approach / Paweł Dziwiński (pp. 205-220). -- Law and Humanities in Giambattista Vico's Thought. A First Understanding / Alessia Farano (pp. 221-234). -- The National Codification of Civil Law in Poland at the Beginning of the 19th Century. Sources and Inspirations / Piotr Pomianowski (pp. 235- 245). -- The Frogs by Aristophanes: When Comedy Meets Legal History / Athanasios Delios (pp. 249-263). -- Medicus between Perception and Reality as Portrayed in Some Non-legal Sources / Nikol Žiha (pp. 265-285). -- Military Law, Justice and Discipline in the Early Modern Owlglass Literature from Central Europe / Przemysław Gawron, Jan Jerzy Sowa (pp. 287-298). -- Pamphlet Literature Reflecting Parliamentary Opposition at the Time of the French Fronde: The Example of the Mazarinades (1648- 1649) / Juan Manuel Hernández Vélez (pp. 299-313). -- The Methods for the Legitimation of the Succession of James II in Aphra Behn's Poem for Coronation / Balázs Rigó (pp. 315-327). -- Balzac and the Criticisms of the French Civil Code in the First Half of the 19th Century / Elisabeth Bruyère (pp. 329-336). -- The Medieval Legal Practice of Exculpatory Oath and Trial by Fire in the Legend of Queen Isolde / Alicja Bańczyk (pp. 339-347). -- Between Law and Literature. Violations of the Legal Rule in the Decameron / Daniela Buccomino (pp. 349-376). -- Institutions and Criminal Procedure of the Magdeburg Law in Poland according to Judas'Sack by Sebastian Fabian Klonowic / Lukasz Golaszewski (pp. 377- 390). -- A Letter from Detention: The Edition of Letters of Livonian Humanistic Lawyer David Hilchen as an Interdisciplinary Challenge / Hesi Siimets-Gross (391-405). -- The Case of Eszter Solymosi from Tiszaeszlár: The Notorious Blood Libel Trial through the Eyes of Gyula Krúdy / Imre Képessy (pp. 407-418). -- Reading a Travel Journal. The Melancholia of Gina Lombroso in Latin America / Francesco Rotondo (pp. 419-430). -- History of Rome, History of Roman Law and Cinema / Carlo De Cristofaro (pp. 433-442). -- You Can Only Write Once – Rights to Autorship, Inspiration and Transformation in the Chosen Judgements of U.S. Courts Involving the Copyrights on the James Bond Character / Wojciech Bańczyk (pp. 443-453). -- Advertising and the Rule of Law. Law in Representations of Insurance in Late 19th Century Netherlands / Christina Reimann (pp. 457-470). -- Newspapers and the Making of Popular Legal Culture. The Example of the Death Penalty in France (20th century) / Nicolas Picard (pp. 471-482). -- Secularism versus Religion-based Legal Pluralism: The Diverse Views on These Concepts in Modern Muslim Discourse and Culture between 19th and 21st Century / Rafal Kaczmarczyk (pp. 483-493). -- Legal Organization of Medieval Serbian Mining Communities / Andreja Katančević (pp. 497-512). -- The Structure of the Government and the Press / Gábor Bathó (pp. 513-525). -- The Influence of Political Factors on the Adjudicating on Petty Offences in the People's Republic of Poland / Marcin Lysko (pp. 527-535). -- History and Legal History in Latin America. Reflections on a Necessary Dialogue with Special Attention to Cuban Experience / Fabricio Mulet Martínez (pp. 539-549). -- Teaching a Historical Context in a First-Year 'Introduction to Private Law' Course. The Effects of Teaching Approaches and a Learning Environment on Students' Learning / Emanuel G. D. van Dongen, Irma Meijerman (pp. 551-569).
[ES] La promoción de la ciudadanía se ha convertido en uno de los objetivos centrales en las políticas y documentos de juventud (Benedicto, 2011). El interés de instituciones internacionales se refleja en la celebración del año de la educación para la ciudadanía democrática (2005) por el Consejo de Europa o que la UNESCO haya identificado la educación para ciudadanía global (Global Citizenship Education GCED) como una de sus áreas estratégicas para el periodo 2014-2021. En este sentido, la propuesta de educación para una ciudadanía democrática (2005) del Consejo de Europa supone un importante punto de referencia para posteriores investigaciones, modelos y propuestas de otros organismos internacionales, como la ciudadanía activa de la Comisión Europea (Hoskins, 2006), que combinan la educación, los derechos humanos y la ciudadanía para promover la paz a través de la justicia y de las libertades fundamentales. Estas propuestas educativas requieren de un protagonismo de la sociedad civil, y la participación se convierte en la mejor herramienta educativa que va más allá de la incorporación de asignaturas específicas en los curriculums educativos (Navarro, Jacott & Maiztegui, 2011). Desde una perspectiva pedagógica la ciudadanía constituye uno de las narrativas que enmarcan tanto los principios teóricos como la práctica educativa (Marí Ytarte, Moreno e Hipólito, 2016). La presente tesis doctoral aborda el tema de la participación en proyectos comunitarios como entornos educativos de ciudadanía. Para ello, se basa en una concepción de ciudadanía "como proceso", que permite ampliar la comprensión sobre los procesos de participación y experiencias de ciudadanía de los adolescentes en programas comunitarios, donde diferentes formas de ser y de actuar se interrelacionan, y donde nuevas identidades entran en juego (Biesta, 2016, p. 16). De esta forma, los espacios públicos toman especial relevancia en los procesos de experimentación y aprendizaje de la ciudadanía, ya que se convierte en verdaderos "locus de aprendizaje" (Morán, 2007). En el caso de los adolescentes, contemplar los espacios que "ocupan" se vuelve de total interés, ya que se trata de espacios con los que éstos se identifican, que los valoran y cuidan como espacios propios. Desde un enfoque etnográfico, durante dos cursos escolares (2013-2015), he tomado una plataforma de participación municipal para adolescentes de entre 12 y 18 años como estudio de caso para comprender con mayor profundidad los procesos a través de los cuales se desarrolla y se ejerce la ciudadanía, cuáles son las características que la convierten en una "escuela de ciudadanía". Para la recogida de datos, he realizado 3 grupos de discusión de carácter exploratorio, 110 horas de observación participante, y 29 entrevistas. Entre los resultados, se destacan, por un lado, la importancia de los procesos participativos prolongados en el tiempo para la interiorización de competencias ciudadanas fruto de su experiencia diaria, y por otro, el papel del educador en dichos procesos participativos y en la generación de contextos educativos. [EN] The promotion of citizenship has become one of the central objectives in youth policies and documents (Benedict, 2011). The interest of international institutions is reflected in the celebration of the year of education for democratic citizenship (2005) by the Council of Europe or that UNESCO has identified education for global citizenship (Global Citizenship Education GCED) as one of its strategic areas for the 2014-2021 period. In this sense, the proposal for education for a democratic citizenship (2005) of the Council of Europe is an important reference point for further research, models and proposals of other international organizations, such as active citizenship of the European Commission (Hoskins, 2006) , which combine education, human rights and citizenship to promote peace through justice and fundamental freedoms. These educational proposals require a leading role in civil society, and participation becomes the best educational tool that goes beyond the incorporation of specific subjects in educational curriculums (Navarro, Jacott & Maiztegui, 2011). From a pedagogical perspective, citizenship constitutes one of the narratives that frame both theoretical principles and educational practice (Marí Ytarte, Moreno e Hipólito, 2016). This doctoral thesis addresses the issue of participation in community projects as citizenship educational environments. For this, it is based on a conception of citizenship "as a process", which allows broadening the understanding of the processes of participation and experiences of citizenship of adolescents in community programs, where different ways of being and acting are interrelated, and where new identities come into play (Biesta, 2016, p. 16). In this way, public spaces take on special relevance in the experimentation and learning processes of citizens, since it becomes true "learning locus" (Morán, 2007). In the case of adolescents, contemplating the spaces they "occupy" becomes of total interest, since they are spaces with which they identify, that value and care for them as their own spaces. From an ethnographic approach, during two school courses (2013-2015), I have taken a municipal participation platform for adolescents between 12 and 18 years as a case study to understand more deeply the processes through which it is developed and developed. exercises citizenship, what are the characteristics that make it a "school of citizenship." For data collection, I have conducted 3 exploratory discussion groups, 110 hours of participant observation, and 29 interviews. Among the results, the importance of prolonged participatory processes over time for the internalization of citizen competences as a result of their daily experience, and on the other, the role of the educator in said participatory processes and in the generation of educational contexts.
