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The author establishes the essence of the concept of the rule of law at the doctrinal level. The author concludes that it is expedient to study the rule of law as a legal category, as a legal doctrine in the context of an integral part of the genesis of the concept of the rule of law at the doctrinal level. There is a historical periodization of the formation of the idea of the rule of law in the context of the construction of a modern rule of law. It is suggested by understanding the principle of the rule of law for doctrinal equality through the method of realizing the principle of the rule of law in the system of theoretical knowledge. The concept of the category of the rule of law is defined on the basis of the provincial, traditional Ukrainian and foreign theoretical doctrine. The principle of the rule of law in the image of the law and the role of law in powers and suspensions; signification of legal rights and powers; legal rights and policies; legal rights and economics; relationship rights and morality; legal rights and traditions have been justified. Approaches to determine the substantive workload of the rule of law, which became the property of not only legal educational literature, but also monographs and dissertations, were stressed for the normal civil society. It is emphasized, that the principle of the rule of law is the basis, basis and guiding principles of a doctrinal understanding of the fullness of the concept of the rule of law in general. It is established that the issues, outlined today, are more than relevant, and therefore the prospects for their development are a dynamic phenomenon that requires attention, research and change, in accordance with the state and political and social mood of the society on an ongoing basis. ; В статье автором установлена сущность понятия принципа верховенства права на доктринальном уровне. Автором сделан вывод о целесообразности исследования принципа верховенства права как правовой категории, как юридической доктрины в разрезе неотъемлемой части генезиса становления понятия принципа верховенства права на доктринальном уровне. Осуществлено историческую периодизацию становления представлений о принципе верховенства права в контексте развития современного правового государства. Исследовано понятие принципа верховенства права на доктринальном уровне с целью обоснования механизма реализации принципа верховенства права в системе общетеоретических знаний. Определены понятие, сущность и содержание категории верховенства права на основе обобщения современной украинской и зарубежной общетеоретической доктрины. Обосновано, что именно принцип верховенства права отражает место и роль права в государстве и обществе; означает соотношение права и государства; соотношение права и политики; соотношения права и экономики; соотношения права и морали; соотношения права и обычаев. Предоставляемые подходы к определению смысловой нагрузки принципа верховенства права стали достоянием не только юридической учебной литературы, но и монографических и диссертационных исследований Подчеркнуто, что анализ и углубление исследований по данной проблематике является чрезвычайно важным на пути Украины в политической и экономической евроинтеграции, а также становление нормального гражданского общества. Отмечено, что именно принцип верховенства права составляет базис, основу и руководящие принципы доктринального понимания наполненности понятия верховенства права в целом. Установлено, что изложенная проблематика на сегодняшний день является более чем актуальной, а потому перспективы ее развития - это явление динамичное, требующее внимания, исследований и изменений, согласно с состоянием и политическими и социальными настроениями общества на постоянной основе ; У статті автором встановлено сутність поняття принципу верховенства права на доктринальному рівні. Автором зроблено висновок щодо доцільності дослідження принципу верховенства права як правової категорії, як юридичної доктрини у розрізі невід'ємної частини ґенези становлення поняття принципу верховенства права на доктринальному рівні. Здійснено історичну періодизацію становлення уявлення про принцип верховенства права у контексті розбудови сучасної правової держави. Досліджено поняття принципу верховенства права на доктринальному рівні з метою обґрунтування механізму реалізації принципу верховенства права у системі загальнотеоретичних знань. Визначені поняття, сутність та зміст категорії верховенства права на основі узагальнення сучасної української та зарубіжної загальнотеоретичної доктрини. Обґрунтовано, що саме принцип верховенства права відображає місце і роль права в державі і суспільстві; означає співвідношення права і держави; співвідношення права і політики; співвідношення права і економіки; співвідношення права і моралі; співвідношення права і звичаїв. Надані підходи щодо визначення змістовної завантаженості принципу верховенства права, які стали надбанням не лише юридичної навчальної літератури, а й монографічних та дисертаційних досліджень Підкреслено, що аналіз та поглиблення досліджень з даної проблематики є надзвичайно важливим на шляху України до політичної та економічної євроінтеграції, а також становлення нормального громадянського суспільства. Наголошено, що саме принцип верховенства права становить базис, основу та керівні засади доктринального розуміння наповненості поняття верховенства права загалом. Встановлено, що окреслена проблематика на сьогоднішній день є більш ніж актуальною, а тому перспективи її розвитку – це явище динамічне, таке, що потребує уваги, досліджень та змін, згідно зі станом та політичними і соціальними настроями суспільства на постійній основі

El país se independizó del Reino Unido en el año 1980, y desde entonces es gobernado por Robert Mugabe, líder del partido político Unión Africana de Zimbabwe – Frente Patriótico (ZANU-PF por sus siglas en inglés). El principal partido de oposición es el Movimiento por el Cambio Democrático (MDC), actualmente liderado por Morgan Tsvangirai. En el 2000, Mugabe promocionó una nueva reforma agraria como herramienta política para calmar la situación de crisis socioeconómica que vivía el país, donde la gran mayoría la tierra cultivable se encontraba en manos de la minoría blanca. El proyecto de reforma constitucional que incrementaba los poderes presidenciales para la expropiación y redistribución de tierras, sin conceder garantías de una correcta administración de las mismas, fue sometido a referéndum ese mismo año. Luego de una campaña opositora liderada por Tsvangirari, el entonces dirigente del Congreso Sindical de Zimbabwe (ZCTU), que se proclamaba en contra de la Reforma Agraria que pretendía implementar el presidente, el NO a la reforma obtuvo el 54,6% de los votos, alcanzando la oposición al presidente una mayoría electoral por primera vez desde 1980. Sin embargo, para las elecciones del año 2002, el gobierno de Mugabe aprobó una serie de leyes que restringían las libertades de la oposición y violaban el derecho de libertad de expresión, así como también implicaban fuertes amenazas contra el MDC. Llegaron sanciones internacionales, en particular desde la Unión Europea, Estados Unidos y la ONU, que incluyeron la suspensión de la Commonwealth. Luego de la reforma de 2005, el presidente es Jefe de Estado y de Gobierno y se organizaron dos cámaras legislativas. Todos recordamos la situación de Zimbabwe hacia 2008. Con un contexto económico crítico, donde la inflación había superado el 100.000 % en el mes de febrero, Mugabe resucitó la política de reforma agraria como pilar de su campaña. Esta vez, la violencia y represión se repitieron, a tal punto que provocaron la retirada del líder opositor, quien decidió no presentarse a la segunda vuelta de los comicios alegando que él y la gran mayoría de sus seguidores eran víctimas de violencia constante. Los resultados finales, que demoraron en darse a conocer, volvieron a proclamar presidente electo a Mugabe. Sin embargo, por primera vez en la historia de Zimbabwe, el MDC obtuvo mayoría parlamentaria, ganando 100 de los 210 escaños de la Asamblea, mientras que el ZANU-PF se quedó con 99. De los más de 12 millones de habitantes de Zimbabwe: el 37% son menores de 14 años; el 99% son negros; se calcula en más de un millón los que emigraron entre 2000 y 2005 a Sudáfrica por motivos económicos; los infectados por sida se calculan en un 29% del total; la esperanza de vida es de 39 años. A pesar de estas cifras elocuentes, que señalan la terrible situación económica y social en el país, la tasa de alfabetización es alta: cerca del 90% del total de la población. El gobierno de Mugabe sigue siendo hoy internacionalmente criticado y objeto de sanciones diversas, debido principalmente a las denuncias por violaciones de los derechos humanos y la falta de garantías políticas. Las empresas de capitales internacionales, necesarias para enfrentar el altísimo desempleo que llegó a estar en 2009 en cerca del 80% de la población, han invertido fuertemente en particular en el sector minero, pero se enfrentan a una inseguridad jurídica que pone en tela de juicio la continuidad en el tiempo de sus inversiones. Como siempre, la clave para entender la evolución en el país pasa por la posición de los países de la región y de las principales potencias internacionales. Zambia, Tanzania y Botswana han sido críticos del camino emprendido por Mugabe. Pero África del Sur, el actor de peso en África Austral, ha sido el principal sustento de Mugabe. Y el sanguinario presidente, que ya tiene 88 años, cuenta también con apoyos en los gobiernos de China – que ha intentado venderle armas -, Gabón, y nuestra más cercana Venezuela. Por su parte, tanto Estados Unidos como el Reino Unido han aumentado la presión sobre Mugabe, quien no duda en "mandar al infierno" a los dirigentes de esos países frente a los reclamos por el respeto a los derechos humanos en su país.Zimbabwe no es uno de los países sobre los que escuchemos hablar mucho por estas latitudes. Pero sigue siendo una de las peores ilustraciones de lo que puede generar la barbarie sanguinaria en el poder. Y en este sentido, resulta interesante conocer quiénes son los países y las potencias regionales e internacionales sobre los que se apoyan este tipo de regímenes. Sobre el autorProfesor de la Licenciatura en Estudios Internacionales. FACS, Universidad ORT Uruguay

