Suchergebnisse

In recent years the UK government has acknowledged that preparing incarcerated people to reenter society is critical in providing them with an alternative to crime" (DfES/PLSU, 2003, p. 3). Crucial to this shift from non-treatment regimes to a desistance paradigm is the recognition of the complexity involved in confronting criminal identities and changing this identity in order to reduce reoffending (Maruna, 2000). Ultimately, through a desistance paradigm, the reentry process can be supported in moving towards successful resocialization into society (McNeill, 2004). The desistance process involves the development of attributes that allow inmates to realign their identity with society. Farrall and Calverley (2005) suggest that the concept of feeling normal and hopeful are important parts of change processes. Burnett and McNeill (2005) demonstrate that personal motivation is further enhanced by inmates' relationships formed with professionals and personal supporters. The rise to mass incarceration in the US has resulted from an attitude that nothing works (Martinson, 1974). Deep-seated problems of the US prison system have become so extreme that Michelle Alexander (2010) has argued that the prison system has legalized discrimination. However, some music educators and activities have begun music programs in US prisons and research indicates that these programs positively impact people's attitudes toward prisoners (Cohen, 2012). The role of musical interventions in this process of providing opportunities for inmates to develop both individual agency and build social capital have been considered by McNeill et al. (2011). Moreover, project reports indicate that musical activities provide a connectedness with the outside world (Roma, 2010), they enable incarcerated women to express themselves in new ways contributing to a redefinition of their self-perception and worthiness (Warfield, 2010), and they offer a means to develop positive feelings towards society, regenerating relationships with social contexts outside of their own immediate environment (Mota, 2012). This paper draws on music programs within the criminal justice systems of the US and the UK in order to investigate their role in construction of new personal narratives relating to incarcerated and formerly incarcerated people in the community.

Reconnaissance a detainee appears to be a constant requirement in the long term of prison history. From the former regime to the present day, every person lawfully detained is subject to a special registration procedure which certifies that he or she has entered and left the detention facility. The nut register is thus the official book on which the identity of the detainees is entered. The prisoners were recognised for a long time by the 'morgueur' guard, who had the task of carefully disviewing any new entrant. Until the 19th century, the identification of the litigant generally consisted of a simple statement, verified during the proceedings by the collection of testimonies. However, in order to distinguish between recidivists and certain categories of convicted persons, the judiciary has for a long time used a power to mark guilty bodies. Nowadays, identification by the measure occupies a limited place in the nut procedure at the Prison Registry. It is mainly computerised. However, the 'reporting' part of the incarceration maintains, as a survivor, the mention of size, barb, eye colour, corpulence, hair colour, special signs and observations. The only identification measure is the taking of the left index stamp on the escort record. However, the identification of detainees remains a crucial issue for prison administration. ; International audience ; Reconnaissance a detainee appears to be a constant requirement in the long term of prison history. From the former regime to the present day, every person lawfully detained is subject to a special registration procedure which certifies that he or she has entered and left the detention facility. The nut register is thus the official book on which the identity of the detainees is entered. The prisoners were recognised for a long time by the 'morgueur' guard, who had the task of carefully disviewing any new entrant. Until the 19th century, the identification of the litigant generally consisted of a simple statement, verified during the proceedings by the collection ...

