Suchergebnisse

The author draws from in-depth interviews with thirty-nine black and Latino custodial and food service workers at the University of California, Berkeley, to determine how workers make decisions about making job referrals. Interviews were revelatory. Drawing from widely available and institutionalized scripts about what makes a good worker, jobholders assessed jobseekers' orientation toward work as well as what effect this orientation might have on their own reputations on the job to determine whom to help and how much to do so. Because of ethno-racial differences in how unemployment was interpreted, Latinos were more likely than their black counterparts to help and to do so proactively. These findings suggest that theories of social capital mobilization must take into consideration individuals' access to and deployment of cultural resources to fully understand the circumstances under which actors are mobilized for instrumental action.

This article examines the categorization of world music and how vexed and contentious issues pertaining to ideas of difference are navigated within processes of production and consumption of world music. By drawing on a study of British world music, it highlights the ambivalence expressed towards ethno-cultural hybridity and the way that racialized pathologies can be challenged or created and reinforced. It explores ideas about musicality and cultural expression that underpin the musical preferences and cultural values of consumers, musicians and professionals as a manifestation of the cultural logic of differentiation. It highlights the ongoing difficulty of explaining social and cultural phenomena without recourse to the idea of race, in contexts shaped by antiracist and cosmopolitan ideals. By illustrating how world music categorization does not erase race or nation, but instead recontextualizes both, this article provides an helpful insight into the changing dynamics of race.

Статья посвящена истории функционирования термина «Грузия» применительно к Картли-Кахетинскому царству (1744) 1762-1801). По мнению автора, значительно искажает смысл и затрудняет работу исследователя неточный перевод ключевых терминов с грузинского на русский язык. Во второй половине XVIII первой половине XIX века имели место некорректная передача обозначений государственно-политических образований западной части Южного Кавказа и навязывание политизированных этнографических наименований. ; This article is dedicated to the problem of the term "Georgia" application in the Kingdom of Kartli and Kakheti (1744) 1762-1801). Loose translation of the key terms from Georgian into Russian tortures these words and creates obstacles for the researcher. In the second half of XVIII the first half of XIX centuries the incorrect denomination of political relations of state entities on the territory of the western part of South Caucasus and rough application of politicized ethno titles took place.

In recent years, the relationship between foreign military occupation and the increased likelihood of violent insurgency and terrorism has been asserted (Pape 2005) but is far from proven. The actual micro-level dynamics that make the correlation between the two sufficient to warrant extended discussion is even less understood and has led a variety of researchers to examine the micro-level foundations of how the presence of foreign military personnel might exacerbate conflict or provide motivation for the local population to mobilize against the foreign troops in their midst (e.g., Downes 2008; Edelstein 2008)

Conflict in Sri Lanka between the Tamils and the Sinhalese brought the Eastern Muslims into the crossfire. Muslim elites and politicians generally cooperate with the Sinhalese ruling class. Such cohabitation irritated the Tamils. Since 1985, relations between the Tamils and the Muslims in the Eastern region have become strained, and Muslims claimed they have some problems to be solved. This study attempts to identify some special problems of the Eastern Muslims. A questionnaire on the special problems of the Eastern Muslims was distributed to the Eastern youth, students, unemployed Muslims and farmers. The population of the target group was selected randomly. More than 150 questionnaires were issued with a 75 percent response rate. Interviews were also conducted on the phone with an educated section of the Eastern Muslims. This study also suggests solutions to the protracted ethno-political conflict based on power sharing.

"In der quantitativen Bürgerkriegsforschung ist seit langem umstritten, ob ethnische Vielfalt die Wahrscheinlichkeit bewaffneter Auseinandersetzungen beeinflusst. In dem Beitrag gehen die Autoren über diese Debatte hinaus. Sie zeigen, dass ethnische Diversität als solche Gesellschaften nicht gewaltanfälliger macht, dass aber spezifische ethno-politische Machtkonfigurationen das Risiko bewaffneter Auseinandersetzungen erhöhen. Erstens sind Staaten, die weite Teile der Bevölkerung auf Grund ihrer ethnischen Zugehörigkeit von der Herrschaft ausschließen, besonders anfällig für Rebellionen. Zweitens tragen Staaten, in denen sich mehrere ethnische Gruppen die Macht teilen, ein hohes Risiko, dass sich diese Gruppen untereinander bekämpfen. Drittens sind bewaffnete Sezessionskonflikte für inkohäsive Staaten, deren Bevölkerungsgruppen lange Zeit unter indirekter Herrschaft standen, besonders wahrscheinlich. Die Autoren überprüfen ihre Hypothesen mit Hilfe eines neuen Datensatzes 'Ethnic Power Relations' (EPR), der alle unabhängigen Staaten seit 1945 umfasst. Ihre Analyse zeigt, dass ethnische Politik, wenn sie erst einmal sinnvoll erhoben und gemessen wird, genauso zuverlässig über das Bürgerkriegsrisiko von Gesellschaften Auskunft gibt wie ihr ökonomischer Entwicklungsstand. Sie weisen dann mit Hilfe multinomialer logistischer Regressionen nach, dass die Wahrscheinlichkeit von Rebellionen, Binnenkonflikten und Sezessionen in der Tat vom jeweiligen Maß der politischen Diskriminierung, der ethnischen Segmentierung des Zentrums und der Kohäsion einer Gesellschaft abhängen. Demgegenüber tragen ethnisch diverse Gesellschaften an sich kein besonders hohes Gewaltrisiko." (Autorenreferat)