Clean air is a basic requirement of life (World Health Organization, 2010). The Indoor Air Quality (IAQ) has been the object of several studies due to an increasing concern within the scientific community on the effects of indoor air quality upon health, especially as people tend to spend more time indoors than outdoors (Franck et al., 2011; Canha et al., 2010; WHO, 2010; Environmental Protection Agency, 2010; Saliba et al., 2009; Fraga et al., 2008; Fromme et al., 2007; Guo et al., 2004; Kosonen, 2004; Lee et al., 2002a; Lee et al., 2002b; Carrer et al., 2002; Lee et al., 2001; Li et al., 2001; Wilson & Spengler, 1996; Allen & Miguel, 1995; Jenkins et al., 1992; WHO, n.d.). The quality of air inside homes, offices, schools or other private and public buildings is an essential determinant of healthy life and people's well-being (WHO, 2010). People can be exposed to contaminants by inhalation, ingestion and dermal contact. In the past, scientists have paid much attention to the study of exposure to outdoor air contaminants, because they have realised the seriousness of outdoor air pollution problems. However, each indoor microenvironment has unique characteristics, determined by the local outdoor air, specific building characteristics and indoor activities (Pegas et al, 2010). Indeed, hazardous substances are emitted from buildings, construction materials and indoor equipment or due to human activities indoors (WHO, 2010; Carrer et al., 2002). Reports about buildings with air-related problems have received increasing attention since the 1970s (Spengler & Sexton, 1983; Hodgson, 1992). In an indoor environment, dust on floors and other surfaces contains minerals, metals, fibres from textiles, paper, and insulation material, particles from tobacco smoke, including polycyclic aromatic compounds (PAH's). For this reason, the indoor environment is cleaned to maintain an acceptable level of perceived cleanliness, to prevent surface degradation, to control potential risk of infection from microorganisms, and to control dust exposure in general (Wolkoff et al., 1998). All of these pollutants could cause significant damage to health globally (WHO, 2010).The IAQ in school buildings is expected to be a key role player in the assessment of the effects of the children personal exposure to air pollution as children spend at least a third of their time inside school buildings, that is, approximately seven or more hours a day in school (Almeida et al., 2010; EPA, 2010; Pegas et al., 2010; Wheeler et al., 2009; Ramachandran et al., 2005). Poor IAQ can affect scholarly performance and attendance (Daisey et al. 2003; Godoi et al. 2009). Hence, several studies about air quality in schools have recently been published (Goyal & Khare, 2009; Tippayawong et al., 2009; Fraga et al., 2008; Fromme et al., 2007; Hwang et al., 2006). Environmental asthma triggers commonly found in school buildings include respiratory viruses; cockroaches and other pests; mold resulting from excess moisture in the building; dander from animals in the classroom; and dander brought on the clothing from animals at home. Second-hand smoke and dust mites are other known environmental asthma triggers found in schools. Children with asthma may be affected by other pollutants from sources inside schools, such as unvented stoves or heaters and common products including chemicals, cleaning agents, perfumes, pesticides and sprays. Indoor Air Quality problems in schools may be even more serious than in other categories of buildings, due to higher occupant density and insufficient outside air supply, aggravated by frequent poor construction and/or maintenance of school buildings (Pegas et al., 2010). Schools are seen as particularly likely to have environmental deficiencies because chronic shortages of funding contribute to inadequate operation and maintenance of facilities (Mendell & Heath, 2005). Previous studies showed the poor indoor environmental quality at schools may be explained by: (1) insufficient ventilation in schools, specially in winter, (2) infrequently and not thoroughly cleaned indoor surfaces, and (3) a large number of students in relation to room area and volume, with constant re-suspension of particles from room surfaces (Janssen et al., 1999). Children constitute a sensitive group with higher risk than adults (Stranger et al., 2007a) because children are particularly vulnerable to pollutants due to their undeveloped airways (Stranger et al., 2007a; Mendell et al., 2005). Moreover, children have greater susceptibility to some environmental pollutants than adults, because they breathe higher volumes of air relative to their body weights and their tissues and organs are actively growing (Mendell & Heath, 2005). The effects of air pollution on children have been growing (Khan et al., 2007) and one of the consequences is the increase of the prevalence of allergic rhinitis (ISAAC, 1998). The chemical and microbiological parameters required by the Portuguese Legislation for IAQ monitoring purposes are: carbon dioxide (CO2), carbon monoxide (CO), ozone (O3), formaldehyde (HCHO), volatiles organic compound (VOCs), bacteria and fungi (DL n.º 79/2006).

Population should be in the central focus of local community institutions and the local community may constitute its population policy which will supplement state population policy measures, considering the local specific various traditions, values and models of living. The paper's basic goal is to critically perceive the characteristics, significance and role of local self-governments in the current population policy of Serbia. Social situation and social policy characteristics in Serbia are analyzed in the context of the population policy. It is pointed out that poverty, unemployment, the economic crisis, the process of privatization, the issue of system decentralization and social expectations of the population, as current expressions of transition, all have a consequence on the demographic development and population policy. A critical estimation of the activities in the field of population policies which are carried out by local and provincial self-governments in Serbia in the last decade are brought into focus, with a special review to the activities of provincial and local governments in the Autonomous Province of Vojvodina. As a result of the analysis it is pointed out that the population and social policy measures have been separated since the year 2000 and that they have been directed only to stimulating births and not child raising and that solutions regarding maternity leave brought improvements, however shortened maternity leave for the third child. The new conception of the population policy brought a whole series of restrictions such as: suspension of aid for newborn essentials; discontinuance of the right to maternity allowance; abolishing of compensation for preschool expenses for the third child; children's allowance lost its population measures character along with considerable tightening of the census and decreasing of amount; the activities of preschool facilities have been reduced only to an educational function, and the terms for realizing rights to preschool education for children without parents and children with special needs have been tightened. The authors point out to the values and principles on which a contemporary population policy of local self-governments in Serbia should be established, such as: stability of established measures, a clear message on the needs of society, compatibility and not uniformity with measures of other bodies, compassion and uniformity with aspirations of couples and individuals, respect for the rights and freedom of man, information availability, equality of birth and raising children in measures. The establishment of population policy municipality funds is suggested and that local population policy measures are both material and non-material type, as well as in the form of organizational measures which could use the existing resources in a better way. The municipal assembly should create organizational suppositions by appointing a Population Policy Commission as its permanent body. The Commission would propose to the Municipal Assembly to adopt a strategic document - the Population Policy Strategy in the municipality. The Municipality Assembly should adopt the Action Plan for carrying out of the population policy every year, which would define the measures, bearers, terms and methods of evaluating measures with a plan for the following year. The population policy of the local self-government should be a constant process which manages, follows and evaluates, which is public and which understands the engagement of competent people, participation of citizens-volunteers and civil organizations. ; Polazište rada je da stanovništvo treba da bude u centralnom fokusu institucija lokalne zajednice i da lokalna zajednica može konstituisati svoju populacionu politiku koja će dopuniti mere državne populacione politike, uvažavajući lokalne specifičnosti različitih tradicija, vrednosti i modela življenja. Kritičko sagledavanje karakteristika, značaja i uloga lokalne samouprave u aktuelnoj populacionoj politici Srbije predstavlja osnovni cilj rada. Analiziraju se obeležja socijalne situacije i socijalne politike u Srbiji u kontekstu populacione politike. Ukazuje se da siromaštvo, nezaposlenost, ekonomska kriza, proces privatizacije, pitanje decentralizacije sistema i socijalna očekivanja stanovništva, kao aktuelni izrazi tranzicije, imaju posledice na demografski razvoj i populacionu politiku. U fokusu rada su i kritička ocena aktivnosti u oblasti populacione politike koju sprovode lokalne i pokrajinske samouprave u Srbiji u poslednjoj deceniji, sa posebnim osvrtom na aktivnosti pokrajinskih i lokalnih vlasti u AP Vojvodini. Kao rezultat analize ističe se da su od 2000. godine mere populacione i socijalne politike razdvojene i da su usmerene samo na podsticanje rađanja dece, ali ne i njihovo podizanje; da su rešenja vezana za porodiljsko odsustvo donela poboljšanja, ali su i skratila dužinu porodiljskog odsustva za treće dete; da je nova koncepcija populacione politike donela čitav niz restrikcija. Autori ukazuju na vrednosti i principe na kojima treba da se uspostavi savremena populaciona politika lokalnih samouprava u Srbiji. Predlaže se osnivanje opštinskih fondova za populacionu politiku, kao i da mere lokalne populacione politike budu materijalnog i nematerijalnog tipa, ali i u obliku mera organizacione prirode kojima se mogu bolje iskoristiti postojeći resursi. Populaciona politika lokalne samouprave treba da bude stalan proces kojim se upravlja, koji se prati i evaluira, koji je javan i koji podrazumeva angažovanje kompetentnih ljudi, učešće građana- volontera i civilnih organizacija.