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The Israeli Defense Forces have been targeting civilian centers and using Palestinian civilians as human shields during its operation in Gaza, according to explosive new reporting from Haaretz. Ironically, this comes the day after the 75th anniversary of the Geneva Convention, a groundbreaking series of treaties which established international laws around human rights during war time.The report also arrives after weeks of the Israeli military bombing schools in Gaza used by Palestinians for shelter. In each of the attacks, the IDF has claimed that Hamas was using civilians as human shields. In Haaretz's new investigation however, Israeli soldiers have been seen using "random Palestinians" as human shields on camera for operations in the Strip. This is based in part on the footage, published by Al Jazeera two months ago, which shows Palestinians being forced into buildings and rooms ahead of soldiers to ensure that IDF are kept out of harm's way. Video shows the soldiers placing body cameras on the handcuffed detainees and dressing them in military uniforms with protective vests as they are forced to enter tunnels and buildings before the Israeli soldiers, as a way to check for explosives. Further investigation by Haaretz, published on Tuesday, exposes just how widespread this practice may be among the IDF ranks in Gaza. Combat soldiers and commanders alike were interviewed during this investigation."Our lives are more important than their lives," soldiers were told, according to Haaretz. "The thinking is that it's better for the Israeli soldiers to remain alive and for the shawishim to be the ones blown up by an explosive device."One of the sources interviewed by the paper claimed that the practice of using Palestinians as human shields was well-known, saying "when I saw the report from Al Jazeera, I said: 'Ah, yes, it's true.'" They also charged that leadership knew about the practice adding, "it's done with the knowledge of the brigade commander, at the least." Another soldier added to the testimony saying, "About five months ago, two Palestinians were brought to us. One was 20 and the other was 16. We were told: 'Use them, they're Gazans, use them as human shields.'"According to sources, minors and the elderly are also used. One soldier said, "There were times when really old people were made to go into houses."The list of incidents described in the investigation took place all over Gaza, but were very similar in nature and description, giving credence to the stories. Some soldiers said they felt uneasy about what they were doing, but concerns brought to leadership were met with a wave of the hand. A battalion commander is reported as saying in response to soldiers' questions: "A soldier doesn't need to take an interest in the laws of war. You need to think about the IDF's values and act according to the IDF's values, not the laws of war."The released footage has led to increased calls for an official probe. The IDF Spokesperson's Unit issued a statement saying, "IDF instructions and orders prohibit the use of Gazan civilians caught in the field for military missions that pose a deliberate risk to their lives. The IDF's instructions and orders on the subject have been made clear to the forces."These reports come as Israel is dealing with another alleged human rights violation. It was reported Monday that the IDF admitted to targeting the Taba'een school complex in Gaza City. Gazan civil defense officials claim that over 90 people were killed, including at least 17 women and children. Some of the bodies have yet to be identified due to the level of carnage produced by the strike. The IDF justifies the bombing by claiming that Hamas operatives were using a room inside of the complex's mosque. This has been disputed however, with the Israeli strike list including the name of a child under 12-years-old. Annelle Sheline, Research Fellow at the Quincy Institute, said the Haaretz investigation exposes the lie that the IDF is the "most moral army in the world." "Media routinely criticize Hamas for using Palestinians as so-called human shields," she said. "This is not actually accurate, because the use of a human shield involves coercion and the mere presence of Hamas in Gaza does not mean they have coerced Palestinians to inhabit their own homes, schools, and hospitals."Comparing IDF actions to that of Hamas, she adds, "In contrast, this report and others demonstrate that the Israeli military routinely uses Palestinians to do life threatening work against their will.This is not only a war crime but also goes against IDF rules."Driving the point home, Sheline points out that "The IDF's use of Palestinians as human shields, despite violating both the Geneva Conventions as well as their own rules, demonstrates the depravity of a military organization that still likes to refer to itself as 'the most moral army in the world'."Principal Deputy Spokesperson for the Department of State, Vedant Patel, responded to concerns about the school attack on Tuesday from a reporter during the daily press briefing, stating that Israel has the moral imperative to minimize the impact on civilians, claiming that concerns are raised when necessary and that deterrents are in place.
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The need for more devolution is one of the few areas of genuine consensus in British politics. From Boris Johnson's levelling up programme to Gordon Brown's proposed constitutional reforms, 'the more devolution, the better' has emerged as the unofficial slogan of Britain's ruling classes. Politicians of all stripes line up to propose new metro mayors, PCCs and obscure assemblies. 'Only when parliament is abolished and replaced with 37 regional authorities will Britain be saved!' cry the devo-maxxers. Neither the left nor the right is immune from this misguided thinking - but the right should know better. The idea that different regions will compete to lower taxes and slash regulation rests on a series of hopelessly naive assumptions. The UK is not the US - it is a far smaller country where economic hubs bleed across arbitrary regional boundaries. There is certainly no British equivalent to California or Texas. While competition between states works well in the US, in the UK, more devolution simply leads to an expansion of bureaucracy.The Scottish Enlightenment (regularly marginalised within nationalist discourse) provides an alternative free-market model to decentralisation. This unprecedented moment of intellectual and economic flourishing fundamentally altered the history of human thought, elevating Scotland's worldwide reputation. Edinburgh was dubbed 'The Athens of the North' while Glasgow emerged as the second city of the British Empire. It also witnessed the rise of one Adam Smith.This period of outsized Scottish influence emerged from a climate where independent Scottish institutions had recently been abolished. As Smith himself put it, 'by the union with England, the middling and inferior ranks of people in Scotland gained a complete deliverance from the power of an aristocracy which had always before oppressed them'. (How prescient those words sound today!)By joining the UK, Scotland was free to unleash its potential. The vacuum created by the dissolution of its corrupt national institutions was filled by independent civil societies and innovative financial institutions like free banks. It was the distinct absence of government, combined with Scotland's unique constitutional status, that caused this previously marginalised region to punch above its weight, turbo-boosting its economy and shaping the world in its image. The Scots didn't produce the likes of David Hume, Thomas Reid or Adam Ferguson by entrenching a national political class. Free marketers beware! When regional officials are given more powers, they hoard them, rather than give them away. Instead of empowering their constituents, devolved assemblies create a second layer of ambitious politicians eager to expand their influence. It tends towards pork barrel politics where community champions compete for government pork – often distributed on account of its electoral, rather than economic, significance. The BBC's analysis of the second round of Levelling Up funding demonstrates that Tory constituencies were awarded a total of £1.21bn, compared with £471m in Labour ones. Similarly, after being granted control over tax and spending, Scotland has certainly not reconnected with its Enlightenment roots. To the dismay of liberals, the Scottish Parliament has used its newfound powers to raise rather than reduce taxes. According to the BBC, Scots earning over £50,000 are paying £1,542 more than they would elsewhere in the UK while those earning over £200,000 pay £7,478 more. Instead of promoting opportunities for business and improving the quality of essential public services, the parliament has constantly sought to expand its influence, imposing authoritarian dictates on everything from hate speech to alcohol consumption.Just as spring follows winter, more government leads to more incompetence - and this doesn't change on a local or regional level. If anything, it is heightened. Operating on smaller scales, politicians lack the resources to properly consider legislation leading to poor decision-making. The recent string of council bankruptcies gives us a flavour of what we can expect following a proliferation of similar regional bodies. Over the next 2 years, bankrupt Birmingham will have to raise council tax by a staggering 21%. Similarly, a cursory expansion of the scandals facing devolved bodies demonstrates that the murky realities of political power certainly do not dissolve as size diminishes. Instead of leasing out its powers to new, expensive assemblies, the UK government should skip the middleman and implement free-market ideas itself, imposing lower taxes and liberalising the planning system. It could even use national powers to create Special Economic Zones, encouraging investment in less productive regions. There is no need to rely on devolved bodies to do this job. Although the UK is regularly criticised for over-centralisation, a strong national government makes sense given our size and economic structure.With the possible exception of Northern Ireland, decentralisation has caused more harm than good. The vision of a free-market federalised Britain of regional assemblies is a pie-in-the-sky fantasy that must be resisted. Whilst, where identities are strong, some representation may be necessary, these cases must be treated as exceptions rather than rules. Ultimately, a decentralised government is still government, and more government is not the answer to Britain's problems.
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Andrés Manuel López Obrador's (AMLO) administration, with support from Congress, has tried more than once to weaken the Mexican judiciary's independence, possibly to hinder any ruling it could make as a counterbalance against his questionable policies. Since the beginning of his term, he has successfully appointed allies as justices to the Supreme Court. At present, at least two of them seem to support him unconditionally. Arturo Zaldívar, the former Supreme Court president, showed increasing political support for AMLO during his last years in this position. In 2021, Mexico's Congress passed a judicial reform bill dubbed the "Zaldívar Law'' to extend his term as Supreme Court president for an additional two years; Zaldivar rejected it.In contrast, Norma Piña, the current Supreme Court president, is a professional judge who has proven her loyalty to the Constitution as well as her democratic and republican streak when opposing AMLO's reforms. Under her leadership, the Supreme Court overturned AMLO's electoral reforms, by declaring that Congress violated Articles 71 and 72 of the Federal Constitution, arguing that not all congressional political parties participated in the legislative process when said reforms were approved. These reforms sought to weaken the National Electoral Institute and put free elections at risk in Mexico. The electoral system is widely considered the jewel of Mexico's young democracy.However, the Federal Judicial Branch (FJB) now faces a new threat to its independence, which could be seen as retaliation: asset expropriation. On October 10, 2023, the Budget Commission in the Chamber of Representatives approved a reform to eliminate 13 of the 14 FJP's trusts. A section of the reform provides that at least a portion of any funds resulting from the elimination of the judiciary trusts should now be deposited to Federal Treasury accounts under executive control.The reform seeks to prevent the Judiciary from operating trusts that are not included in the FJB Law; only one of the 14 is explicitly included in the same. However, the Federal Budget Law allows for trust operation without that specification. Furthermore, the proposed reform establishes that part of the liquid resources will be deposited to the Federal Treasury; in contrast, the Federal Budget Law establishes that any resources must be deposited in the FJB Treasury to safeguard its budgetary autonomy and independence.Some of the money in the trusts is allocated for FJB staff benefits, without which their labor rights would be at risk, potentially creating legal consequences for the FJB. No trust fund should be eliminated without a previous risk and impact evaluation, given that many are set up over time to guarantee the financing of certain rights. At México Evalúa, we believe that the extinction of the FJB trusts might also damage its budget liquidity in 2024, given that it might have to be used to pay those benefits.The FJB budget is around 0.4% of GDP, which is low compared to other countries like Brazil, Colombia, and Peru. In addition, for several years now, the Judiciary has faced more work and less budget. The number of cases submitted to FJB bodies increased by 43% (377,607 more cases) between 2010 and 2022. In the same period, its spending grew by only 19%. For this reason, spending per case is lower. If we look solely at the present administration, judiciary spending has fallen almost 10% between 2018 and 2022. Moreover, because of the growing number of cases, spending per case fell by 23%, dropping from $82,000 pesos per case in 2018 to $63,000 pesos in 2022.Furthermore, in 2021, the FJB received increased functions, resulting from various reforms. For example, the labor justice reform transferred the resolution of conflicts between workers and employers to the FJB's labor courts or state courts. Likewise, reforms have been approved in criminal, civil, and family matters, the implementation of which falls on the FJB. However, specific budget items to support the implementation were not provided.Judiciary independence is a keystone for the FJB to carry out its work and build a democratic rule of law. More work and less budget represent a challenge for the FJB, not only for its operation but also for creating a substantial risk to its effectiveness, as well as the quality and access to justice. Policies to protect judiciary independence and its budget should be front and center. To prevent the FJB's budget from being used as a tool for retaliation or being allocated at the discretion of legislators, it should be set at 2% of the annual Federal Government's programmable spending; this proportion is only 1.3% at present. This guarantee, based on international recommendation, should be established at the constitutional level. It could help us protect the FJB's independence, a minimum budget, and a control against reductions that could place Mexicans' access to justice at risk. It is important to note that the 2% guarantee is already included in some state Constitutions, such as Jalisco. And in Costa Rica, for example, the financing of its Judicial Branch must be equal to or more than 6% of the Government's ordinary income.The remaining issue that we still need to reflect upon is how this discussion could help the president build social support for the reform seeking to initiate elections for Mexican judges.