Based on an analysis of the reports of twenty-eight national-level public commission inquiries into events involving ethno-national violence—drawn from five national contexts and arrayed over the course of the twentieth century—this article demonstrates the strikingly transnational character of these investigatory bodies' attempts to authoritatively explain episodes of collective violence and to thereby restore governing legitimacy in the wake of violent crises. One of four distinct "logics," or core explanatory frameworks, each associated with a particular mode of "racial power," characterized a diverse cross-national pool of violence commission reports during defined periods of the twentieth century. In revealing globally encompassing logics to what has often been framed as a national or case-specific phenomenon, the author shows how global ideational currents compose a key dimension of national political dynamics.

This paper analyzes the composition and pattern of migration within Cordoba province during the period of the Argentinean wars of independence. Studied are the two largest ethnic groups (Spanish and Mixed) using information provided by the census of 1813. Correlations between migration estimates are analyzed. The results obtained indicate that migrants were predominately males, the rest consisting of women and children. Movement took place generally from town to distant localities and the proportion of Spanish and Mixed migrants entering both areas was similar. Men, women and children migrated in comparable numbers, thus suggesting a family migration pattern. Correlation between the proportions of migrants among geographic units indicates equivalent patterns of men, women and children as well as ethno-social categories (Spanish or Mixed). One of the main factors determining migration could be the political and economic instability of Cordoba following the Colonial Period.

Abstract

Using adolescent women living and working in Shanghai, as our sample group, we argue that a consequence of a modernizing Peoples Republic of China1

Hence forth called China.
are the cultural values embodied in consumption are increasingly representing western consumption narratives. The extreme of this ideal is the consumption of the body through plastic surgery and the construction of an identity reflective of wider societal changes in China. Using an ethno‐consumerist methodology and interviewing women in Shanghai, our findings indicated that participants were encouraged to undertake plastic surgery operations by drawing upon traditional Chinese cultural hierarchies, i.e., family and society, and a need to compete in a modernizing society. Plastic surgery was used by participants then to construct a future biography of themselves as the embodiment of a new China: perfect, successful, and wealthy.

Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

AbstractThis ethnographic study of the Sathya Sai Baba Movement in Singapore situates itself within the sociological study of New Religious Movements (NRMs). Studies on the expansion of "cults" and NRMs are well documented, but little has been done to explore how such movements proceed after the initial foothold has been established in the host country. Patterns of interaction with the highly plural socio-ethnic and religious elements that exist in multicultural nations, as in Singapore, and the attendant social implications have not been sufficiently addressed. The Sai Baba movement preaches and practises ethno-religious ecumenism and allow adherents to maintain the religious affiliations and practices of their parent or current religion. This paper explores the nature of the Sathya Sai Baba Movement's religious framework and its apparent success in pluralistic Singapore by studying the impact of syncretism and ritual variations on the identity of the movement.

The purpose of this article is to explore children's perceptions and experiences of safety and risk in one highly contested interface area in Belfast. Interface areas are landscapes divided by physical and symbolic boundaries on the basis of religious/ethno‐national identification. The research draws on maps and focus group discussions with young teenagers from four schools in an interface area located in North Belfast. The teenagers identified both private and public places of risk that they faced in their everyday lives. The types of risks produced by this environment are outlined and the teenagers' strategies for managing the daily risks that they faced in their everyday lives are assessed. The data reveal how teenagers negotiate movement across different types of space and illustrate the extent to which their immediate geographical environment is dependent on its location within wider political, social and cultural systems.

Cet article décrit et analyse les besoins et préoccupations des personnes âgées autonomes appartenant aux groupes ethniques francophones et résidant dans Ottawa-Carleton. L'objectif principal est d'explorer les raisons pour lesquelles elles utilisent peu les services de soutien communautaires pour les personnes âgées francophones. Nous avons effectué des entrevues semi-structurées auprès de quatre représentantes et de six personnes âgées des communautés ethno-culturelles francophones, et nous avons effectué une analyse de contenu par thème. Les répondantes ont souligné les besoins de contacts sociaux, d'apprentissage du français et/ou de l'anglais, d'accès aux moyens financiers adéquats et d'information sur les ressources disponibles. Des obstacles liés au contexte socio-écono-politique dans la société d'accueil entravent la satisfaction de ces besoins. La levée de certaines barrières concrètes, la modification des politiques sociales et des pratiques d'intervention faciliteraient l'accès aux services par les personnes âgées des groupes ethniques francophones et augmenteraient leurs options.