Taking into account the environmental aspects and the nuisances due to the massive use of private cars use has an influence on the French agglomerations mobility policies. More and more, these agglomerations develop their own public transport network; the idea is to make public transport more attractive for the users than today and therefore more competitive than private cars. For all cities, the question of the public transport lines implementation is posed at two levels: that of the city to determinate the public transport layout and that of the street in order to choose the position of the transport platform and the distribution of users in the public space. Public transport projects arouse the interest from the local population, and a lot of stakeholders are thus encouraged to participate in them. The multiplicity of stakeholders concerned by the project, and especially the different points of view they defend, can also block the project progress, even leading to its end. Our research is aimed to develop a process to determine, on the one hand, the public transport line layout and on the other, the platform implementation and the public space users distribution. This process has to take into account the aspects linked to transport, those connected to the agglomeration urban design and the different stakeholders' points of view. The methodology we have created is based on the use of ELECTRE III, a multicriteria decision aiding tool, as a support for "concertation"¹. From the historical analysis of the French public transport projects, the criteria used to choose the line layout and the public space users distribution have been determined. Then, the use of ELECTRE III is a support for the debates with the various stakeholders, to highlight the parts of the projects that are problematic because the different viewpoints are divergent. To conduct the debates, a new actor, the facilitator, is introduced in the transport project. From the recommendations stemmed from the concertation stage, the elected representatives, the real project decision makers, can take the necessary steps, notably in terms of communication, so that the project suffers from as fewer delays as possible and attains the acceptance of most stakeholders ¹ The French word "concertation" does not have any real equivalent in English. It designates a participative decision-making process in which the various stakeholders are able to express their point of view and have it taken into account in the decision-making process ; La prise en compte accrue de l'environnement et des nuisances dues à l'usage massif de l'automobile influence les politiques de mobilité des agglomérations françaises. De plus en plus, celles-ci se dotent d'un réseau de transport en commun en site propre ; l'idée est de rendre les transports collectifs plus attractifs pour les usagers et donc plus compétitifs par rapport à la voiture particulière. Pour toutes ces villes se pose alors la question de l'insertion de ces lignes de transport en commun à deux échelles spatiales : au niveau de la ville avec la détermination du tracé de la ligne de transport et au niveau de la voirie avec la position du site propre au sein de l'espace public et la répartition des autres usagers au sein de cet espace. Les projets de transport suscitent de l'intérêt de la part de la population locale et nombreux sont les acteurs qui souhaitent y participer. La multiplicité des acteurs concernés par le projet, et surtout la différence de points de vue qu'ils défendent, peuvent alors engendrer des blocages dans le déroulement du projet, allant parfois jusqu'à sa suspension. L'objectif de notre recherche est d'élaborer un processus permettant de déterminer d'une part le tracé de la ligne de transport et d'autre part l'implantation de la plateforme de transport et la répartition des usagers au sein de l'espace public. Ce processus doit prendre en compte les aspects liés au transport, ceux liés à l'urbanisme de l'agglomération ainsi que les points de vue des différents acteurs. La méthodologie alors développée repose sur l'utilisation de la méthode d'aide multicritère à la décision ELECTRE III comme support de la concertation. À partir de l'analyse historique des projets de transport qui se sont déroulés en France, les critères permettant de choisir l'implantation du tracé de la ligne et la répartition des différents usagers de l'espace public ont été déterminés. Dès lors, l'utilisation d'ELECTRE III constitue un support de débats avec les différents acteurs pour mettre en exergue les éléments du projet sur lesquels les points de vue divergent. Pour animer ces débats, un nouvel acteur, le facilitateur, est introduit au sein des projets de transport. À partir des recommandations issues de la phase de concertation, les élus, véritables décideurs du projet, peuvent prendre les mesures qui s'imposent, notamment en termes de communication, afin que le projet subisse le moins de retard possible et aboutisse à une variante acceptée par le plus grand nombre d'acteurs

Page 1 The title sheet depicts the picture of a hooded executioner (labeled "Young," presumably Alan Young of the English Department) holding an axe over a pile of men, including President Jensen. Dee Andros, in a football jersey, is leaping onto the pile. One man in the pile is making the "peace" sign with his hand. The page is formatted like No. 9 with a fist, half white and half black, next to "the SCAB SHEET." Page 2 "Sit-ins WILL CONTINUE" A human rights rally is described, as well as further injustices needing to be addressed by the university. "Dee's Bird" An account is given of four OSU students giving Dee Andros the "peace" sign, after which Andros replied with an obscene gesture. The article is capped by a caricature of Andros with the caption: "WATCH THE BIRDIE!" Page 3 "Interview With Chicago Conspirator" John Froines, a professor at the University of Oregon and a member of the "Chicago 8," a group accused of illegally crossing state lines to incite a riot (at the Democratic National Convention), gives his views on city planning. "Hazing" The practice of hazing is criticized, while the university is accused of looking the other way, despite its anti-hazing regulations. "Meddling" The English Department is accused of attempting to prevent two activists from speaking at a university event. "Jocks Vote Down Pumpkin" OSU's football team is reported to have voted 73-15 in favor of accepting facial hair. An earlier Scab Sheet article reported that Andros would let his team vote and abide by its decision. The vote allegedly occurred while Andros was not present, and it also endorsed the Human Rights Commission Report on the Milton Case. Rumors are also fueled that the "fat man may soon resign." Page 4 "OREGON STATE GOTHIC" A caricature imitating the painting "American Gothic," the "Judy" and "Harold" are standing in front of the Memorial Union. "Dean Chick" is standing on the MU steps saying "HAROLD!!", and Judy is saying "I think Mother is calling, dear." The bottom of the page is captioned with "THIS IS BRITTON COUNTRY." The caption also appears on a button on Harold's lapel. Harold represents ASOSU President Harold Britton. Dean Chick refers to Britton's mentor, Dean of Students Robert Chick. Page 5 "SCANDAL IN BRITTON'S GOVERNMENT" Harold Britton is accused of attaining his office as ASOSU President unethically, and appointing cabinet members in an untraditional and dishonest manor, as well as using his position to reward those who helped him gain the presidency or who promise to remain silent over corruption. "MINORITY AFFAIRS DISBANDED BLACK STUDENTS SOLD OUT" The Minority Affairs Committee is reported to have allegedly recommended its own dissolution due to the lack of black students in the committee. The disbanding is viewed by the Scab Sheet as the end of any hope of a black studies program at OSU. [Note: When reading this article, note that the second and third columns are in the wrong order.] Page 6 "A RADICAL ANALYSIS OF THE UNIVERSITY" An analysis of the university determines that the present system is flawed (particularly in that it employs administrators), and does not support education. The supporting of research is criticized, as is the political roles of the administration. A picture in the article may possibly depict the Black Student Union walkout. "HUMAN RIGHTS FOR HERTAN OR STRIKE!" In an editorial, Jensen and Andros are labeled as "mothers" in apparent attempt at being derogatory. Further strikes are predicted, and change is urged for the university, insisting upon increased human rights. Page 7 "OSU Black Panther day" The Black Panther Party gives ten demands for the Black Community in the United States. These demands include both monetary and idealistic requests. Page 8 - books "Notes from the New Underground" An anthology is promoted which addresses the depictions of the "younger generation." It appears to support movements demanding change. The new Beatles album is also praised, as well as selections from the musical "Hair." The Portland radio station KPFM is also recommended. Page 9 "PUPPET GOVERNMENT TAKES OFFICE (under police protection)" The newly elected ASOSU government is accused of being a "puppet government" and is accused of gaining power illegally. [no title] A caricature depicts well-dressed individuals labeled "Student Senate" enjoying dinner and tea while bodies lie before them, labeled "Student Body Elections." A lady is holding a book titled "Etiquette." Page 10 "FREE HERTAN" The plight of trackman Bob Hertan details the athlete's suspension due to sideburns, mustache, and long hair. The Scab Sheet reaffirms its calls for the resignation of Dee Andros, but also adds track coach Berny Wagner to its demands. "Barometer LIES" The Scab Sheet accuses the Barometer of lying in an apparent war of words between the rival papers. Page 11 [no title] The Junior Carnival on May 23 and 24 is advertised. The fonts and design of the advertisement depict a "psychedelic" theme.