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Andrés Manuel López Obrador's (AMLO) administration, with support from Congress, has tried more than once to weaken the Mexican judiciary's independence, possibly to hinder any ruling it could make as a counterbalance against his questionable policies. Since the beginning of his term, he has successfully appointed allies as justices to the Supreme Court. At present, at least two of them seem to support him unconditionally. Arturo Zaldívar, the former Supreme Court president, showed increasing political support for AMLO during his last years in this position. In 2021, Mexico's Congress passed a judicial reform bill dubbed the "Zaldívar Law'' to extend his term as Supreme Court president for an additional two years; Zaldivar rejected it.In contrast, Norma Piña, the current Supreme Court president, is a professional judge who has proven her loyalty to the Constitution as well as her democratic and republican streak when opposing AMLO's reforms. Under her leadership, the Supreme Court overturned AMLO's electoral reforms, by declaring that Congress violated Articles 71 and 72 of the Federal Constitution, arguing that not all congressional political parties participated in the legislative process when said reforms were approved. These reforms sought to weaken the National Electoral Institute and put free elections at risk in Mexico. The electoral system is widely considered the jewel of Mexico's young democracy.However, the Federal Judicial Branch (FJB) now faces a new threat to its independence, which could be seen as retaliation: asset expropriation. On October 10, 2023, the Budget Commission in the Chamber of Representatives approved a reform to eliminate 13 of the 14 FJP's trusts. A section of the reform provides that at least a portion of any funds resulting from the elimination of the judiciary trusts should now be deposited to Federal Treasury accounts under executive control.The reform seeks to prevent the Judiciary from operating trusts that are not included in the FJB Law; only one of the 14 is explicitly included in the same. However, the Federal Budget Law allows for trust operation without that specification. Furthermore, the proposed reform establishes that part of the liquid resources will be deposited to the Federal Treasury; in contrast, the Federal Budget Law establishes that any resources must be deposited in the FJB Treasury to safeguard its budgetary autonomy and independence.Some of the money in the trusts is allocated for FJB staff benefits, without which their labor rights would be at risk, potentially creating legal consequences for the FJB. No trust fund should be eliminated without a previous risk and impact evaluation, given that many are set up over time to guarantee the financing of certain rights. At México Evalúa, we believe that the extinction of the FJB trusts might also damage its budget liquidity in 2024, given that it might have to be used to pay those benefits.The FJB budget is around 0.4% of GDP, which is low compared to other countries like Brazil, Colombia, and Peru. In addition, for several years now, the Judiciary has faced more work and less budget. The number of cases submitted to FJB bodies increased by 43% (377,607 more cases) between 2010 and 2022. In the same period, its spending grew by only 19%. For this reason, spending per case is lower. If we look solely at the present administration, judiciary spending has fallen almost 10% between 2018 and 2022. Moreover, because of the growing number of cases, spending per case fell by 23%, dropping from $82,000 pesos per case in 2018 to $63,000 pesos in 2022.Furthermore, in 2021, the FJB received increased functions, resulting from various reforms. For example, the labor justice reform transferred the resolution of conflicts between workers and employers to the FJB's labor courts or state courts. Likewise, reforms have been approved in criminal, civil, and family matters, the implementation of which falls on the FJB. However, specific budget items to support the implementation were not provided.Judiciary independence is a keystone for the FJB to carry out its work and build a democratic rule of law. More work and less budget represent a challenge for the FJB, not only for its operation but also for creating a substantial risk to its effectiveness, as well as the quality and access to justice. Policies to protect judiciary independence and its budget should be front and center. To prevent the FJB's budget from being used as a tool for retaliation or being allocated at the discretion of legislators, it should be set at 2% of the annual Federal Government's programmable spending; this proportion is only 1.3% at present. This guarantee, based on international recommendation, should be established at the constitutional level. It could help us protect the FJB's independence, a minimum budget, and a control against reductions that could place Mexicans' access to justice at risk. It is important to note that the 2% guarantee is already included in some state Constitutions, such as Jalisco. And in Costa Rica, for example, the financing of its Judicial Branch must be equal to or more than 6% of the Government's ordinary income.The remaining issue that we still need to reflect upon is how this discussion could help the president build social support for the reform seeking to initiate elections for Mexican judges.
Wer entscheidet in Österreich darüber, wer kommen darf, wer bleiben darf und wer wieder gehen muss? Sollten Asylwerbende eine Lehre machen, und dann eventuell als Fachkräfte in Mangelberufen in Österreich bleiben dürfen? Welche Überlegungen und Kriterien werden bei diesen Entscheidungen herangezogen und inwieweit sind dem Anspruch Österreichs auf nationalstaatliche Souveränität in der Asyl- und Migrationspolitik nicht auch Grenzen gesetzt? Ist die österreichische Praxis in allem mit den Menschenrechten und anderen Richtlinien vereinbar und ethisch vertretbar? Diesen Überlegungen möchte ich mit der vorliegenden Arbeit etwas auf den Grund gehen. Neben einer Reihe völkerrechtlicher, politischer und sozialer Herausforderungen soll in dieser Arbeit der Fokus auf ethische Problemfelder gerichtet werden. Hierbei gilt mein Augenmerk dem Schicksal junger Asylwerbender in der Lehre, deren Asylantrag rechtmäßig abgelehnt wurde. Sie sind daher aufgefordert, Österreich binnen einer Frist freiwillig zu verlassen, andernfalls droht ihnen die Abschiebung.Allerdings haben gerade diese jungen Menschen ihre hohe Integrationsbereitschaft und -fähigkeit bewiesen. Sie haben sich um eine Ausbildung in einem Mangelberuf bemüht und damit ihren ökonomischen Mehrwert für die österreichische Wirtschaft unter Beweis gestellt. Sie werden zu jenen Fachkräften, die heimische Betriebe dringend benötigen. Dabei haben sie in hohem Maße eine 2015 von staatlicher Seite erbetene Unterstützung durch die österreichische Zivilgesellschaft erhalten. Sie sind oftmals zu wertvollen Mitgliedern heimischer Betriebe und Familien geworden, die nun, mit teils ihre Möglichkeiten überschreitendem Einsatz, um den Verbleib ihrer "Schützlinge" kämpfen. Gerade an diesen Lehrlingen kann die enorme ethische, gesellschaftliche wie juristische Komplexität in der österreichischen Asyl- und Migrationspraxis exemplarisch aufgezeigt werden. An den Lehrlingen lässt sich zudem eine Entwicklung der politischen Kultur in Österreich nachzeichnen, die eine, bis heute ungebrochene Abkehr von der sogenannten "Willkommenskultur von 2015" und hin zu einem Bekenntnis zu einer "Abschiebe- und Abschottungspolitik" erkennen lässt, und dies, ungeachtet der seit 2015 häufig wechselnden Regierungen.Die Arbeit beginnt zunächst mit einem allgemeinen Teil zum Thema Asyl und Hilfspflicht, widmet sich dann dem österreichischen Asylverfahren, dem Asylrecht sowie dem Arbeitsmarktzugang für Asylwerbende. Welche Spannungsfelder zwischen Asylrecht, Asyl- und Arbeitsmarktpolitik und Asylsuchenden in der Lehre entstehen, wird zusätzlich anhand von exemplarischen Fallbeispielen und Reflexionen aus dem Blickwinkel einer humanen Ethik dargelegt und stellt den dritten thematischen Annäherungspunkt meiner Arbeit dar. Wer entscheidet in Österreich darüber, wer kommen darf, wer bleiben darf und wer wieder gehen muss? Sollten Asylwerbende eine Lehre machen, und dann eventuell als Fachkräfte in Mangelberufen in Österreich bleiben dürfen? Welche Überlegungen und Kriterien werden bei diesen Entscheidungen herangezogen und inwieweit sind dem Anspruch Österreichs auf nationalstaatliche Souveränität in der Asyl- und Migrationspolitik nicht auch Grenzen gesetzt? Ist die österreichische Praxis in allem mit den Menschenrechten und anderen Richtlinien vereinbar und ethisch vertretbar? Diesen Überlegungen möchte ich mit der vorliegenden Arbeit etwas auf den Grund gehen. Neben einer Reihe völkerrechtlicher, politischer und sozialer Herausforderungen soll in dieser Arbeit der Fokus auf ethische Problemfelder gerichtet werden. Hierbei gilt mein Augenmerk dem Schicksal junger Asylwerbender in der Lehre, deren Asylantrag rechtmäßig abgelehnt wurde. Sie sind daher aufgefordert, Österreich binnen einer Frist freiwillig zu verlassen, andernfalls droht ihnen die Abschiebung.Allerdings haben gerade diese jungen Menschen ihre hohe Integrationsbereitschaft und -fähigkeit bewiesen. Sie haben sich um eine Ausbildung in einem Mangelberuf bemüht und damit ihren ökonomischen Mehrwert für die österreichische Wirtschaft unter Beweis gestellt. Sie werden zu jenen Fachkräften, die heimische Betriebe dringend benötigen. Dabei haben sie in hohem Maße eine 2015 von staatlicher Seite erbetene Unterstützung durch die österreichische Zivilgesellschaft erhalten. Sie sind oftmals zu wertvollen Mitgliedern heimischer Betriebe und Familien geworden, die nun, mit teils ihre Möglichkeiten überschreitendem Einsatz, um den Verbleib ihrer "Schützlinge" kämpfen. Gerade an diesen Lehrlingen kann die enorme ethische, gesellschaftliche wie juristische