The media 'are not only a powerful source of ideas about race, but they are also one place where these ideas are articulated, worked on, transformed and elaborated' (Hall, 1981: 37). The media are so influential that they construct for us, positions of knowledge and identification which allow us to identify with 'ideological truths' as though such 'truths' originated from ourselves (Hall ,1981: 30, 31). Using the case of Eatock v Bolt [2011] FCA 1103 (28 September 2011) as a backdrop, this paper analyses the impact of the media on the construction of racism and attempts to define Indigenous identity in Australia. The paper commences with a presentation of the facts and decision of the case. The Federal Court of Australia determined that the comments made by Andrew Bolt in reference to 'fair skinned' Aboriginals in the Herald Sun newspaper in 2009 were in breach of section 18C of the Racial Discrimination Act 1975 (Cth) as the comments were likely to humiliate, offend and intimidate 'fair-skinned' Indigenous Australians. The next section of the paper traces the comments made by some columnists and politicians following the decision of the Federal Court of Australia. Broadly these columnists and politicians argued that the decision amounted to censorship and a curtailment of free speech. It is argued that representations of 'Aboriginality' reflect the oppressive relationship between Indigenous Australians and the state/wider society. Historically, the classification of Aboriginal people was used by the Australian state to ideologically legitimize the incarceration of Aboriginal people and to separate Aboriginal children from their families. The media plays an important function in this process of classification. It is argued that aboriginal identity is linked to notions of self-concept and attachment rather than skin colour. Confining of the debate to solely freedom of speech ignores the immense power played by the media in the construction of racism in Australia. For Indigenous Australians, the Bolt case goes beyond arguments about freedom of speech and directly impacts upon the question of who has the right to define the identity of Australia's first peoples.

This study generates a discussion between the immigrant rights movement and the prison abolition movement. The dialogue bridges contemporary migrant criminalization, imprisonment, detention, and family separation, to the longer history of imprisonment of Blacks in the U.S. It attempts to displace exceptionalist readings of migrant policing and detention and demonstrate how these population control practices are made possible through the ideological and material labor developed in response to post-Civil Rights Black rebelliousness. Specifically, it considers the criminalization of state dependency that was attributed to Black women who were marked as "breeders" of criminality. These constructions provided ideological fuel for the neoliberal transformation of the early 1970s that resulted in constructing Blacks as expendable within the U.S. labor market and reliance on imprisonment as a solution to the creation of expendable bodies. This development was accompanied with a shift in migrant labor relations, moving largely from the Bracero Program, which relied on contracted migrant laborers, to undocumented workers. The expansion of the service economy in the U.S. and changes in federal immigration legislation of 1986 increased the presence of migrant women. Nativist fears generated over the permanent settlement of migrant women and their families drew from existing tropes about Black motherhood and criminalized migrants, in large part through the notion of "public charges." Similar to Blacks, the response is increased reliance on the criminal justice system, which resulted in Latina/o migrants constituting the largest ethnic group in federal prison. Drawing from the experiences of jailed, imprisoned, detained, and deported migrant women gathered through an interdisciplinary research methodology consisting of ethnography, archives, media discourse analysis, and interviews, this dissertation demonstrates that migrant women's criminalization is central in regulating racial neoliberal labor relations. Their criminalization constructs them as irrecuperable subjects, separating their productive form their reproductive labors. A critical feminist conceptualization of U.S. captivity is advanced in this study and it accounts for the centrality of migrant women's bodies in maintaining U.S. global dominance. Nativist discourse marks migrant women's bodies as the origins of an external racial threat. Immigration control policies serve to contain, and in the case of incarceration and deportation, dispose of "the threat."