Telegrams exchanged between Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles and the following people: private citizens, Governors, Congressmen, the Veracruzan Liberal Party, the Workers of the San Bruno Factory, the Primero de Mayo Party, the Workers of the La Fama Textile Mills, the Peasant and Workers of Jalapa Socialist Party, the Jalapeño Pacifist Party, the Ejidatario Peasants, the Molido Pedreguera Congregation, the Club of Peasants and Workers from Ixtalapa, Federal District, the Mar & Tierra Federation of Workers from the Port of Veracruz, Presidents of state committees of the National Revolutionary Party, Guilds from the Municipality of Mérida, the Convention of the Socialist Leagues Confederation from Oaxaca, Commanders of the Military Zone, the Union of Stevedores and Aligners from the Port of Mazatlán, the Civic Center from Coahuila, Senators, the Union of Port Inspectors from Veracruz, Union of Railroad Workers from Veracruz, the Unifying Central Committee of the Socialist Party of the Southeast, and the Election Bloc of Mixed Leagues from Mérida, Yucatán. The aforementioned telegrams concern a request for the report of a shipping of a thousand boxes of wine, a request for suspending the mail of a newsletter to Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles, confirming the mailing of insurance policies, shipping of shirts and an amphora, a request to move to another federal office, information about the colonization process in La Paz, Baja California, Congratulatory greetings on Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles' return to Mexico, requests for appointments, a request for helping with the closing of a Tavern located across from a boys school, replies of acknowledgement for received mail, confirmation of Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles' trip to Cuernavaca, congratulations on the process of peaceful elections, request for returning a driver's license and information about the fine for the infraction, advice on how to manage investments, report about the distribution of congress seats in Veracruz as well as the elections conflict, a request for not raising the price of purchase for the producers of La Laguna, Confirming José María Brindis as interim Governor of Chiapas, a request for assisting with the review of the contract signed with the Union of Railroad workers and associates from Veracruz, information about the smear campaign against Doroteo Solano, request for the provision of stationery, a request for employing Francisco Alonso as Head of Immigration, report on the smear campaign against Melchor Ortega, Governor of Guanajuato, information about a campaign of tomato harvesting by the Wells Fargo, election conflict in Mérida, Yucatán, requesting a reinstatement and a loan. / Telegramas entre el Gral. PEC particulares, Gobernadores, Diputados, Partido Liberal Veracruzano, Obreros Fábrica San Bruno, Partido Primero de Mayo, Obreros Textiles Fábrica La Fama, Partido Socialista Obreros Campesinos Jalapa, Partido Pacificador Jalapeño, Campesinos Ejidatarios Congregación Molido Pedreguera, Club Campesinos y Obreros Ixtapalapa, D.F., Federación Trabajadores Mar y Tierra del Puerto de Veracruz, Presidentes de Comités Estatales del Partido Nacional Revolucionario, Gremiales del Municipio de Mérida, Convención Confederación Ligas Socialistas de Oaxaca, Comandantes de Zona Militar, Unión de Estibadores y Alijadores del Puerto de Mazatlán, Centro Cívico Coahuilense, Senadores, Unión de Checadores del Puerto de Veracruz, Unión Obreros Ferrocarrileros de Veracruz, Comité Central Unificador del Partido Socialista del Sureste y Bloque Electoral de Ligas Mixtas de Mérida, Yuc., acerca de: solicitud de informe sobre envío de mil cajas de vino, petición de suspensión de envío de boletín de prensa para el Gral. PEC, notificación de envío de pólizas, remisión de camisas y ánfora, solicitud de cambio a otra entidad federativa, informe sobre proceso de colonización en La Paz, B.C., felicitaciones por el retorno del Gral. PEC a México, solicitudes de audiencia, solicitud de ayuda para clausura de taberna frente a escuela de niños, respuestas de enterado a mensajes anteriores, notificación de viaje del Gral. PEC a Cuernavaca, felicitación por celebración de elecciones pacíficas, solicitud de devolución de licencia e importe de la infracción, sugestiones para movimiento de cuenta de inversión, informe sobre repartición de curules en Veracruz y conflicto electoral, solicitud de que no se eleve el precio de la copra a los productores de La Laguna, notificación de cargo interino de Gobernador de Chiapas a José María Brindis, solicitud de ayuda en la revisión de contrato a la Unión de Ferrocarrileros Similares de Veracruz, informe sobre campaña de descrédito contra Doroteo Solano, solicitud de remisión de papelería, solicitud de empleo como Jefe de Migración para Francisco Alonso, informe sobre campaña de descrédito contra Gobernador de Guanajuato Melchor Ortega, informe sobre campaña de cosecha de tomate por parte de la Wells Fargo, conflicto electoral en Mérida, Yuc.; solicitud de reinstalación en trabajo y solicitud de préstamo.

The Political and Social Natures of the State of ExceptionThe main questions regarding the political and social natures of the state of emergency concern: the restriction of individual freedoms as an innate power of the State to assure its continued existence –and of its democratic regime- in times of national crisis; the exception as being a transitional phase from democracy to autocracy or dictatorship; and, the legitimization of a permanent state of exception through consensus.Carl Schmitt stated that 'sovereign is he who decides on the exception' (1). This means that the exception, which he defined as the application of extraordinary measures, is what constitutes the essence of the highest power of the State. Schmitt, following Bodin and Hobbes, emphasized the extralegal nature of the State's sovereign power. The State could not exist without the possibility of exception. In fact, the State was born from the exception and relied on it for its survival (2). Therefore, the state of exception could not be framed within the legal order. Sovereignty cannot be limited; it is an absolute. Laws are created by the State, but the State's sovereign power –the exception- has to remain outside the boundaries of the rule of law. This was the only way that the exception could function as the mechanism that guaranteed the State's survival in moments of grave peril. To Schmitt, there was no point arguing about lesser or greater evils. The State had to prevail always. Order, even a dictatorial one, was preferable to revolution and anarchy. The permanent elimination of individual freedoms was, at all times, more desirable than the extinction of the State. Schmitt was deeply influenced by the 1918-1919 Revolution, following Germany's defeat in World War I, and by the early chaotic years of the Weimer Republic. He considered, taking on Weber in extremis, that the State was the absolute embodiment of the monopoly of the use of violence. Legitimacy did not matter because authority –the sovereign- was the real source of law, not a Rousseaunian state of nature or the people's will (3). The State creates and maintains law through force. When the monopoly is broken, because violence is being used against the State from outside or within, the exception assures its reestablishment. Other authors have considered the survival of the sovereign body at all costs, perceived as a lesser evil when weighted against the greater evil of its possible decease, as the driving force behind the state of emergency's employment in moments of real or perceived national crisis (4). Exception, to them, is a legal tool that restores order by rapidly extricating the threats to the polity's existence. Supporters of this view consider that in times of foreign war or internal strife the State is compelled to undermine individual freedoms. Dictatorships react to crisis in a much effective way than democracies. The very nature of the latter –mainly enacting decisions after deliberation, consensus and the rule of law- may be its own Achilles' heel. In order for modern democracies to survive, they have to recur to non-liberal, but legally framed and provisional, measures (5). After 9/11, the War on Terror has been defined as a national crisis that cannot be overcome within the 'normal' rule of law. The long term peril to democracy, which terrorism poses, is far greater and more permanent than the one that the state of exception causes to democratic liberties in the short term. The suspension and restriction of fundamental freedoms are a small price to pay when a democratic regime is faced with the kind of foe that terrorism is. Even such strong advocates of liberal democracy, like Michael Ignatieff, believe that the state of emergency is a necessary tool to protect society from terrorist attacks (6). To him, the exception in a modern democracy can be effectively restrained from committing the kind of human rights violations and abuses that were present during the French-Algerian War and the Dirty War in Argentina. Ignatieff considers that those cases can be avoided, in the current War on Terror, by setting up contradictory procedures after targeted killing and aggressive interrogation have been implemented(7). Lastly, the provisional characteristic of the state of exception must also be properly defined by introducing a time limit or by setting up attained objectives. The problem with the latter is that it is difficult to discern when terrorism has been actually defeated. Regarding the temporal nature of the exception, it has been the case that governments have continued to extend, indefinitely, the state of emergency (8). In this sense, Charles Tilly was right when he noticed that once the State acquires more power it is extremely difficult, or almost impossible, to go back to the previous situation (9). Ignatieff's notion that the state of exception can be controlled if it is properly framed within the legal order is mistaken. First, following Tilly, the State's behavior is not controllable, particularly within a legal framework. Even if the State seems to be making concessions, it is actually gaining more command. It is in the State's nature to increase its control over society in order to assure its survival(10). Therefore, the state of exception will never be controlled by the legal order. Terrorism overtly defies the essence of the State: its monopoly of the use of violence. To protect itself the State will disregard the rule of law if necessary. Secondly, the exception cannot be legal in any sense because, as said by Giorgio Agamben, it is the negation of law (11). Agamben considers exception as it has been defined by Schmitt: the nature of sovereign power. Consequently, it can never be framed by the rule of law. In fact, when the exception is enacted law ceases to exist. When national crisis occur, a State will make decisions based on necessity, not on lawfulness. Accordingly, if the rule of law is negated and the newly acquired faculties are not relinquished after the crisis has passed, the exception represents the transition of a democratic regime into an authoritarian or autocratic one. There is a divide in