Komplexität in der österreichischen Asyl- und Migrationspraxis exemplarisch aufgezeigt werden. An den Lehrlingen lässt sich zudem eine Entwicklung der politischen Kultur in Österreich nachzeichnen, die eine, bis heute ungebrochene Abkehr von der sogenannten "Willkommenskultur von 2015" und hin zu einem Bekenntnis zu einer "Abschiebe- und Abschottungspolitik" erkennen lässt, und dies, ungeachtet der seit 2015 häufig wechselnden Regierungen.Die Arbeit beginnt zunächst mit einem allgemeinen Teil zum Thema Asyl und Hilfspflicht, widmet sich dann dem österreichischen Asylverfahren, dem Asylrecht sowie dem Arbeitsmarktzugang für Asylwerbende. Welche Spannungsfelder zwischen Asylrecht, Asyl- und Arbeitsmarktpolitik und Asylsuchenden in der Lehre entstehen, wird zusätzlich anhand von exemplarischen Fallbeispielen und Reflexionen aus dem Blickwinkel einer humanen Ethik dargelegt und stellt den dritten thematischen Annäherungspunkt meiner Arbeit dar. ; Who decides in Austria who is allowed to come,who is allowed to stay and who has to leave again? Should asylum seekers undergo an apprenticeship scheme and then possibly be allowed to stay in Austria as skilled workers in shortage occupations? What considerations and criteria are taken into account and to what extent are there not also limits to Austria's claim to national sovereignty in asylum and migration policy. Another question that arises is whether the Austrian asylum and migration practice is compatible with human rights and other guidlines and whether those actions are ethically jusifiable? In this paper I would like to explore these considerations thoroughly. In addition to a number of international legal, political and social challenges, this work will focus on ethically problematic areas. In this context, my special attention is paid to the fate of young asylum seekers in apprenticeships whose asylum applications have been legally rejected. They are therefore requested to leave Austria voluntarily within a certain period of time otherwise they are threatened with deportation.However, these young people in particular have demonstrated their willingness and ability to integrate. They have sought training in shortage occupations and thus proven to be an economic added value for the Austrian economy. They develop into the skilled workers that domestic companies require urgently. In the process they have received a lot of support from the Austrian civil population, which was requested by the state in 2015. As a result, the asylum seekers have often become valuable members of domestic companies and families, who are now fighting for the whereabouts of their "proteges" with efforts that sometimes exceed their capabilities.It is precisely through those hard working asylum seekers that the enormous ethical, social and legal complexity of Austrian asylum and migration practice can be exemplified. These apprentices also illustrate a development in Austria's political culture that shows a continuing shift away from the so-called "welcome culture" of 2015 towards a commitment to a "deportation and isolation policy", despite the frequent changes in government since 2015.The thesis starts with a general part on asylum and the ethical duty to help. The second part focuses on the Austrian asylum procedure and rights as well as labour market access for asylum seekers. The last section is devoted to the areas of tension that arise between asylum law and asylum and labour market policy as well as the human consequences for asylum seekers in the apprenticeship scheme. Additionally, exemplary case studies are presented to point out the impact that practical policy implementation has on those asylum seekers from the perspective of humane ethics. ; Arbeit an der Bibliothek noch nicht eingelangt - Daten nicht geprüft ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung des Verfassers/der Verfasserin ; Masterarbeit Karl-Franzens-Universität Graz 2021
Vovchansk hillfort is located in the eastern border area of Vovchansk city in Kharkiv Region. It belongs to the Saltiv archaeological culture (mid. VIII — mid. X centuries), which reflects material and cultural remains of the Khazar Khaganate. This site is among one and a half dozens of microregions in the Khazar Khaganate located in the middle stream of the Siverskyi Donets. The site is located on the cape of the right bank of the Vovcha River (right inflow of the Siversky Donets). It has one yard with a threefold defence system that includes earthen walls, ditches and scarps. Household buildings were discovered in the northern part of the citadel, and between outward and inward defensive lines. A small household zone was found within the range of the space near citadel walls; its household buildings were of a small area, with mud-brick walls. They were likely to serve for food supply storage meant to be delivered for a small number of consumers (for example, for the citadel garrison). Nine household buildings found between exterior and middle defence lines were investigated in the southern part of the hillfort; they are located in 4.0—6.0 meters from one another (in the absence of nearby dwellings). All of them are different in their plan and construction. The reconstruction of the most extant ones is offered in the article. The following things were taken into account: results of archaeological research, construction quality of grounds, surrounding nature of construction raw materials, presence of implements and their feasibility of raw materials processing, and also ethnographic data on traditional construction of the population in XVIII—XIX centuries. These buildings were designed for food preservation in wooden or vine- or fibre-braided baskets and other containers, also in bags (of leather or tissue) and ceramic tare. As to the purpose of these food stocks, some hypotheses are offered. The 1st hypothesis: the storage could belong to the local surrounding population in the times of external threat for the residents of the nearby settlements; it seems probable in the light of the civil war in Khazaria at the beginning of the 9th century. The 2nd hypothesis: food supply could be stored to be consumed by the garrison, which could be located in the hillfort citadel for creating military pressure on the Slavs. The 3rd hyposesis: the mentioned buildings could be used for temporary retention of the corn harvest (and probably, the Slavs' tribute) reaped by the local community before its shipping at the disposal of the central authority of the Khaganate. Similarity between two discovered household buildings in the excavation site No. 3 points to the fact that the work was done by the same craftsmen group following the common plan. Constructive diversity of household buildings in the excavation site No. 4 shows that they were created by different craftsmen groups. ; Волчанское городище расположено на восточной окраине г. Волчанск в Харьковской обл. Оно принадлежит салтовской культуре (середина VIII — середина Х в. н. э.), которая отражает материальные и культурные остатки Хазарского каганата. Памятник является центром одного из полутора десятков микрорегионов Хазарского каганата, открытых в среднем течении Северского Донца. Городище занимает высокий мыс правого берега р. Волчья (правый приток Северского Донца). Оно имеет одно дворище с тройной системой обороны, которая состояла из валов, рвов и эскарпов. Хозяйственные сооружения были найдены в северной части цитадели, а также между внешней и средней линиями защиты. В пределах пристеночного пространства цитадели открыта небольшая хозяйственная зона с незначительными по площади хозяйственными помещениями из глинобитных стен. Они, скорее всего, служили для хранения продовольственных запасов, которые были предназначены для небольшого количества потребителей (например, для гарнизона цитадели?). В южной части городища исследовано девять хозяйственных сооружений, что располагались на расстоянии 4,0—6,0 м друг от друга (при отсутствии жилищ по соседству). Все они различны в плане и по конструкции. Была предложена реконструкция наиболее целостных из них. При этом были учтены результаты археологических исследований, строительное качество грунтов, строительный материал из природного окружения, наличие инструментов и их возможности в обработке сырья, а также этнографические данные по традиционному строительству местного населения в ХVIII—ХІХ вв. Данные сооружения предназначались для хранения пищевых запасов в деревянных или плетеных из лозы и лыка коробах и иных ёмкостях, а также в мешках (кожаных или тканевых) и в керамической таре. Предлагается несколько гипотез относительно их назначения: —Запасы могли принадлежать населению местной сельскохозяйственной округи для их использования в период внешней угрозы, что вполне возможно с учётом гражданской войны в Хазарии в начале ІХ в. —Запасы могли создаваться для употребления военным гарнизоном, который мог пребывать в цитадели городища для обеспечения военного давления на славян. —Рассмотренные помещения могли использоваться для временного хранения собранного у местного населения зернового урожая (а, возможно, и дани, собранной со славян) перед его отправкой в распоряжение центральной власти каганата. Сходство двух выявленных хозяйственных помещений в раскопе 3 свидетельствует, что работы исполнялись одной группой строителей и по одному плану. Конструктивное разнообразие хозяйственных помещений в раскопе 4 свидетельствует, что они создавались разными группами мастеров. ; Розглядаються залишки господарчих будівель, що виявлені на Вовчанському городищі у Харківській обл., яке належить до північно-західних територій Хозарського каганату (лісостеповий регіон салтівської культури середини VIII— середини Х ст. н.е.). На підставі археологічних та етнографічних даних, а також можливостей ґрунтів і природного оточення щодо будівельного матеріалу, пропонуються реконструкції окремих господарчих будівель. Виходячи з етнополітичної ситуації визначається можливе призначення цих споруд.