This paper investigates how integration policies and welfare state regimes have affected the socio-economic integration of immigrants, focusing on eight European countries: Germany, France, the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Switzerland, Sweden, Austria, and Belgium. It presents comparative data on integration policies and welfare states regimes. The expectations derived from this comparative policy analysis are tested with cross-national data on integration outcomes regarding labour market participation, spatial segregation, and incarceration. The results suggest that multicultural policies, which grant immigrants easy access to equal rights and do not provide strong incentives for host country language acquisition and interethnic contacts, when combined with a generous welfare state, have produced low levels of labour market participation, high levels of segregation, and a strong overrepresentation of immigrants among those convicted for criminal behaviour. Sweden, Belgium, and the Netherlands, which have combined multicultural policies with a strong welfare state, display relatively poor integration outcomes. Countries that either had more restrictive or assimilationist integration policies (Germany, Austria, Switzerland, France) or a relatively lean welfare state (the United Kingdom) have achieved better integration results. These differences are highly consistent across the three domains of integration that are examined, with the exception of segregation rates in the United Kingdom. ; Das vorliegende Papier untersucht, wie sich integrationspolitische Ansätze und wohlfahrtsstaatliche Regime auf die Integration von Migranten auswirken. Es werden vergleichende Daten zu den Integrationspolitiken und wohlfahrtsstaatlichen Regimen in acht europäischen Ländern vorgestellt: Deutschland, Frankreich, Großbritannien, Niederlande, Schweiz, Schweden, Österreich und Belgien. Die daraus abgeleiteten Hypothesen werden mit ländervergleichenden Daten zu den Integrationsergebnissen in den Bereichen Arbeitsmarktbeteiligung, Segregation der Wohnbevölkerung und Inhaftierung überprüft. Die Ergebnisse deuten darauf hin, dass multikulturelle Politikansätze, die Migranten einen leichten Zugang zu gleichen Rechten gewähren und keine starken Anreize setzen, die Sprache des Aufnahmelandes zu erlernen und interethnische Kontakte zu pflegen, in der Kombination mit großzügigen wohlfahrtsstaatlichen Leistungen zu einer geringen Erwerbsbeteiligung, starker Segregation und einer deutlichen Überrepräsentation von Immigranten unter Strafgefangenen führen. Schweden, Belgien und die Niederlande, die multikulturelle Politik mit einem starken Wohlfahrtsstaat verbunden haben, verzeichnen relativ schwache Integrationserfolge. Länder mit entweder restriktiverer bzw. stärker auf Assimilation ausgerichteter Integrationspolitik (Deutschland, Österreich, die Schweiz, Frankreich) oder einem eher schlanken Wohlfahrtsstaat (Großbritannien) haben bessere Integrationsergebnisse erreicht. Die Unterschiede sind über die drei untersuchten Integrationsbereiche hinweg sehr konsistent, mit Ausnahme des Segregationsniveaus in Großbritannien.

La trajectòria d'un dels primers virreis francesos de Catalunya, Philippe de La Mothe-Houdancourt (1605-1657), ens guiarà en la nostra aproximació a les entrecreuades relacions entre França, Catalunya i Espanya durant el primer període de dominació francesa del Principat. Militar brillant, virrei de Catalunya entre 1642 i 1644 i primat de la noblesa catalana en la seva qualitat de duc de Cardona, presoner d'estat, frondeur i novament virrei entre 1651 i 1652: aquestes són les diferents vessants del personatge. Al present article ressaltem l'univers de relacions dinàstiques i clientelars al centre del qual es situa el que fou el més important dels virreis francesos de Catalunya. Un virrei a caball de dos regnats i especialment durant el ministeri de dos cardenals, Richelieu i Mazarí. El nostre estudi es limita als anys del primer mandat del mariscal de La Mothe, aproximadament des de la seva designació com a general en cap de l'exèrcit francès a la província, al gener de 1641, fins a la seva destitució al desembre de 1644, a la que van seguir la seva detenció, empressonament i procès. ; The life story of one of the first French viceroys of Catalonia, Philippe de La Mothe-Houdancourt (1605-1657), will guide us in our study of the intertwined relations among France, Spain, and Catalonia during the first period of the French domination over the Principality A brilliant military man, the viceroy of Catalonia between 1642 and 1644, the head of the Catalan nobility as duke of Cardona, a state prisoner, frondeur and once again viceroy from 1651 to 1652: these are some of the traits of this figure. In this article we emphasize the dynastic relations and clientelism whose center laid on that most important of French viceroys of Catalonia. He was viceroy in the turn of one reign to another and, specially important, during the ministries of Richelieu and Mazarin. Our study covers the years of his first tenure, roughly from his appointment as general-in-chief of the French army in the province in January 1641 to his dismissal in December 1644, which was followed by his arrest, incarceration and trial. ; --