literature regarding this issue: some deem that the exception creates a provisional dictatorship but once the crisis is over democracy returns in full force, others see the exception as a one way ticket ride. According to Rossiter when the state of exception is declared, a democratic regime turns into a provisional dictatorship by granting extraordinary authority and powers to the executive (12). Ignatieff, following Rossiter, considers Italy and Germany during the 70s, by naming them 'selective dictatorships', to show how modern democracies used the state of exception to tackle terrorism and returned to the rule of law once the threat had ended (13). However, the provisional and extraordinary measures passed in both countries have never been suspended. They are still in place and sporadically and selectively used. As a result, the provisional feature of the exception never actually materializes. Authors, like Hannah Arendt and Frances Fox Piven, explain how the suspension, restriction and infringement of constitutional rights and individual freedoms by the necessity of the state of exception permanently erode democracies by introducing autocratic measures (14). Arendt wonderfully describes how democracy died in the Weimer Republic when Chancellor Bruning declared the state of emergency in 1930, and not the moment Hitler raised into power in 1933 (15). For Arendt, from the moment the exception was enacted until Hitler took over the Chancellery, the path to dictatorship was irreversibly one. Piven regards the declaration of the state of emergency in the United States in September 2001 as the crucial moment where democratic liberties started to irrevocably fade away in the name of necessity (16). The subsequent restrictions to individual freedoms were accepted as necessary sacrifices to avert a catastrophe. It was not considered that the greater evil was not the one posed by terrorists; but, the permanent damage made to democracy by the State. Democracy is still far from dying in the United States, but its agony may have already started. The state of exception requires another ingredient to remain in effect indefinitely and permanently harm democracy. The State's intentions –if there is such an oxymoron- are not sufficient alone. Legitimacy, as Weber so cleverly insisted upon, is also needed (17). Arendt showcased how the transformation of the Weimar Republic, from a democracy into a totalitarian regime, mainly depended on the masses (18). In modern democracies it is the general public, the citizenship or the masses who always have the final voice on any matter. Governments' actions have to be legitimized by the public in order to be truly effective. They are accepted if they are not broadly contested or if they are enthusiastically received. They are not perceived as legitimate when they produce protests against them (19). The measures taken by the U.S. Government after 9/11 have received its share of criticism, but they have not been openly contested by the public in a massive way. In fact, there has been a strong consensus from the American citizenship. It may have been a tacit consensus between the executive, Congress and the citizens; but, the case remains that the suspension, restrictions and infringement to fundamental liberties have been seen as a necessary sacrifice to assure the security of the nation (20). Even controversial and dangerous measures as targeted assassination or torture have been widely accepted -in an extremely cheerfully way in some cases (21)- by the general public. Perhaps, the public truly considers them appropriate and it is willing to risk democracy for security. However, it would seem that the compliance comes from the perception that they will never be subject to those measures. The majority of the people of the United States do not consider themselves targeted by the restrictions to individual freedoms, and will never feel that way. For them it is easy to make sacrifice a minority's fundamental liberties. It has been the case in every country where the state of exception has been declared for terrorist activities. The idea that 'it will never happen to me' precludes the perception of being on the verge of loosing any kind of freedom. Interestingly, Karl Marx, in the XVIII Brumaire, warned us about the dangers of a massive support for an autocratic State in the name of security (22).ConclusionThe current War on Terror shows how close a stable and mature,democratic regime is to absolutely disregard the rule of law in favor of necessity. History and political theory has demonstrated that many authoritarian governments and dictatorships originate with a declaration of the state of exception. The measures taken by the enactment of the exception are not only immoral, they are unnecessary and illegal. The lesser evil is always less when it is not applied to the majority of the population. No matter how small the amount of individuals affected by the restrictions on their liberties, the damage done to democracy –and to their lives- is permanent and with grave repercussions for the future. Terrorism is a strategy used by a small group of people that pose no vital danger to the State's institutions or to democracy. The real danger to a democratic regime is the State's reaction to terrorism and the public's acceptance of them. Terrorists can be effectively persecuted within the rule of law. No worst case scenario can justify the torture, the indefinite imprisonment and the assassination of an innocent individual. The possible avoidance of a worst case scenario is never the lesser evil when it requires fundamental freedoms to be sacrificed. Finally, it is the public who always has the last word, and who is ultimately responsible for the known actions taken by their government. The choice between the rule of law and necessity, eventually, relies on them.(1) Schmitt, Carl; Political Theology. Four Chapters on the Concept of Sovereignty; Chicago University Press; Chicago; 2005; pp. 5.(2) Ibid; pp. 7-12.(3) Ibid; pp. 35.(4) See Huntington, Samuel; Political Order in Changing Societies; Yale University Press; New Heaven; 2006; and Krasner, Stephen;Sovereignty. Organized Hypocrisy; Princeton University Press; New York; 1999.(5) See Walzer, Michael; Just and Unjust Wars; Basic Books; New York; pp. 335-360.(6) See Ignatieff, Michael; The Lesser Evil: Political Ethics in an Age of Terror; Princeton University Press; New York; 2004; pp. 130-143.(7) See Ignatieff, Michael; The Lesser Evil: Political Ethics in an Age of Terror; Princeton University Press; New York; 2004; pp. 150-156.(8) See http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2010/09/10/letter-president-continuation-national-emergency-with-respect-certain-te(9) See Tilly, Charles; Coercion, Capital, and European States, AD 990-1992; Wiley-Blackwell; New York; 1995.(10) See Tilly, Charles; "War Making and State Making as Organized Crime," Bringing the State Back In, Eds. Peter Evans, Dietrich Rueschemeyer, Theda Skocpol. Cambridge University Press, 1985.(11) See Agamben, Giorgio; State of Exception; University of Chicago Press; Chicago; 2005; pp. 32-40.(12) See Rossiter, Clinton; Constitutional Dictatorship - Crisis Government In The Modern Democracies; Rossiter Press; New York; 2008. Rossiter takes the cases of the United States and the United Kingdom during the Second World War and analyses the 'dictatorial' powers held by Roosevelt and Churchill to command both countries during the crisis.(13) See Ignatieff, Michael; The Lesser Evil: Political Ethics in an Age of Terror; Princeton University Press; New York; 2004; pp. 174-178.(14) See Arendt, Hannah; Origins of Totalitarianism; Benediction Books; New York; 2005; pp. 305-341; andSee Piven, Frances Fox;The War at Home: The Domestic Costs of Bush's Militarism; New Press; New York; 2006.(15) See Arendt, Hannah; Origins of Totalitarianism; Benediction Books; New York; 2005; pp. 389-400.(16) See Piven, Frances Fox; The War at Home: The Domestic Costs of Bush's Militarism; New Press; New York; 2006.(17) See Weber, Max; "Politics as a Vocation," in From Max Weber, Eds. Gerth and Mills.(18) See Arendt, Hannah; Origins of Totalitarianism; Benediction Books; New York; 2005; pp. 305-341(19) See Piven, Frances Fox; and Cloward, Richard; Poor People's Movements: Why They Succeed, How They Fail; Random House; 1979; pp.1-41.(20) See, Posner, Richard; Law, Pragmatism and Democracy; Harvard University Press; Cambridge; 2003. (21) Like it was seen immediately after President Obama announced the targeted assassination of Osama Bin Laden.(22) See Marx, Karl; "The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte," in The Marx/Engels Reader, Ed. Robert Tucker. *Estudiante de Doctorado, New School for Social Research, New YorkMaestría en Estudios Internacionales, Universidad Torcuato Di Tella, Buenos AiresÁrea de Especialización: Procesos de formación del Estado moderno, sociología de la guerra, terrorismo, genocidio, conflictos étnicos, nacionalismos y minorías.E-mail: guere469@newschool.edu

It is well established that bacteria are the first organisms to adhere and colonize both abiotic and biotic surfaces. Their subsequent multiplication and production of exopolymeric substances (EPS) bring to biofilm formation which is believed to influence the settlement of following colonisers starting biofouling process on surfaces. Biofilm and fouling often have a deleterious effect on colonized surfaces and materials. They explicate a complex and various range of processes on abitic surfaces that cause physical damages, chemical alterations, loss of functionality and discolouration of surfaces, generating tremendous environmental and economical harm for human society. The control of the deleterious biofilm and the following fouling is today a great challenge. Currently, we have two choices: to remove biofilm by traditional methods or to research new effective antifouling approaches. Traditional techniques consist mainly in the application of biocides, however this practice has several disadvantages. In fact, traditional biocides are not generally specifically target against detrimental microorganisms and they are often potentially toxic both for humans and the environment. In addition, biological matter released by their use can offer a favourable substratum for subsequent colonisations. Others problems concern the development of resistance in target pest populations and the low biodegradability of these chemicals. Moreover, biocides are not always effective at low concentrations because life inside the biofilm leads to increased resistance to antimicrobial products up to 1000-fold compared to planktonic cells. Finally, current legislation in UE and USA regulates the use of biocides and lately several products have been withdrawn from the market. New antifouling strategies need to be effective, economic, safe for the public and to pose negligible risk to human health and the environment. In the last years new strategies able to control biofilm growth have been proposed as alternative to traditional active substances. However, several years will be required to set up and test satisfactory methods, so, these novel strategies can be only a long term solution. In the meantime, as short term solution, it is vital to study methods for a more sustainable