the article States that the ethics of a lawyer is an important component of the legal ethics; stated that the legal profession has as its object the person, affects its interests, rights, private life, so the study of moral aspects and problems of advocacy is today of paramount importance; marked by such key concepts as morality, law, ethics, justice, duty, good, evil, conscience, responsibility, honor, dignity, humanity; noted that part of ethics, legal ethics is a scientific discipline whose subject is the manifestation of morality in justice and law enforcement; marked what is the value of legal ethics is that it gives the moral nature of the activities for implementation of justice, the implementation of the prosecutorial, investigative work and other activities carried out by professional lawyers; States that legal ethics contributes to the proper formation of consciousness, attitudes of members of the legal profession, focusing them on rigorous compliance with moral norms; stated that today is the actual context of the conversation separately about the ethics of judges, investigative ethics, ethics counsel; noted that the specifics of advocacy requires a balance in the service of a lawyer; noted, what legal ethics is designed to ensure the performance of lawyer's duties honestly, competently and in good faith, to form proper level of public confidence in the legal profession as a representative of civil society and personally to the lawyers; noted that the basis of the relationship of the lawyer and the client is trust; noted that the attorney has no right to own, not coordinated with the client the position of the defence, counsel should pay special attention to the client, who is in custody, fee practice a lawyer shall take into consideration a number of factors; the caveats regarding the prohibition resumania of participants in the process; indicate their objections against the wrong actions of the investigator or body of inquiry, the lawyer is obliged to clothe in a legal form and contribute to the formation of a respectful attitude to the court as a branch of government; provided that an advocate shall be prohibited to violate professional ethics, and the need to build relationships with colleagues in the profession on standards of decency and respect to help Junior colleagues; to respect the dignity, prestige and business reputation of other lawyers to form a decent line of their own positions and behavior and have compelling personal point of view. ; в статье указано, что этика адвоката является важной составляющей юридической этики; обозначено, что профессия адвоката определяет своим объектом человека, поэтому исследование нравственных аспектов и проблем адвокатской деятельности имеет первостепенное значение; отмечены такие ключевые понятия как мораль, право, этика, справедливость, долг, добро, зло, совесть, ответственность, честь, достоинство, гуманизм; отмечено, что составная часть этики, юридическая этика – научная дисциплина, предмет которой составляет проявление морали в правосудии и правоприменительной деятельности; отмечено, что значение юридической этики состоит в том, что она придает нравственный характер деятельности по осуществлению правосудия, выполнению прокурорских функций, следственной работе, а также другим видам деятельности, осуществляемой юристами-профессионалами; констатируется, что юридическая этика способствует правильному формированию сознания, взглядов работников юридической профессии, ориентируя их на неукоснительное соблюдение нравственных норм; указано, что сегодня является актуальным контекст разговора отдельно об этике судей, следственной этике, этике адвоката; отмечено, что специфика адвокатской деятельности требует сбалансированности в служении адвоката. ; у статті зазначено, що етика адвоката є важливою складовою юридичної етики; вказано, що професія адвоката має своїм об'єктом людину, торкається її інтересів, прав, приватного життя, тому дослідження моральних аспектів і проблем адвокатської діяльності має сьогодні першочергове значення; відзначено такі ключові поняття як мораль, право, етика, справедливість, обов'язок, добро, зло, сумління, відповідальність, честь, гідність, гуманізм; відзначено, що складова частина етики, юридична етика, – наукова дисципліна, предмет якої складає прояв моралі в правосудді і правозастосовній діяльності; наголошено, що значення юридичної етики полягає в тому, що вона надає моральний характер діяльності зі здійснення правосуддя, виконанню прокурорських функцій, слідчій роботі, а також іншим видам діяльності, що здійснюється юристами-професіоналами; констатується, що юридична етика сприяє правильному формуванню свідомості, поглядів працівників юридичної професії, орієнтуючи їх на неухильне дотримання моральних норм; вказано, що сьогодні є актуальним контекст розмови окремо про етику суддів, слідчу етику, етику адвоката; наголошено, що специфіка адвокатської діяльності вимагає збалансованості у служінні адвоката; наголошено, що адвокатська етика покликана забезпечувати виконання адвокатом своїх обов'язків чесно, компетентно і сумлінно, щоб формувати належний рівень суспільної довіри до адвокатури як представника громадянського суспільства і особисто до адвокатів; відзначено, що основу взаємин адвоката з клієнтом становить довіра; наголошено, що адвокат не має права на власну, не погоджену з клієнтом, позицію захисту, адвокат повинен проявляти підвищену увагу до підзахисного, який перебуває під вартою, гонорарна практика адвоката повинна будуватися з урахуванням низки чинників; надається застереження щодо заборони іронізування над учасниками процесу; вказується, що свої заперечення проти неправильних дій слідчого або органів дізнання адвокат зобов'язаний висловлювати у законній формі та сприяти формуванню в суспільстві шанобливого ставлення до суду як до гілки влади; зазначено, що адвокату забороняється грубо порушувати професійну етику, а необхідно будувати відносини з колегами по професії на нормах порядності і поваги, допомагати молодшим колегам; поважати гідність, авторитет і ділову репутацію інших адвокатів, формувати гідну лінію власної позиції і поведінки та мати переконливу власну точку зору.
Formulation of the problem: The regional authorities and multilegal groups approved normalization of the relations of the USA-Cuba, claiming that involvement instead of isolation can help to improve a situation with human rights in Cuba. In 2014 J. M. Insulsa, and then the secretary general of the Organization of American States, welcomed the statement. Cuba carries out process of economic reforms which, I hope, will be able to lead to political reforms. Experts believe that participation of Cuba in April, 2015 in the Summit of the countries of America in Panama signaled "a new era" in scales of the relations of a hemisphere. Members of civil society, including the well-known Cuban dissidents who were also participating in the summit it is shift as some speak, signaled about increase in political openness. Nevertheless, even at such succession of events and release of political prisoners, some analysts are concerned by how the political system in Cuba will quickly change. Many observers, including foreign leaders and human rights activists, claim that the United States have to go further and cancel economic embargo. It will hardly happen in the near future, according to experts, because of strong opposition in the U. S. Congress.The following tasks: analyzing conceptual and theoretical approaches of institutionalization In the short term of the USA will continue to exercise executive power to open the American-Cuban communications in the sphere of trade, investments, banking, telecommunications, pharmaceutics, agriculture and travel. It can create political dynamics which, eventually will change opinion in the Congress finally to cancel, or not to apply Helms-Burton any more. Since 1960th years, all subsequent U.S. Administrations supported policy of economic sanctions and diplomatic isolation of Cuba. Change in the relations of these countries which was initially noted by exchange of prisoners and release from Havana the imprisoned subcontractor of the USA in December, 2015 induced some experts to indicate more favorable prospects for economy of Cuba and the relations with the USA in wider plan in Latin America. But trade embargo of the USA which demands approval of the congress for cancellation. The constituents of the soft power concept within the realization of the smart power strategy by political actors. The special attention is paid to the influence on modern political processes by the global events. The constituents of the soft power concept within the realization of the smart power strategy by political actors. The special attention is paid to the influence on modern political processes by the global events. In modern terms «soft power» should be purpose of detecting, preventing and neutralizing of security threats.Key words: smart power, political process, global events, situation, global political space, associated construction, еffective source, government.доктор політичних наук, професор, О. І. Ткач, А. О. Ткач, Перспективи дипломатичних відносин у вирішенні американо-кубинского конфлікта / КНУ імені Тараса Шевченка, Україна, Київ; Університет "Україна", Україна, Київ В статті розглядаються складові концепту м'якої сили в межах реалізації політичними акторами стратегії smart power. Регіональні інститути влади та групи схвалили нормалізацію відносин США-Куба, стверджуючи, що залучення замість ізоляції може допомогти поліпшити ситуацію з правами людини на Кубі. Куба здійснює економічні реформи, які зможуть призвести до політичних реформ. Експерти вважають, що участь Куби в квітні 2015 р. в Самміті країн Америки в Панамі сигналізувала "нову еру" у масштабах відносин півкулі. Громадянське суспільство, добре відомі кубинські дисиденти, які також приймали участь у самміті, вважали, що це зрушення, сигналізувало про підвищення рівня політичної відкритості. Проте навіть за такого розвитку подій і звільненні політичних ув'язнених, деякі аналітики стурбовані тим, як швидко зміниться політична система на Кубі. Чимало спостерігачів, у тому числі іноземні лідери і правозахисники, стверджують, що США мають продовжувати процес далі і скасувати економічне ембарго. У короткостроковій перспективі США буде продовжувати використовувати виконавчу владу, щоб відкрити американо-кубинські зв'язки у сфері торгівлі, інвестицій, банківській справі, телекомунікацій, фармацевтики, сільського господарства і туризму. Це може створити політичну динаміку, що, у змінить позицію Конгресу, щоб в скасувати, або не застосовувати Хелмс-Бертон. Починаючи з 1960-х років, усі наступні адміністрації США підтримували політику і економічних санкцій і дипломатичної ізоляції Куби. Зміна у відносинах цих країн, яка була відзначена обміном ув'язненими, спонукала експертів визначити сприятливіші перспективи для економіки Куби і відносин зі США, в ширшому плані в Латинській Америці. Для вирішення завдань, поставлених у статті, переважно були використані такі наукові методи: загальнонаукові – описовий, герменевтико-політологічний, системний, структурно-функціональний, компаративний, інституційно-порівняльний; загальнологічні – емпіричний, статистичний, прогностичного моделювання та аналізу; спеціальні методи політології. Перевага надавалася методу політико-системного аналізу, за допомогою якого було виявлено спільні та відмінні характеристики базових складових стратегій «м'якої сили», що відображають існуючі політичні, суспільні, інформаційні та інші виклики для відносин та глобального розвитку. Для емпіричного дослідження було використано фактологічну базу, яку склали дані експертного опитування. Праксеологічний та системний методи застосовувалися під час аналізу системи відносин в Карибському регіоні за чотирма вісями: США - країни Карибського регіону, США - зовнішньорегіональні зв'язки, а також відносини між карибськими країнами. Ключові слова: зовнішньополітичний курс, політичний процес, світова економічна криза, південноамериканська фінансова архітектура, інтеграція.