<i>Aim:</i> To describe social characteristics seen among socially excluded drug users in 10 cities from 9 European countries, and identify which social exclusion indicators (i.e. housing, employment, education) are most closely linked to intravenous drug use. <i>Design:</i> Cross-sectional survey. <i>Setting:</i> Interviews were held in social services centers, town halls, streets, squares and other usual meeting points of the target population. <i>Participants:</i> The sample comprises 1,879 participants who have used heroin and/or cocaine and certain derivatives (92.3%) over the last year. Males accounted for 69.7% of the sample, and the mean age was 30.19 years. Participants were recruited in 10 cities: Seville and Granada, Spain; Cologne, Germany; Vienna, Austria; Brussels, Belgium; Athens, Greece; Dublin, Ireland; London, England; Lisbon, Portugal, and Perugia, Italy. <i>Measurements:</i> Structured face-to-face questionnaire, conducted by privileged access interviewers. <i>Results:</i> Cannabis, heroin and cocaine are the most widely used substances. In the total sample, 60.2% injected drugs during the last year, 45.9% reported having hepatitis C; 54.9% have been in prison; 14.2% are homeless; 11.3% have a regular job, and 35.2% are involved in illegal activities. Hierarchical logistic regression analysis (injectors and non-injectors) showed that older participants have a greater likelihood of injecting than younger ones. Social exclusion variables associated with intravenous drug use are incarceration, homelessness, irregular employment, and delinquency. Participants who abandoned or were expelled from a drug treatment program are at greater risk of injecting drugs than participants who have never had treatment, are currently in treatment or have been released. <i>Conclusion:</i> Personal, social, and economic conditions are all linked in a process of social exclusion that compounds problem drug misuse. Given the findings of this study, we believe that there is a clear need for specific programs targeting specific groups, i.e., distinct strategies must be set in place, in line with the profile and needs of the patient in each context.

This celebration of modern Chinese literature is a tour de force, David Wang's third major summation in English. He is even more prolific in Chinese. Wang's command of the creative and critical literatures is unrivalled.Monster's subject is "the multivalence of Chinese violence across the past century": not 1960s "structural violence" or postcolonial "epistemic violence," but hunger, suicide, anomie, betrayal (though not assassination or incarceration), and "the violence of representation": misery that reflects or creates monstrosity in history. Monster thus comments on "history and memory," like Ban Wang's and Yomi Braester's recent efforts, although for historical reasons modern Chinese literature studies are allergic to historical and sociological methodologies.Monster is comparative, mixing diverse – sometimes little read – post-May Fourth and Cold War-era works with pieces from the 19th and 20th fins de siècle. Each chapter is a free associative rhapsody (sometimes brilliant, sometimes tedious; often neo-Freudian), evoking, from a recurring minor detail as in new historicist criticism, a major binary trope or problematic for Wang to "collapse" or blur. His forte is making connections between works. The findings: (1) decapitation (loss of a "head," or guiding consciousness?) in Chinese fiction betokens remembering or "re-membering" (of the severed), as in an unfinished Qing novel depicting beheaded Boxers, works by Lu Xun and Shen Congwen, and Wuhe's 2000 commemoration of a 1930 Taiwanese aboriginal uprising; (2) justice is poetic, but equals punishment, even crime, in late Qing castigatory novels, Bai Wei, and several Maoist writers; (3) in revolutionary literature, love and revolution blur, as do love affairs in life with those in fiction; (4) hunger, indistinct from anorexia, is excess; witness "starved" heroines of Lu Xun, Lu Ling, Eileen Chang and Chen Yingzhen; (5) remembering scars creates scars, as in socialist realism, Taiwan's anticommunist fiction, and post-Mao scar literature; (6) in fiction about evil (late Ming and late Qing novels; Jiang Gui), inhumanity is all too human and sex blurs with politics; (7) suicide can be a poet's immortality, from Wang Guowei to Gu Cheng; (8) cultural China's most creative new works invoke ghosts again, obscuring lines between the human, the "real," and the spectral.

