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Conventional theories of international relations assume, implicitly, the model of an "inter-state system." According to this model, individually states possess a set of characteristics which differ fundamentally from the characteristics of a system of those states interacting with each other. On this basis we can construct theories about the behavior of component states in the system, and more general propositions about the nature of the inter-state system viewed as a whole. Some of the difficulties of this model will be noted here, and an alternative model proposed.Before pointing to these difficulties, however, we need a clear image of the inter-state model. A classic formulation is contained in a speech given by former Secretary of State John Foster Dulles at a meeting of the American Society for International Law. In it Mr. Dulles identified six characteristics of the nation-state: (1) laws which "reflect the moral judgment of the community"; (2) political machinery to revise these laws as needed; (3) an executive body able to administer the laws; (4) judicial machinery to settle disputes in accord with the laws; (5) superior force to deter violence by enforcing the law upon those who defy it; and (6) sufficient well-being so that people are not driven by desperation to ways of violence. The international system, Mr. Dulles pointed out, in large part lacks these characteristics. He went on to assess the limited success of attempts, ranging from the League of Nations and Kellogg-Briand Pact through the United Nations, to create such a "state system" or "order" at the international level. Mr. Dulles sadly reported that, despite notable progress in the development of international law and judicial machinery, the desired international order does not, as yet, exist.

'Belarus ist ein ebenso wichtiger wie problematischer Nachbarstaat der EU. In diesem Land werden derzeit die autoritären Machtstrukturen dramatisch ausgeweitet. Die manipulierte Präsidentschaftswahl und der massive Gewalteinsatz gegen friedliche Demonstranten haben den Charakter der Minsker Herrschaft verdeutlicht. Ausgehend von den Wahlen am 19. März 2006 und dem anschließenden Protest der Opposition, erläutert die Studie die vier zentralen Säulen, auf denen das Machtsystem von Präsident Alexander Lukaschenko beruht: das sowjetische Erbe, die autoritäre Herrschaft, die abhängige Staatswirtschaft und die internationale Abschottung. Darüber hinaus wird die Frage nach Stabilität oder Fragilität der Herrschaft angesichts der abhängigen Wirtschaft, wachsender innerer Widersprüche und internationaler Selbstisolierung Belarus' gestellt. Die maßgebenden europäischen und amerikanischen Akteure haben sich Anfang 2006 auf gemeinsame politische Schritte gegenüber Belarus verständigt. Nachdem Washington und Brüssel in der Vergangenheit in den Beziehungen mit dem EU-Nachbarn Belarus unterschiedliche Strategien verfolgt hatten, hat der Druck des vom Regime überstürzt angesetzten Urnengangs USA und EU zu konzertiertem Handeln veranlasst. Neben einer Politik der ausgestreckten Hand gegenüber dem Staat Belarus und seinen Einwohnern sind die EU und USA entschlossen, die Wahlergebnisse gemeinsam zu bewerten und abgestimmt auf sie zu reagieren.' (Autorenreferat)

International business in Africa is complicated by colonial history, late internationalization, and the growing interest of various foreign powers in Africa and its resources. We share key indicators about African countries and offer a conceptual map to help make sense of this complex scholarly terrain. We distinguish between three types of multinational enterprises (MNEs) operating in sub-Saharan Africa: Advanced MNEs (from high-income previous colonial and non-colonial countries), Emerging MNEs (from middle-income countries both inside and outside the region) and Nascent MNEs (from low-income African countries). We show how these distinct types of MNEs provide different development opportunities, how they engage differently with local, national, regional, and supra-national institutions, and why this matters for international business policy. We show how the papers showcased in this special issue contribute to a deeper understanding of international business in Africa and propose future research directions.

International cooperation to tackle complex common resource problems like climate change is extremely difficult. Although there is broad agreement on the nature of the problem and what is required to solve it, many nations continue to block any meaningful action for solution. This global cooperation crisis is baffling in the light of recent evidence about the surprisingly cooperative disposition of human beings. Research from social and natural sciences points to an unmistakable conclusion: people cooperate all the time, and they enjoy doing so. This picture of human behaviour is at odds with common assumptions about people being narrowly-and exclusively-self-interested, and prompts the question that we address in this paper: why, if we are so good cooperating at interpersonal levels, is international cooperation so hard? We address this question in three steps. First, we review the recent multidisciplinary evidence demonstrating that people cooperate much more than rational-theory models predict, and that this might stem from a natural, evolved, predisposition to cooperate. Second, we argue that there are seven basic mechanisms that determine whether or not cooperation is successful or sustainable: reciprocity, trust, communication, reputation, fairness, enforcement and we-identity. We group these mechanisms in a 'cooperation hexagon' that summarizes the current consensus about what makes cooperation work. Finally, we discuss what these findings mean for global cooperation. We argue that power games are not enough to explain off current international cooperation blockades. A new, comprehensive theory of international cooperation must be compatible with the recent insights about the fundamentally cooperative nature of human behaviour. We suggest that the search for this theory be made in three directions: a) establish how cooperation scales up from interpersonal to larger scales, and how the basic mechanisms of cooperation behave under conditions of unprecedented complexity and rapid change; b) investigate cooperation at the 'meso-level' of global governance-the relatively small group of people who represent nations in international discussions and institutions-a key interface between interpersonal and inter-institutional motivations for cooperation; and c) examine patterns of international cooperation in the light of the cooperation hexagon, to ascertain whether international cooperation blockades are the result of the underprovisioning of the basic mechanisms of cooperation, and how these mechanisms can be used as criteria for designing better institutions for global governance.

Traces the history of Amnesty International from its beginnings in 1961, describing the difficulties and disappointments, how the organization works, and its special campaigns. Includes case studies focusing on the Soviet Union, China, Africa, Brazil and South America and first hand information on current activities in Guatemala, El Salvador and Nicaragua. The book is illustrated by photographs from Amnesty's archives.

This book explores the dynamics and trajectories of change in international politics through an English School analysis of primary institutions including international law, sovereignty and diplomacy, with particular reference to the creation of the International Criminal Court (ICC). The study argues that it serves as an important indicator and model for redefining international politics, particularly through its impact upon three major institutions as prescribed by the English School: international law, sovereignty and diplomacy. The author explores three major areas: the ICC's contribution to the consolidation of the individual as a subject of the international law; the significance of the Court and its jurisdiction in terms of the state sovereignty; and the strong and determinative role of non-state actors active on global level during the diplomatic process upheld for the making of the norms and rules during the creation of the ICC. These three fields of change, point out to the redefinition and reconstruction of international politics, heralding a solidarist vision of international society. The book will be of particular interest to researchers in the field of the IR, as well as graduate students interested in IR theory, international law, and international organizations.

As non-state actors proliferate both in number and variety, the time is ripe for an explication of what obligations armed groups are under. Ground-breaking in examining humanitarian, human rights, and criminal law, Rodenhèauser analyses groups ranging from gangs to cyber criminals to ask when organisations become culpable under international law.