У багатоьох розвинутих країнах світу розвиток природоохоронної галузі відіграє важливу роль у забезпеченні екологічної та ресурсової безпеки, в той же час одну з провідних ролей у забезпеченні сталого формування галузі відіграє людський ресурс. Саме персонал забезпечує основні вектори діяльності будь-якої галузі, та є її рушійною силою, тому від рівня його кваліфікації та ділових якостей залежить ступінь відповідності галузі вимогам сучасного супсільства. З метою залучення кваліфікованих, дисциплінованих, відповідальних працівників до роботи в природоохоронній або природно-заповідній галузі необхідно максимально персоналізувати трудові відносини шляхом укладення з ними контрактів, де буде враховано обсяг та коло їх прав та обов'язків, ступінь відповідальності та засоби економічного, правового, соціального та побутового забезпечення цих осіб. Вивчення контракту не є новим не тільки в галузі трудового права, але й всіх суміжних царинах, однак спроба дати аналіз і визначити місце контракту в подальшому розвитку та трансформації трудових відносин є новою та актуальною. Поява контракту як особливої форми врегулювання трудових відносин стала реакцією на невиразний, нечіткий і занадто загальний та уніфікований зміст трудових договорів, які не враховують ні особисті та ділові якості працівника, ні специфіку його діяльності, ні рівень професійності, ні рівень освіти чи професійної перепідготовки. Його поява стала одним із способів поглиблення індивідуального договірного характеру найманої праці, способом чіткішого й повнішого врегулювання умов праці та її оплати, встановлення засобів заохочення, додаткових соціально-трудових гарантій, а також способом підвищення відповідальності за покладені на працівника обов'язки. Станом на сьогоднішній день умови застосування контракту визначаються законами України, що суттєво звужує сферу його застосування. Однак, контракт є необхідним і дієвим регулятором трудових правовідносин з працівниками природоохоронних професій та спеціальностей, оскільки саме за допомогою контракту відбувається посилення індивідуально-договірного регулювання трудових правовідносин шляхом встановлення необхідних та додаткових умов праці та всіх відносин, пов'язаних із виконанням посадових обов'язків. Необхідність імплементації контракту в природоохоронну та природно-заповідну діяльність на законодавчому рівні зумовлена тим, що трудові договори не враховують особисті, ділові, професійні якості та специфіку діяльності працівника. ; In many developed countries, the environmental sector plays an important role in ensuring environmental and resource security, meanwhile human resources play a key role in ensuring the sustainable industry development. Market transformations in the country's economy caused the need to revise the labor relations institute from the economic development point of view. Particular importance was the theoretical reassessment labor relations institutional: the old labor law institutes, which corresponded to the administrative command system, must transform to new ones, that contain market needs. One of such labor relations institutes are contractual relations between the employer and the employee, which allow to personalize the labor relations as much as possible, consider the economic interest of both parties, and protect as far as possible the mutual interests and rights. Aim and tasks. The aim of the article is represented the main tendencies and realities of using an employment contract in Ukraine's companies, which is signed in the standard form. This article is dedicated to studying the contract as a special form of labour relations regulation, the contract,s essence and its role in the modern market economy conditions, such a type of labour agreement application in western countries were contrasted, сonclusions about the contract perspective to realize the agreed labour regulation were proposed. Studying the contract' role is not new theme of labor, but an attempt to analyze and determine the contract's place in the further development and labor relations' transformation is new and relevant. The personal responsibility for environmental protection legislation and violation conditions are considered. Proactive and experienced specialists are established an extensive system of allowances and one-time incentives. Research results. In this article we have reviewed the implementation preconditions during the labor contracts' conclusion with the official of the Ukrainian nature reserve fund' state security service. We have considered the responsibility personalization conditions for environmental legislation violations with the definition of socio-economic components. For example, the contract may also stipulate social and living conditions, such as the garden plot allocation, a car, living conditions improvement, the share sale at par value, the social pensions surcharges establishment, protection against inflation processes and so on. Also it may be envisaged an employee to move another area. The contract's emergence as a special regulation form of labor relations became a response to the vague, fuzzy and overly general and unified content , that don't take into account either the personal and business qualities an employee, nor the activity specifics, nor the professionalism level, nor the education or professional retraining level. Conclusions. A contract can give the chance to more people to realize their work abilities on the most favorable conditions, to build the civil society foundations and the legal capitalist state. Contract's application can detail the labor relations, the system of economic incentives and encouragement, protects the rights of both employee and employer, and also provides an opportunity to assess the mutual responsibility's degree. However, the contract is a necessary and effective labor relations regulator with environmental professions' employees and specialties, it's helping the individual-contractual regulation of labor relations and it's intensified the necessary establishing and additional work's conditions , it's related to the official duties' performance . The necessity of the contract implementation in the nature reserved fund's sphere at the legislative level is due to the fact that labor contracts don't take into account personal, business, professional qualities and employee's activities' specifics.
Asylum seekers and refugees continue to face serious obstacles in their efforts to access asylum. Some of these obstacles are inherent to irregular migration, including dangerous border crossings and the risk of exploitation. Yet, refugees also face state-made obstacles in the form of sophisticated migration control measures. As a result, refugees are routinely denied access to asylum as developed states close their borders in the hope of shifting the flow of asylum seekers to neighboring countries.Restrictive migration control policies are today the primary, some might say only, response of the developed world to rising numbers of asylum seekers and refugees. This has produced a distorted refugee regime both in Europe and globally — a regime fundamentally based on the principle of deterrence rather than human rights protection. While the vast majority of European states still formally laud the international legal framework to protect refugees, most of these countries simultaneously do everything in their power to exclude those fleeing international protection and offer only a minimalist engagement to assist those countries hosting the largest number of refugees. By deterring or blocking onward movement for refugees, an even larger burden is placed upon these host countries. Today, 86 percent of the world's refugees reside in a low- or middle-income country, against 70 percent 20 years ago (Edwards 2016; UNHCR 2015, 15).The humanitarian consequences of this approach are becoming increasingly clear. Last year more than 5,000 migrants and refugees were registered dead or missing in the Mediterranean (IOM 2016). A record number, this makes the Mediterranean account for more than two-thirds of all registered migrant fatalities worldwide (IOM 2016). Many more asylum seekers are subjected to various forms of violence and abuse during the migratory process as a result of their inherently vulnerable and clandestine position. As the industry facilitating irregular migration grows, unfortunately so too do attempts to exploit migrants and refugees by smugglers, criminal networks, governments, or members of local communities (Gammeltoft-Hansen and Nyberg Sørensen 2013).The "deterrence paradigm" can be understood as a particular instantiation of the global refugee protection regime. It shows how deterrence policies have come to dominate responses to asylum seekers arriving in developed states, and how such policies have continued to develop in response to changes in migration patterns as well as legal impositions. The dominance of the deterrence paradigm also explains the continued reliance on deterrence as a response to the most recent "crisis," despite continued calls from scholars and civil society for a more protection-oriented and sustainable response.The paper argues that the current "crisis," more than a crisis in terms of refugee numbers and global protection capacity, should be seen a crisis in terms of the institutionalized responses so far pursued by states. Deterrence policies are being increasingly challenged, both by developments in international law and by less wealthy states left to shoulder the vast majority of the world's refugees. At the same time, recent events suggest that deterrence policies may not remain an effective tool to prevent secondary movement of refugees in the face of rising global protection needs, while deterrence involves increasing direct and indirect costs for the states involved.The present situation may thus be characterized as, or at least approaching, a period of paradigm crisis, and we may be seeing the beginning of the end for deterrence as a dominant policy paradigm in regard to global refugee policy. In its place, a range of more or less developed alternative policy frameworks are currently competing, though so far none of them appear to have gained sufficient traction to initiate an actual paradigm shift in terms of global refugee policy. Nonetheless, recognizing this as a case of possible paradigm change may help guide and structure this process. In particular, any successful new policy approach would have to address the fundamental challenges facing the old paradigm.The paper proceeds in four parts. Firstly, it traces the rise of the deterrence paradigm following the end of the Cold War and the demise of ideologically driven refugee protection on the part of states in the Global North. The past 30 years have seen the introduction and dynamic development of manifold deterrence policies to stymie the irregular arrival of asylum seekers and migrants. This array of measures is explored in the second part of the paper through a typology of five current practices that today make up "normal policymaking" within the deterrence regime. Third, the paper argues that the current paradigm is under threat, facing challenges to its legality from within refugee and human rights law; to its sustainability due to the increasing unhappiness of refugee-hosting states with current levels of "burden-sharing"; and to its effectiveness as direct and indirect costs of maintaining the regime mount. Finally, the paper puts forward three core principles that can lay the groundwork in the event of a paradigm shift: respect for international refugee law; meaningful burden-sharing; and a broader notion of refugee protection that encompasses livelihoods and increased preparedness in anticipation of future refugee flows.