The Informatio Seriosa is an ecclesiastical political document written by Benedict XIII. in 1399 with the main focus to unify the church and to end the Great Schism. This dissertation presents for the first time the text of this document in total. It is part of the large written work by this great second Schism Pope from Avignon (1394-1417/22) and was composed in two parts, the first a detailed account of events 1394/95, the second dealing with the events 1398/99 including documents to prove his faultless behaviour. The Great Schism lasted already sixteen years prior to the election of Benedict XIII. Neither his predecessor Clemens VII., nor his counterparts Urban VI. or Boniface IX. in Rome ever undertook any measures to resolve the Schism with peaceful means. Only six months after his election Benedict XIII. had to defend his and his cardinals concept to resolve the Great Schism against the French Court and especially the University of Paris, who in turn asked for his resignation. These negotiations are described in the first part of the Informatio Seriosa. Four years later, in July 1398, France split from Benedict XIII. and he was besieged in his papal palace in Avignon and hence became a prisoner of the King of France and his disloyal cardinals. The events of his first year of incarceration are described in the second part of the Informatio Seriosa. Only in 1403 he managed to escape in the mid of night and from then on tried to arrange a meeting with his Roman counterparts Boniface IX., Innocent VII. and Gregory XII. In May 1408 France withdrew their obedience again. Threatened by an arrest warrant issued by the King of France and abandoned by most of his cardinals, Benedict XIII. fled to Perpignan, at that time part of the Spanish territory. There he summoned a Council in November 1408 and gave account of the years of his pontificate, one part of which was based on the Informatio Seriosa. The Informatio Seriosa from 1399 survived in four different manuscripts in Paris (P), Rome (R), Oxford (O) and Salamanca ...

One hundred and twenty consecutively evaluated outpatient males with paraphilias (PAs; n = 88, including 60 sex offenders) and paraphilia-related disorders ( PRDs; n = 32) were systematically assessed for certain developmental variables and DSM-IV-defined Axis I comorbidity. In comparison with the PRDs, the PA group was statistically significantly more likely to self-report a higher incidence of physical (but not sexual) abuse, fewer years of completed education, a higher prevalence of school-associated learning and behavioral problems, more psychiatric/substance abuse hospitalizations, and increased employment-related disability as well as more lifetime contact with the criminal justice system. In both groups, the most prevalent Axis I disorders were mood disorders (71.6%), especially early onset dysthymic disorder (55%) and major depression (39%). Anxiety disorders (38.3%), especially social phobia (21.6%), and psychoactive substance abuse (40.8%), especially alcohol abuse (30%), were reported as well. Cocaine abuse was statistically significantly associated with PA males (p = .03). There was a statistically significant correlation between the lifetime prevalence of Axis I nonsexual diagnoses and hypersexual diagnoses (PAs and PRDs). The prevalence of retrospectively diagnosed attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) was 35.8%, the third most prevalent Axis I disorder. ADHD (p = .01), especially ADHD-combined subtype (p = .009), was statistically significantly associated with PA status. ADHD was statistically significantly associated with conduct disorder, and both of these Axis I disorders were associated with the propensity for multiple PAs and a higher likelihood of incarceration. When the diagnosis of ADHD was controlled, the differences reported above between PAs and PRDs either became statistically nonsignificant or remained as only statistical trends. Thus, ADHD and its associated developmental sequellae and Axis I comorbidities was the single most common nonsexual Axis I diagnosis that statistically significantly distinguished males with socially deviant sexual arousal (PAs) from a nonparaphilic hypersexual comparison group (PRDs). Sex offender paraphiliacs were more likely to be diagnosed with conduct disorder, alcohol abuse, cocaine abuse, and generalized anxiety disorder. The prevalence of any ADHD in the sex offender paraphiliacs was 43.3%, and nearly 25% of offenders were diagnosed with ADHD-combined subtype.