use of traditional antimicrobial agents. Therefore, the aims of the PhD project here presented were: 1) to use biocides for the removal of deleterious biofilm from relevant abiotic surfaces in the most sustainable way; 2) to exploit the ability of a new promising inorganic compound, the photocatalytic titanium dioxide, as an innovative non-toxic antifouling system to control biofilm formation on abiotic surfaces. The study reported in the chapter 3 addresses the first aim. Generally, broad-range biocides are used to remove alterative biofilms from historical and artistic surfaces. In order to obtain a use as sustainable as possible of antimicrobial agents, the strategy has been to identify alterative microorganisms so as to use a suitable biocidal product which targets specifically the biodeteriogen agents. In this work, for the first time, an integrated biotechnological system that enables the cleaning of cultural heritage stone affected by both biological and chemical alteration process was used. The study was conducted on alterations found on two stone sculptures decorating the courtyard of the Buonconsiglio Castle in Trento (Italy). Stone, especially if exposed to the weather, is subject to chemical, physical and aesthetical deterioration. In this regard, pollution and environmental parameters play an important role since they are most responsible of deterioration process. Samples from altered and unaltered areas were characterized using stereomicroscope, cross-section observations and Fourier transform infrared (FTIR) analyses. Results reveled that stone was an oolitic limestone and changes were both discolorations ascribed to biological agents and chemical alteration represented by black crusts composed mainly by gypsum with a small amount of calcite, nitrate and silicates. Cultural and biomolecular methods were adopted to study microbial biofilm from powders samples. The cultural analyses proved that heterotrophic bacteria, fungi and prokaryotic and eukaryotic algae were present on surfaces and that in some samples the counts were quite high (up to 7 logCFU/g for bacteria and up to 6 logCFU/g for fungi). Denaturing gradient gel electrophoresis (DGGE) and sequencing from total DNA extracted allowed to identify taxa of microorganisms causing discolorations: they were Cyanobacteria, Chlorophyta green algae (Myrmecia and Friedmannia), Streptophyta green algae (Klebsormidium), microcolonial black fungi (Alternaria and Cladosporium) and other species of fungi able to deposit melanin in the cell wall (Verticillium). Fluorescent in situ hybridisation (FISH) highlighted that the Cyanobacteria generally were dominant (more than 60%) among the other prokaryotics belonging to the Bacteria domain. In this case, in order to remove the discolourations, despite the initial purpose to use a product that targeted only the small population of harmful microorganisms, we were forced to choose the biocide BIOTIN N (constituted by a mixture of tributyltin naphthenate (20% w/v) and didecyl dimethyl ammonium chloride (35% w/v)) with a broad spectrum of activity due to the taxonomical variety of the biodeteriogens. The same traditional and biomolecular methods were carried out on the samples collected after the cleaning to verify the removal of alterative microorganisms. Treatment with the biocide resulted in a decrease of the bacterial load (up to five orders of magnitude), and neither culturable fungi nor culturable prokaryotic and eukaryotic algae grew. Indeed the DGGE profiles showed far fewer bands than before treatment and proved that Cyanobacteria and most of the green algae and dematiaceous fungi had been efficiently removed. Chemical alterations were removed by a biocleaning treatment, an innovative, efficient and highly selective bioremediation technology, alternative to the use of chemicals, that uses viable cells of sulphate-reducing bacteria able to remove sulphates from stone ornamental surfaces. In this work for the first time this approach was applied on limestone. Sulphate-reducing bacteria have been Desulfovibrio vulgaris subsp. vulgaris (ATCC 29579). The treatment consisted in three 12-h applications for a total duration of 36 h. Comparison of the results of the chemical analyses performed before and after the biocleaning proved that gypsum, nitrates and silicates were almost completely removed. In addition, both optical evidence and FTIR analysis showed that the limestone substratum was preserved. In general, the cases of biofilms with large taxonomical variety (as the biofilms on the sculptures from Buonconsiglio Castle in Trento) are very frequent. Therefore, due to the side-effects of biocides, the development of alternative strategies for the prevention and control of deleterious biofilm becomes imperative. They must allow to protect materials from biodeterioration, and thus preserve their usefulness for as long as possible. In addition, new approaches must be safe for human beings and the environment. The study reported in the chapter 4 refers to this second aim of the project. The ability of photoactivated titanium dioxide (TiO2), a promising alternative to biocide for the biofilm control and prevention, was investigated. The biocidal activity of TiO2 against planktonic cells thanks to its strong photocatalytic properties has been reported since 1985. TiO2 per se is non-toxic, as the tests in rats prove, and has been approved by the American Food and Drug Administration (FDA) for use in human food, drugs, cosmetics and food contact materials. Moreover, it is considered an environmentally friendly photocatalyst, it is relatively inexpensive, chemically stable and effective under weak solar irradiation in ambient atmospheric environment. Few attention was dedicated to study the potential of photocatalytic TiO2 against the bacterial biofilm so far. The aim was to investigate the ability of photocatalytic TiO2 as a new non-toxic antifouling nanotechnology to deter and prevent the attachment and biofilm formation of selected bacteria on TiO2-coated surfaces. Aeroxide P25 (Degussa) was employed as source of TiO2. The effects of both photocatalyst nanopowder suspensions (3g/l concentration) and thin TiO2-film applied on glass coverslides by sol-gel method were valued. During the experiments TiO2 was photoactivated by a lamp emitting radiation over a UV-A wavelength range with light intensity similar to outdoor solar irradiation (between 3000 and 500 μW/cm2). An efficient protocol for the photoactivation of TiO2 was set up degrading the dye rhodamine B. Thus activity was investigated on Bacillus cereus-group sp. (Gram-positive) and P. stutzeri and P. aeruginosa (Gram-negative) planktonic cells. The results proved that photoactivated TiO2 provoked a significant decrease of CFU/ml. Biocidal activities of nanopowder suspension in demineralised water in Bacillus sp., P. stutzeri and P. aeruginosa were respectively 1-log reduction after 24 h, 2-log reduction after 30 min and 1-log reduction after 2 h compared to non-photoactivated TiO2. TiO2 thin film also produced a complete disinfection of P. aeruginosa planktonic cells in 24 h. Finally, the activity of photoactivated TiO2 was investigated on P. aeruginosa biofilm at various formation steps both at the solid-liquid and at the solid-air interface. It was proved that neither TiO2 nanopowder nor photocatalytic film showed any biocidal activity on P. aeruginosa biofilm at all the interfaces investigated. The experiments have demonstrated that the lack of cell inactivation by photocatalytic action on biofilm was not due to 1) the presence of phosphates that could block active sites on the catalyst surface, 2) scavenge oxidative radicals produced at the surface, nor to insufficient presence of O2 at the TiO2 surface, which maintains charge transfer in photocatalytic reactions, 3) biofilm growth that screens UV-A light, deactivating TiO2, 4) insufficient build-up of photocatalytically-generated reactive species necessary for cell inactivation. In addition, confocal laser scanning microscope analysis demonstrated that not even exopolysaccharides produced by biofilm cells were the cause of fail inhibition since almost absent in the very young tested biofilms. The only possible explanation for these findings was that the cells, when live in sessile form, invoke a genetic response that imparts them an increased resistance to oxidative stress generated by photoactivated TiO2. In conclusion, the studies reported here have demonstrated that: a) Biotechnologies could facilitate a more sustainable use of biocides addressing the choice toward a suitable product that targets only the biodeteriogen microorganisms. b) The biocleaning treatment is an effective technology, alternative to use of chemicals, to remove selectively sulphates from stone. c) The photocatalytic TiO2 is not a good candidate to develop an effective technology that is alternative to traditional biocides for the control of deleterious biofilm. Further studies with other promising environmentally-friendly compounds may provide new ways to move forward in the search and to pursue the goal of an efficient surface coating methods able to prevent biofilm formation or, at least, to interfere with their inconvenient increased resistance to biocides, respecting the human health and environment. The research for new non-toxic antifouling strategies continues.

El objeto de esta investigación erige es la indagación sobre la severidad punitiva de las decisiones judiciales, tomando como referencia nuclear la violencia contra las mujeres en relaciones de la pareja y los discursos judiciales manifestados en las decisiones pronunciadas por los juzgados y tribunales. Al enjuiciador le cabe siempre optar entre el abanico de proposiciones jurídicas, desvelando si son, o no, aplicables a la factualidad y, en caso afirmativo, cuáles son las consecuencias que se derivan de ellas (Larenz, 1978). La violencia de la pareja es un problema históricamente recurrente y un problema de género, las mujeres son las principales víctimas, que no sólo en Portugal, sino en la generalidad de los países y culturas, que ha reclamado la atención particular de juristas, psicólogos, sociólogos, políticos y, naturalmente, de las comunidades. Sin embargo, no se trata de un fenómeno nuevo, sino antes bien de una compleja e intrincada cuestión social, que atraviesa todas las épocas, aunque presentemente ocupe tal vez un protagonismo mayor en los debates y en las preocupaciones humanas, una vez que el devenir social y la creciente consciencia colectiva sobre la dimensión y efectividad de los derechos humanos vienen suscitando la formulación de otros mecanismos de control, presumiblemente adecuados. Esta es la razón por la que, en las últimas décadas, se han traído a colación interrogaciones, derivadas de los choques y contradicciones que van surgiendo a nivel de las representaciones sociales, de las tradiciones y de la cultura, a muchos títulos aún dominantes en nuestra sociedad; no obstante, por todos lados ha ido sedimentando –por lo menos a nivel de las intenciones– la idea de la tolerancia cero en relación a este tipo de violencia. VII El espacio inaugural donde todas estas cuestiones asumen un papel determinante, de resultas del cual se procede a la construcción de una arquitectura