The nature of Dutch democracy, once considered a highly stable product of cooperation, compromise and consensus-seeking practices across socioeconomic and sociocultural lines, has changed. Whereas the accessibility and levels (not forms) of participation have changed little, autocratically led protest parties have won ground and in the polls draw support from a stable 15% – 17% of the electorate. Corruption prevention in politics, especially regarding party finances, appears to fall under the bar of international standards. Political rhetoric has grown increasingly polarized (or politicized) as the political middle is waning and extreme positions on either side are on the rise. The Dutch media landscape remains highly pluralistic, although there are some concerns about the growing concentration of media ownership, a situation aggravated by the present financial economic crisis, rapid commercialization, and international ownership of national media outlets. In legal arrangements, citizens" right to privacy is subject to pressures from the information revolution and the massive use of information technology (IT) in all kinds of policy fields, primarily relating to internal and external security. In addition, some conspicuous miscarriages of justice have spawned a public debate on the quality of the justice system, including the need for a special court charged with handling mistrials. Anti-terrorism and integration policies have put considerable pressure on the exercise of basic political liberties, such as the freedoms of speech, religion and press as well as protection against unreasonable search and seizure actions. Tough immigration laws have come under international legal scrutiny, in particular where the rights of children and family reunion are concerned. In short, although the quality of Dutch democracy remains satisfactory, it has suffered several blows in several areas. Policy-specific performance during the Balkenende IV government – the coalition cabinet formed by the Christian Democratic Appeal (CDA), Labor (PvdA) and Christian Union (CU) parties – was in general incremental, save for the proposal to phase-in an extension of the pension age to 67 that was adopted by the cabinet in 2009. Policy performance in matters relating to internal and external safety remained adequate, although at rising public cost. The Health Care Insurance Act (Zvw) of 2006 was continued, although its impact on cost control issues and enhancing market-like competition between health care providers remains unclear. Stagnation continues to characterize environmental, research and development, and innovation policies alike. No changes have been made to education Netherlands report SGI 2011 | 4 policy, although it is now generally judged to be in crisis. Serious concerns have been raised about the lack of good teachers, literacy and numeracy skills among elementary students, and high attrition rates at all levels of education. As is the case in most other European countries, the financial and banking crisis (followed by the euro crisis) has proven detrimental to economic policy performance, which negatively affects prospects in almost all other policy areas. Strategic Outlook The long-term viability of the D utch polity depends on the acumen with which the three following challenges are treated: the state"s weakened fiscal position; facilitating technology innovation in order to develop an ecologically modernized and sustainable economy; and societal integration and coherence. (1) Improving the state"s weakened fiscal position. The state"s financial problems can in large part be attributed to recent bailouts of Dutch banks and financial businesses, as well as individual euro zone countries and the euro itself. An effective long-term solution to these fiscal problems therefore requires (domestic as well as European-level) reforms involving stricter regulation and oversight in order to improve risk-management. The Dutch government must also undertake substantive reforms in the banking and financial sector. (2) Improve technology innovation in order to ensure an ecologically modernized and sustainable economy. The Dutch government must invest more wisely in efforts targeting the transition to renewable and alternative energy sources, such as wind and solar energy. The government will also need to pursue a structural reform of the education system, which is in a state of crisis. (3) Facilitate societal integration and coherence while implementing flexicurity policies. The Dutch welfare state urgently needs reforms that ensure continued investment in human capital while protecting workers and families from the brunt of structural adjustments. Opportunities for combining work and family life ought to be expanded and improved. The pension system and the moribund state of its financial underpinning must also undergo reforms. Social coherence will not be advanced through tighter immigration and citizenship policies. Instead, policies focused on urban and residential area renewal should be sustained through adequate funding. Netherlands report SGI 2011 | 5 A sound, functional democracy requires clearly structured forms of issue-specific, interactive policy-making in which citizens" voices are represented. In tripartite governance structures like that of the Netherlands, the primacy of politics vis-à-vis markets and civil society ought to be reconfirmed. Where possible, politics should respect the self-regulation of citizen life and markets. But as the only institution capable of regulating tripartite relations, the state must also live up to its responsibilities in maintaining the framework in which democratic decision-making takes place.
L'affermazione delle cosiddette "democrazie costituzionali" dotate di costituzioni rigide, ha portato a compimento un complesso processo storico ed ha condotto alla realizzazione quasi completa del "costituzionalismo", dove la legge, per la prima volta, viene sottoposta ad un giudizio di tipo assiologico. In tale contesto è di notevole importanza il complicato e delicato lavoro del giudice costituzionale, il quale deve interpretare la Costituzione, nel cui tessuto sono introdotti direttamente una serie di principi contenenti valori etico-politici , la cui applicazione non assume più la forma classica sillogistica della sussunzione, bensì della ponderazione. Le più note teorie giuscostituzionaliste e dell'argomentazione giuridica hanno dedotto che i principi sono delle norme di ottimizzazione che descrivono un valore da realizzare il più possibile, con riguardo a quanto risulta effettivamente realizzabile, sia sotto il profilo fattuale che giuridico, talché il loro adempimento non dipende soltanto dalle possibilità reali, ma anche da quelle giuridiche, oltre che da regole e da principi controversi. Nell'interpretazione costituzionale, seguendo il metodo argomentativo, la gerarchia assiologica, la scala di priorità tra i principi costituzionali diversi si rende necessaria, perché essa si riferisce a particolari tipi di norme date da una stessa fonte del diritto, ossia la Costituzione: nel balancing test tra diritti concorrenti la Corte Suprema americana parla di preferred position per taluni diritti riconducibili ad un valore costituzionale primario, come la libertà di espressione e di associazione, la libertà religiosa, i diritti della personalità e di partecipazione politica. Ma anche la nostra Corte Costituzionale è continuamente costretta a scegliere nel caso da decidere, con ragionevolezza e proporzionalità, non solo nell'ipotesi di giudizi di eguaglianza, alla luce dell'art. 3 della costituzione, ma anche quando, nel reperire la norma parametro, deve scegliere tra principi, diritti e valori contrastanti, come ad esempio tra diritto di libertà individuale e diritto alla salute o tra diritto di proprietà e di impresa e riconoscimento del valore "primario" del paesaggio. La difficile ricerca di una gerarchia tra i valori costituzionalmente tutelati esige un'opera continua e incessante di ridefinizione e di ri-armonizzazione dei principi costituzionali sulla base degli elementi specifici forniti dai casi da decidere. Gli enunciati costituzionali debbono perciò tener fermo un nucleo identificativo del valore originariamente tutelato, domandando, nel contempo, attraverso una ragionevole varietà di interpretazioni e di applicazioni, di essere continuamente rimodellati ed adeguati alla storia e alla politica, nonché al mutare delle assunzioni di senso e dei significati sociali. I principi che si trovano alla base delle costituzioni, e attorno ai quali i documenti costituzionali si sono formati, con l'aprirsi di nuovi orizzonti e di nuovi problemi, debbono continuamente essere aggiornati, rielaborati e ricomposti in un insieme dotato di senso. Essi hanno bisogno di rinnovata giustificazione da un interprete dotato di un peculiare ed elevato habitus giuridico, idoneo a rendere un giudizio complesso e articolato come quello di costituzionalità. . Dal punto di vista della metodologia ermeneutica, l'habitus del giudice costituzionale corrisponde alla precomprensione critica, attraverso la quale si può individuare se il giudizio costituzionale sia stato effettuato da un giudice privo di habitus e invalidare tale giudizio, anche a prescindere dalla corretta motivazione del giudice stesso. Se poi si tiene presente che la Costituzione è essa stessa il risultato dell'interpretazione dei principi costituzionali, risulta di tutta evidenza l'importanza di un "circolo ermeneutico" tra i principi conformatori della società e valutazioni della società stessa. Nel giudizio costituzionale la circolarità ermeneutica è molto accentuata, infatti, tra il giudice interprete, la collettività e la Costituzione, oggetto interpretato, si instaura un intimo rapporto circolare diacronico, dal momento che la Costituzione contiene dei principi e dei valori appartenenti alla società della quale lo stesso giudice costituzionale fa parte. Nell'attività giudiziale della Corte costituzionale italiana è possibile riscontrare l'accezione scettica dell'interpretazione giuridica, tipica dei sistemi di common law: laddove, sul piano della creatività, le sentenze interpretative di rigetto, sentenze additive e sentenze manipolative sono tutte varianti suggerite o imposte dalla necessità nei singoli casi di un unico modello di pronuncia del giudice delle leggi, che in presenza di determinate condizioni, consente di superare i confini prestabiliti dai canoni legali dell'interpretazione giudiziaria per addentrarsi verso una funzione che non è solo etero-integrativa del diritto ordinamentale e costituzionale, ma anche suppletiva del potere legislativo. L'utilizzo dell'ermeneutica giuridica, come metodo d'interpretazione, trova particolare rilievo dinanzi alle Corti de-statalizzate operanti in ambiti giuridici ad ordinamento pluristatale come la Corte di Giustizia dell'Unione Europea e dinanzi alle Corti Costituzionali di diversi Stati, riconoscendo l'attività creativa ed etero-integrativa da parte del giudice costituzionale di civil law. Tramite la precomprensione critica e la circolarità tradica e diadica, l'ermeneutica giuridica si pone sempre più come metodo interpretativo indispensabile per l'interpretazione dei principi fondamentali, preesistenti al testo Costituzionale, e per la costruzione e l'impiego dei cosiddetti "parametri non scritti", utilizzati, a volte, dai giudici costituzionali italiani, al