Special Focus: The Plagues of Prison; The Health Care Crisis facing Women in Prison; Logo Design by Bryan Potter Design; Cover art by M. Wuerker ; Message to our Readers by Brigette Sarabi; The Good, The Bad & The Ugly: Illinois Governor Ryan declares moratorium on executions; Sheriff Joe Arpaio should read the constitution; What's in the beef?; Idaho Puts Money into Rehab; Another lesson from Idaho; More drug war statistics with a ray of hope; Politics by Blackchild Jones; Regional News: ID: Court Ruling to Force Changes to Death Penalty Law; OR: Budget Crisis Could Close Prison Facilities; OR: Measure 11 Questioned as Cause of Crime Reduction; MT: Big Cuts to Prison Budgets; MT: Private Prison Asks for Bailout, Law Change; MT: Schools Hurt As Prison Budgets Expanded in 1990s; NV: New Direction Urged for Prison System; NV: DOC Feels Budget Squeeze; NV: And Work Will (not) Set You Free; NV: More Guards than Teachers; UT: Prisons Afraid to Face the Truth of Epidemic; WA: Court Bars Bad Attorneys from Capital Cases; California Activists Lend a Hand in Oregon; Education not Incarceration: Cellblocks or Classrooms? New Report Shows Most States Favor Prisons Over Education; Special Focus: The Plagues of Prison by Julia Lutsky; Medical Care in Prison; "If You Treat Someone Like an Animal".the Misery of Mental Health Care in Prison & Jails by Julia Lutsky; Hepatitis C Prison Crisis Continues With Little Attention by Phyllis Beck, Hepatitis C Awareness Project; The Health Care Crisis facing Women in Prison by Julia Lutsky; Resources for Prisoners with Medical Concerns; Police Accountability: Seattle Campaign Wins Greater Police Accountability by Glenn Harris; Portland Police Pepper-Spray Children by Don Joughin; Connections by Becca Neel & Casey Rudd; Prison Activism Now: Friends & Families of Incarcerated Persons by Becca Neel; Rocky Mountain Innocence Center by Becca Neel; Book Review: Protecting Your Health & Safety: A Litigation Guide for Inmates by Robert E. Toone, published by Southern Poverty Law Center, 2002; Regain Your Voice.Register To Vote Today; VOICE Project: VOICE Project Encourages Ex-Felons to Get Out & Vote!; Join Us!; Take Action! 5 Things You Can Do

The Navajo nation is one of the most frequently researched groups of Indians in North America. Anthropologists, sociologists, historians, and others have taken turns explaining their views of Navajo history and culture. A recurrent theme throughout is that the U.S. government defeated the Navajos so soundly during the early 1860s that after their return from incarceration at Bosque Redondo, they were a badly shattered and submissive people. The next thirty years saw a marked demographic boom during which the Navajo population doubled. Historians disagree as to the extent of this growth, but the position taken by many historians is that because of this growth and the rapidly expanding herds of sheep, cattle, and horses, the government beneficently gave more territory to its suffering wards. While this interpretation is partly accurate, it centers on the role of the government, the legislation that was passed, and the frustrations of the Indian agents who rotated frequently through the Navajo Agency in Fort Defiance, New Mexico, and ignores or severely limits one of the most important actors in this process of land acquisition-the Navajos themselves. Instead of being a downtrodden group of prisoners, defeated militarily in the 1860s and dependent on the U.S. government for protection and guidance in the 1870s and 80s, they were vigorously involved in defending and expanding the borders of their homelands. This was accomplished not through war and as a concerted effort, but by an aggressive defensive policy built on individual action that varied with changing circumstances. Many Navajos never made the Long Walk to Bosque Redondo. Instead they eluded capture in northern and western hinterlands and thereby pushed out their frontier. This book focuses on the events and activities in one part of the Navajo borderlands-the northern frontier-where between 1860 and 1900 the Navajos were able to secure a large portion of land that is still part of the reservation. This expansion was achieved during a period when most Native Americans were losing their lands. ; https://digitalcommons.usu.edu/usupress_pubs/1053/thumbnail.jpg

Frontmatter -- Contents -- Overview -- Preface: How to use this book -- Introduction -- One. Bans -- Two. Walls -- Three. Raids -- Four. Sanctuary -- Epilogue. Sovereignty, Sanctuary, and Solidarity -- Acknowledgments -- Notes -- Glossary -- Further Resources