normativa, de definiciones uniformizadas, es el proceso de criminalización. El Derecho es, por lo tanto, un regulador de relaciones interpersonales que, fijando patrones de comportamiento, procura encontrar formas de colmatar el desorden y promover el bienestar de una sociedad (Hart,1995). Para ello, opera en la regulación de las situaciones, que divergen de un país a otro, como sucede en las diversas etapas de la criminalización, en especial en sus fases primarias (producción legislativa) y secundaria (aplicación judicial), cada una de ellas organizada según una gramática específica, aunque interconectada, reflejando una lógica propia, emergente de sus tiempos histórico-culturales y político-sociales (Debuyst & Digneffe,1998). Dichas lógicas emanan de los titulares del Poder y de quienes dirigen el sistema, de sus intereses e ideologías, partiendo de estos para emitir juicios de valor; según Larenz (1978), estos juicios constituyen expresiones de una toma de posición personal del Legislador y, posteriormente, del Aplicador, realizadas en el respeto por valores que se reconocen como tales; para fundamentarlos, el juez no está limitado tan solo a la intuición axiológica, debiendo aplicar criterios que gestionan los valores (positivos y negativos) considerados vinculantes en la comunidad sociopolítica y jurídica, y por ella. Los dilemas de la justicia tienen origen en el funcionamiento actual y global de la sociedad; las representaciones individuales nacen de procesos más amplios y, en muchas ocasiones, ajenos al propio individuo, es decir, la relación entre la autonomía individual y social está en juego cuando las reglas de una comunidad precisan ser determinadas (Wagner, 2011; Dias, 2010). La violencia conyugal es un fenómeno bastante complejo y compuesto por diversos factores, de cariz social, cultural, psicológico, ideológico, económico, entre otros (Costa, 2003). Actualmente, el Código Penal portugués ya consagra expresamente (en su artículo 152) el delito de violencia doméstica. Más allá de este artículo específico, la ley también criminaliza, por ejemplo, las amenazas, la coacción, la difamación, las injurias, la sustracción de menor, el incumplimiento de la obligación de manutención, la violación, el abuso sexual y el homicidio o tentativa de homicidio (APAV, 2014). Las penas criminales, a nivel de marco central, van desde 1 a 5 años de prisión, lo que permite que el juez pueda suspender la pena, dado que su límite máximo no supera los 5 años. Éste es precisamente el eje del problema, pues el propio Legislador abrió la puerta al expediente de la suspensión. La tipificación de la violencia doméstica (malos tratos físicos o psíquicos, incluyendo privaciones de libertad y ofensas sexuales) comprende, como víctimas, a las siguientes personas: cónyuge o ex-cónyuge; uniones de hecho heterosexuales y homosexuales (incluso sin cohabitación); progenitor de descendiente común en 1er grado; persona particularmente indefensa en virtud de la edad, deficiencia, enfermedad, embarazo o los dependientes económicos que con él cohabiten (se exige la cohabitación). En el caso previsto, si el agente practica el acto contra menor, en presencia de menor, en el domicilio común o en el domicilio de la víctima, es castigado con pena de prisión de 2 a 5 años (artículo 152). En cuanto a las penas accesorias, la ley penal establece las siguientes: a) prohibición de contacto con la víctima, en particular el alejamiento de la residencia, el alejamiento del lugar de trabajo y supervisión por medios técnicos de control a distancia; b) prohibición de uso y porte de armas y, c) obligación de asistencia a programas de prevención de la violencia doméstica. En el presente trabajo nos ceñimos a la violencia conyugal, entre personas heterosexuales, que mantengan vida en común, en una relación análoga a la de los cónyuges. Diversos estudios han mostrado que, a pesar de que la violencia contra las mujeres no se circunscribe a los espacios domésticos, pudiendo también producirse en la calle o en el lugar de trabajo, lo cierto es que gran parte de este tipo de violencia tiene lugar sobre todo en casa. En Portugal, la vivienda es el espacio privilegiado donde ocurre esta violencia (43%), como quedó demostrado en el informe de la APAV (2014) recientemente publicado, siendo en ese espacio familiar donde los maridos actúan como los principales ofensores de las mujeres. En ese mismo estudio se comprobó que la violencia contra las mujeres es sobre todo física y psicológica, cuando ocurre en el espacio doméstico; discriminación sociocultural, cuando se produce en el lugar de trabajo, mientras que la violencia sexual tiene lugar sobre todo en la calle. ¿Tendremos que preguntarnos si en Portugal la violencia sexual cometida en el interior de las familias y, por lo tanto, la que sucede en los espacios domésticos, tiene una relevancia menor que la violencia sexual que se produce en la calle, o si las mujeres no la valoran de igual forma y, por eso mismo, no denuncian a los ofensores sexuales con los que viven, dejando que una vez más la tradición se sobreponga a lo que la ley ya contempla? ¿Será que la ideación de los antes denominados deberes conyugales, incluyendo el débito sexual, aún permanece en las creencias de los ciudadanos? La experiencia de la APAV, en sus diversos Gabinetes de Apoyo a la Víctima, que reciben y actúan con mujeres víctimas de violencia conyugal, tal como los múltiples estudios que han sido realizados, confirma que la violencia es practicada en el seno de la relación conyugal (entre personas que viven en situación conyugal, casadas o no). Se trata de un sistema circular, que surge, se desarrolla y termina, iniciándose nuevamente, de forma semejante, por lo que se lo denomina ciclo de la violencia conyugal o doméstica, dado que puede ser entendido, en este sentido, como un círculo, en el cual las dinámicas de la relación de la pareja se manifiestan sistemáticamente, pasando siempre por determinadas fases. Así, en este ciclo pueden identificarse las siguientes fases: a) la fase de construcción de la tensión; b) la fase de la violencia; y c) la fase del apaciguamiento o "luna de miel". El ciclo de la violencia conyugal dificulta mucho las tomas de decisión de la mujer víctima, pues experimenta fases muy dramáticas (la tensión y el ataque violento), pero que terminan en una fase considerada gratificante (el apaciguamiento), en la cual se reanima la esperanza de tener una relación conyugal sin violencia, que implica creer e intentar nuevamente el proyecto de vida soñado o evitar la compleja y en ocasiones dramática salida del hogar. Entre otros aspectos, la relación con el ofensor, la historia de vida anterior, los apoyos de los que dispone (o de los que carece), la violencia implicada y todos los actos que la constituyen, el impacto que tienen –y, sobre todo, el significado que ella atribuye a cada uno de esos actos– determinan la singularidad de su reacción (APAV, 2013). La revisión de varios estudios interculturales y antropológicos indica que la violencia conyugal es indisociable de la cuestión del género (Dias & Machado, 2008). La relación entre el género y la violencia conyugal ha generado, no obstante, bastante discusión y controversia (Miller & White, 2003), habiendo autores que defienden la neutralidad/simetría de género (Moffit, Robins & Caspi, 2001) y otros que afirman que el género y el poder suponen el proceso clave de la violencia conyugal, sin reducirse a ser un mero componente de ésta. A pesar de que la creciente superposición de los papeles en la relación conyugal lleve a la dilución de los papeles sexuales en la familia, las diferencias de género normalmente existen en todas las sociedades, como indica Giddens (2010). Dichas diferencias de género se expresan, aunque de forma diferente, a todos los niveles de la estratificación social, reflejándose en las diversas partes de la vida social, a nivel de las oportunidades y presunciones que desempeñan en ella, desde la familia al Estado. Según el mismo autor, a pesar de que en algunos países las mujeres hayan progresado de forma significativa, las diferencias de género aún son notables, y la violencia doméstica se ha ido perpetuando en silencio (Dias, 2004); las mujeres siguen asumiendo la responsabilidad de educar a los hijos y cuidar de la casa y los hombres la de sustentar a la familia, prevaleciendo la desigualdad de roles a nivel de «[…] poder, prestigio y riqueza» (Giddens, 2010, p. 114). Como dice provocadoramente Foucault (1980), en la obra Power/knowledge, donde hay poder hay resistencia y, no obstante, o tal vez por eso mismo, ésta nunca está en una posición de exterioridad en relación al poder. Así, si es verdad que la igualdad declarada e incluso promovida en la ley encuentra numerosos obstáculos en su aplicación práctica, el Derecho no controla definitiva o aisladamente la vida social y sus valores, pero no se limita, al contrario de los más escépticos, a plasmar en letra de ley las concepciones socialmente dominantes. El Derecho –las leyes, la jurisprudencia, las prácticas jurídicas y judiciarias– ha tenido un papel constitutivo importante en la segregación discursiva de grupos de personas, especialmente las mujeres. Se entroncará ahí, quizás, la función correctora del Derecho, pasando a contribuir en la búsqueda de formas de deshacer esa segregación, no sólo prohibiendo tratamientos discriminatorios, sino obligando a las oportunas instancias a tomar medidas que contraríen la real situación de inferioridad socio-familiar de algunas personas: transmitir, por ejemplo, a la sociedad que la violencia doméstica es realmente un delito que se produce en su seno a causa de las desigualdades de género e incluso de la apatía judicial que en ocasiones se revela. Como ya mencionamos anteriormente, el presente trabajo tiene como objetivos averiguar: (i) ¿cómo absorbe el Aplicador el mensaje dimanado del Legislador, entidad política? Es decir: ¿el Aplicador adopta el racional legislativo o se apropia de él, por ejemplo a través de la memorización de su dimensión legislativa, produciendo otros (o diferentes) enunciados aplicativos? Y, (ii) ¿de verificarse semejante distorsión aplicativa, al existir una severidad menor, el transgresor ya se ha percatado de ese hecho? Es decir: ¿el delincuente doméstico presenta una cierta impunidad? De donde se deduce la cuestión crucial: (iii) ¿podrán los tribunales convertirse en entes susceptibles de contribuir a desculpabilizar el delito de violencia de la pareja? Cual la credibilidad del testimonio de las víctimas? Teniendo en cuenta los objetivos y las características del estudio y los recursos disponibles para la investigación, optamos por un tipo de estudio exploratorio, descriptivo-correlacional. Lo clasificamos como exploratorio porque se desconoce la existencia de estudios de esta índole; asume también carácter descriptivo-correlacional una vez que pretendemos describir el universo de una determinada problemática o fenómeno (violencia conyugal) y establecer relación entre variables (entre otras variables, la dependencia económica de las víctimas en relación al acusado), "en el estudio descriptivo-correlacional, el investigador intenta explorar y determinar la existencia de relaciones entre variables, con miras a describir esas relaciones. El principal objetivo del estudio