di là dei limiti tracciati dal metodo giuridico argomentativo: dove il punto di partenza del ragionamento deduttivo-assiologico dovrà sempre esser il testo scritto, dal quale l'interprete potrà denotare il valore del principio. Pur riconoscendosi nell'alveo delle teorie scettiche dell'interpretazione giudiziale, la metodologia ermeneutica offre una valutazione della decisione di costituzionalità capace di non lasciare alla discrezionalità del giudice uno spazio illimitato, dal momento che precomprensione critica e circolarità ermeneutica, dalle quali discende la canonistica ermeneutica, garantisce un metodo per la controllabilità del giudizio, senza che possa sfociare in decisioni arbitrarie o di opportunità politica. Dopo la riforma del titolo V, con il novellato art.117, primo comma, della Costituzione, la dottrina giuscostituzionalista ha parlato di una possibile estensione della legalità costituzionale, qualora i principi discendenti dal diritto comunitario-europeo ed internazionale andrebbero ad integrare i parametri ermeneutici utilizzati nel giudizio di costituzionalità: nel caso in cui il giudice a quo, in via incidentale, e lo Stato e le Regioni, in via diretta, sollevassero la questione di costituzionalità, per violazione del suddetto articolo della Costituzione. L'estensione della legalità costituzionale, tuttavia ha, anche, il suo risvolto "inverso", nel caso in cui fossero i principi esterni a ledere i principi fondamentali dell'ordinamento Costituzionale Repubblicano. Nel contemporaneo costituzionalismo europeo, che accomuna più vicende ordinamentali diverse, risulta essere di peculiare interesse l'esperienza giuridica della Svezia, una delle più solide ed efficienti democrazie mondiali, caratterizzata da un' antica tradizione costituzionale e da una lunga vaganza del controllo di costituzionalità delle leggi. Quest'ultime, fino a poco tempo fa, venivano interpretate dalle Corti nell'assoluto rispetto e subordinazione alla volontà storica del legislatore. Ultimamente, con l'entrata della Svezia nell'Unione Europea, a seguito delle recenti riforme costituzionali ed attraverso l'introduzione di un controllo di costituzionalità diffuso, le corti svedesi stanno gradualmente cambiando i loro tradizionali criteri interpretativi, per una più ampia ed efficace tutela dei diritti umani, nell'ambito giuridico costituzionale ed europeo. ; The claim of so-called "constitutional democracy" with rigid constitutions has completed a complex historical process and has led to the almost complete implementation of "constitutionalism", where for the first time the law is submitted to a value judgment. In this context, it is of great importance to the complicated and delicate work of the Constitutional Judge, who must interpret the Constitution, whose tissue directly holds a set of principles containing ethical and political values, and whose application does have the classic syllogistic form of subsumption, but that of weighting. Most of the Laws are rules, i.e. require something to run to the occurrence of specific conditions, and, therefore, one can refer to them as "conditional rules". In addition, rules can take a categorical form, such as total ban on access. If the rule is valid and applicable, it is absolutely crucial to impose the exact performance means that the rule prescribes. If this happens, one can determine whether the provisions were complied with or not. For the theories of constitutionalism and of the legal argumentation, principles, however, are rules that require that some value shall be fully accomplished with regard to what is actually feasible, both at the legal and factual levels. Consequently, principles are "rules of optimization", thus characterized by the fact that these can be viewed in differing degrees, and because the measurement of their performance depends not only on real possibilities, but also on legal ones, as well as issues on rules and principles. Following the method of the legal argumentation, in the constitution interpretation, hierarchy, the priorities among the various constitutional principles, is necessary so that it refers to specific types of norms laid down by the same source of law, the Constitution: in the balancing test between competing interests, the U.S. Supreme Court talks about preferred position for certain rights related to a primary constitutional value, such as freedom of expression and association, religious freedom, personal rights, and political participation. But even Italian Constitutional Court is constantly forced to choose according to what is being decided on, not only in the event of equality judgments according to Article 3 of the Constitution, but also when, in raising the standard parameter, it must choose - for example - between the right to individual freedom and right to health, or between property and company rights and recognition of the value of "primary" value of the context. The difficult search for a hierarchy of constitutionally protected values requires constant work and constant redefining and re-harmonizing of constitutional principles on the basis of the details provided by the cases to be decided upon. The statements should therefore take constitutional firm identification of an originally protected core value, requiring at the same time, through a variety of reasonable interpretations and applications, to be continually reshaped and adapted to history and politics, and to the effect of changing assumptions and of social meanings. The principles that lie at the heart of constitutions and upon which constitutional documents were formed, with the opening of new horizons and new challenges, must be continually updated, revised and put back together reasonably. They require renewed justification by judge with particular juridical habitus and critical pre-understending: he/she must have acquired, throughout his/her legal career, technical skills needed to make appropriate assessments in constitutional judgment. From the prospective of hermeneutic methodology, the habitus of the Constitutional Judge corresponds to critical pre-understanding through which one can identify whether the constitutional judgment was conducted by a judge lacking a habitus and invalidate that judgment, even regardless of proper motivation presented by the Judge. If one bears in mind that the Constitution itself is the result of the interpretation of constitutional principles, the importance of a "hermeneutic circle" between the principles in accordance with assessments of society and society itself is quite evident. In Constitutional judgement, hermeneutic circularity is highly stressed, in fact, between the court interpreter and the Constitution, the subject interpreted; it establishes a circular diachronic relationship, since the Constitution contains the principles and values belonging to the society which the constitutional Judge is part of. In the activity of the Italian Constitutional Court, it is possible to find the skeptical conception of legal interpretation, typical of common law systems: where, in terms of creativity, the Constitutional Court, through the "manipulative decisions", exceeding the legal boundaries of legal interpretation, integrates the constitutional law and carries a substitute function of the State legislature. The use of the "juridical hermeneutic" as a method of interpretation is particularly relevant before de-nationalized courts operating in legal fields having multi-state regulations, as the Court of Justice of the European Union and before the Constitutional Courts of several countries, recognizing the creative activity by the constitutional judges of civil law. Through the pre-comprehension and the circularity triadic and dyadic , the juridical hermeneutic, has became an indispensable element for interpretation of fundamental principles and for the construction and use of so-called "unwritten parameters" used, sometimes, by Italian constitutional Judges, leaping the methods based on logical argumentation techniques, for which the judge-interpreter must begin his/her legal reasoning always from the written text, to denote the value of the principle. Although the methodology hermeneutic belongs to the skeptical theory of the judicial interpretation, it provides an assessment of constitutional decision without leaving unlimited space to the will of the Judge, since hermeneutics secures a method for the controllability of the interpretive process, to prevent to the judgment of constitutionality is arbitrary or political. After the constitutional reform of 2001, the doctrine has spoken of a possible extension of constitutional legality, because the new Article 117, first paragraph, of the Constitution allows the principles descendants from European Union law and international conventions of integrate parameters of the constitutional control on the State laws. The extension of constitutional legality could have its inverse implication in the case some international law violates the fundamental principles of Italian Republican Constitution. In the contemporary European constitutionalism, that unites various juridical cultures, it appears to be of particular interest the juridical experience of Sweden: one of the most solid and efficient democracies in the world, characterized by an old constitutional tradition and a long absence of a control of constitutionality over state laws. Until recently, all the laws were interpreted by the swedish courts in full compliance and subordination to the will of the historical legislator. Lately, with the entry of Sweden in the European Union, following the recent constitutional reforms and through the introduction of a more stronger "widespread" control of constitutionality, the Swedish courts are gradually changing their traditional interpretation criteria for a more comprehensive and effective protection of human rights. ; Dottorato di ricerca in Persona, impresa e lavoro: dal diritto interno a quello internazionale (XXVIII ciclo)
Why the state is the elephant in the room of political theory, too long ignored, and how to put this rightThe future of our species depends on the state. Can states resist corporate capture, religious zealotry, and nationalist mania? Can they find a way to work together so that the earth heals and its peoples prosper? Or is the state just not up to the task? In this book, the prominent political philosopher Philip Pettit examines the nature of the state and its capacity to serve goals like peace and justice within and beyond its borders. Doing so, he breaks new ground by making the state the focus of political theory—with implications for economic, legal, and social theory—and presents a persuasive, historically informed image of an institution that lies at the center of our lives.Offering an account that is more realist than utopian, Pettit starts from the function the polity is meant to serve, looks at how it can best discharge that function, and explores its ability to engage beneficially in the life of its citizens. This enables him to identify an ideal of statehood that is a precondition of justice. Only if states approximate this functional ideal will they be able to deal with the perennial problems of extreme poverty and bitter discord as well as the challenges that loom over the coming centuries, including climate change, population growth, and nuclear arms
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