descriptivo-correlacional es el hallazgo de factores relacionados con un fenómeno." (Fortin, 2003, p.174) La parte práctica se apoya en una recogida de datos de procedimientos archivados referentes al delito de violencia conyugal y su análisis ius psicológico, utilizando, con ese fin, el instrumento Índice de Severidad Penalizadora y Psicologización (Criminalización Secundaria) – (ISPP-CS) (Poiares, 2009). Como el Índice fue construido para el análisis de procedimientos penales sin especificación del tipo legal, fue necesario, de acuerdo con la literatura, del estudio de procedimientos, por la propia especificidad del delito de violencia conyugal, teniendo como base el ISPP-CS, añadir más variables , que son las siguientes: relación con el acusado; dependencia económica de las víctimas en relación al acusado; dependencia económica de los acusados en relación a la víctima; posesión de arma; otros procedimientos relacionados con violencia conyugal; número de procedimientos de violencia conyugal; información de los procedimientos de violencia conyugal a nivel de los hijos y menores de edad (número de hijos de ambos, de la víctima y del agresor; si el caso fue presenciado por menores hasta los18 años; si se contactó la Comisión de Protección de Niños y Jóvenes en Peligro ; datos de los procedimientos sobre el historial de los episodios de violencia (tipos de violencia, consecuencias físicas para la víctima; víctima observada en el hospital, víctima en internamiento; el acusado suele exhibir armas o hacer alusión a ellas durante las amenazas o agresiones; casos anteriores por agresiones a la víctima y/o a otro familiar, practicadas por el mismo acusado); solicitud de informe social/evaluación psicológica; medida de coacción; género del magistrado que dirigió el juicio, así como tiempo transcurrido entre la queja y la sentencia. Estos datos tuvieron un tratamiento estadístico en Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS). El Índice de Severidad Penalizadora y Psicologización (Criminalización Secundaria) - ISPP-CS) tiene como objetivo general analizar la severidad penalizadora, así como permite verificar el grado de psicologización del procedimiento judicial, o sea, la utilización de información y conocimiento científico proporcionado por la Psicología Forense y su recepción a la hora de juzgar. En la vertiente severidad, el índice pretende evaluar cuál es el grado de penalización, oscilando entre un grado nulo y un grado elevado, pudiendo aplicarse a cualquier delito, una vez que el estudio se basa en los patrones de la dosimetría penal (= marco de la pena para cada tipo criminal), siendo el resultado expresado en porcentaje. Considera tres ejes: Acusado, Procedimiento Actual y Medida Final Adoptada. El primero proporciona diversa información sobre cada acusado en el procedimiento, en particular en las dimensiones socio-demográfica, cultural, clínica y forense. El segundo, tal como su propio nombre indica, remite al procedimiento actual del individuo: delitos en los que se encuentra pronunciado y medidas de coacción. Por último, la Medida Final Adoptada sugiere lo que fue determinado en tribunal y si se tuvieron en consideración la evaluación psicológica o la peritaje de personalidad, en el agravamiento o atenuación de la pena. El tipo de respuesta de los ítems varía entre las de respuesta múltiple o respuesta específica y directa. Se aplica a procedimientos ya archivados y el tiempo de duración de la aplicación del procedimiento es variable con la dimensión del procedimiento. El primer eje, el Acusado, está compuesto por las dimensiones socio-demográfica, cultural y por la anamnesis judicial, diferenciada por las sub-dimensiones clínica y forense. El segundo eje, el Procedimiento Actual, referencia el (1) delito(s) que se le imputa (respuesta especifica); en relación a los delitos imputados: (2) Tipo (respuesta específica); (3) Precepto Incriminador (respuesta específica); (4) Dosimetría penal (colocar el valor mínimo y el valor máximo). Por último, el tercer eje, "Medida Penal Adoptada", se refiere a: (1) Medida aplicada a cada delito (respuesta específica); (2) Acumulación jurídica (sí o no) (b) Medida aplicada en acumulación (respuesta específica); (3) La decisión refirió la realización de evaluación psicológica (sí o no); (4) La decisión refirió la realización de peritaje de personalidad (sí o no); (5) La evaluación psicológica fue utilizada para fundamentar la atenuación de la medida (sí o no); (6) El peritaje de personalidad sirvió de fundamento a la atenuación de la medida (sí o no); (7) La evaluación psicológica determinó el agravamiento de la medida (sí o no); (8). El peritaje determinó el agravamiento de la medida (sí o no); (9) En la decisión se invocaron razones para la atenuación de la medida (respuesta específica, cuáles); (10) Observaciones (respuesta específica). Este eje termina con una sinopsis general, que se aplicará a todos los delitos por los que haya sido condenado el sujeto. Referencia la dosimetría, diferenciando todos los delitos del individuo; (11) Medida aplicada (respuesta específica); (12) Medida aplicada en acumulación (respuesta específica); (13) Puntuación total (respuesta específica). La hoja de puntuación está constituida por ítems de cumplimentación referentes a los límites mínimo y máximo de la medida penal aplicable y a la pena concreta, en meses. Tal hoja de puntuación contiene asimismo una tabla formada por cinco columnas, cada una de ellas conteniendo cuatro puntos de escala referentes a la evolución del agravamiento de la pena; y una línea de cumplimentación, por acusado (Anexo II). En alternativa, se puede utilizar una plataforma informática construida por Branco (2013), destinada exclusivamente a facilitar el tratamiento de la información obtenida por este instrumento, transformando los resultados en una escala de 0-100%. En cuanto a los ítems relativos con el tipo de tribunal (singular o colectivo), número convencional, número de acusados, decisión (absolutoria o condenatoria), pena aplicada por acusado, fecha e identificación del asistente de investigación, debiendo éste indicar con una cruz cuál es el tipo de tribunal y de decisión; en lo que concierne al número convencional (número del procedimiento en la investigación), número de acusado y penas aplicadas, el asistente de investigación apunta objetivamente la información relativa a esos ítems, información recogida en el procedimiento analizado. La fecha y la identificación del asistente también deben ser indicadas. En lo tocante a la primera sección, correspondiente al Acusado, en su dimensión socio-demográfica, debe indicarse únicamente uno de los ítems relativos a la naturalidad (urbana/rural) y tan sólo uno de los ítems referentes al estado civil, así como a la situación profesional (empleado; desempleado; jubilado); deben ser indicadas, por escrito, las informaciones recogidas acerca del distrito municipal, municipio y edad; profesión; y la relativa al tiempo que hace que el sujeto está desempleado, si fuere el caso. En la dimensión cultural, el asistente debe indicar por escrito la etnia e indicar uno de los puntos referentes a la categoría formación académica, indicando si está completo o incompleto, siempre que sea el caso. Si, en el procedimiento analizado, otro fuere el ítem adecuado, especificarlo, indicando cuál, siempre que se haya facilitado dicha información. Con respecto a la categoría residencia urbana/rural, indicar tan sólo uno de los ítems e indicar por escrito el distrito municipal, municipio y tipo de alojamiento. Igualmente, indicar por escrito cuál es la relación afectiva o de parentesco entre los diversos acusados, siempre que exista. Con respecto a la Anamnesis Judicial, más específicamente a la dimensión clínica, en lo que concierne a la salud mental, indicar referencia de diagnóstico y cuál, así como indicar la existencia, o no, de acompañamiento; el mismo procedimiento en lo que se refiere a las adicciones; en este caso, el asistente debe indicar cuál es la sustancia e indicar debidamente si el sujeto es toxicómano o consumidor. En lo que atañe a las patologías físicas, indicar por escrito una referencia de diagnóstico, indicar la existencia o no de discapacidad, señalando cuál. En la dimensión forense, indicar si existió realización de evaluación psicológica o de peritaje de personalidad, indicando el tipo de institución responsable de su elaboración; indicar por escrito cuáles son las conclusiones, tanto de la evaluación como del peritaje; de la misma forma, indicar si existió, o no, decisión sobre inimputabilidad e indicar cuáles fueron las conclusiones. Aún en referencia a la decisión anterior, indicar si fue fundamentada por peritaje de personalidad o por evaluación psicológica forense. El asistente de investigación debe indicar la existencia, o no, de antecedentes criminales, registrando los delitos anteriormente cometidos y las medidas de coacción sufridas. Igualmente, debe indicarse con sí o no la existencia de prisión preventiva, mencionándose en su caso su duración; en lo que concierne a las medidas aplicadas, deben apuntarse las verificadas, tales como suspensión del procedimiento, multa, prisión, multa con pena suspendida, prisión con pena suspendida, prestación de trabajo a favor de la comunidad (PTFC), u otros; para todas las medidas verificadas, deberá ser indicado el delito. Deben ser anotadas cuáles son las medidas de coacción en el presente procedimiento y si se verificó o no prisión preventiva y cuál fue su tiempo de duración. Debe señalizarse la existencia de acompañamiento terapéutico durante el procedimiento (sí/no), indicando cuál y si tal fue o no cumplido. En relación a la revocación de la suspensión de la pena, debe ser registrado si tuvo lugar, y, en caso afirmativo, indicarse la razón. Obedeciendo al mismo criterio, debe indicarse el cumplimento o no de la pena y el tiempo de reclusión cumplido; con respecto a la libertad condicional, debe ser apuntada su verificación, o no, así como la revocación, o no, debiendo ser indicado cuál fue el motivo. En lo que concierne al procedimiento actual, indicar con sí o no la verificación de acompañamiento terapéutico, especificando cuál. En la segunda sección, relativa al Procedimiento Actual, especificar los delitos por los cuales el acusado se encuentra pronunciado, indicando la medida de coacción: prisión preventiva (sí/no); si se aplica otra medida, indicar cuál. En el caso de que el acusado haya cumplido prisión preventiva, indicar sí o no, en función de si se produjo desde el inicio del procedimiento o especificar desde cuándo y hasta cuándo se mantuvo. Para los delitos imputados, especificar el tipo, el precepto incriminador (artículo del CP o de ley suelta) y la dosimetría penal (medida de la pena), indicando la presencia de pena de multa y su valor, en el caso de que haya sido aplicada. En lo tocante a la tercera sección, Medida Penal Adoptada, especificar la pena aplicada a cada delito, la existencia o inexistencia de acumulación jurídica y cuál es la pena correspondiente a dicha acumulación; indicar si hubo o no decisión de prisión efectiva, especificando cuál es la medida penal efectivamente decretada. En lo que se refiere a la evaluación psicológica forense y al peritaje de personalidad, indicar con sí o no la referencia a su realización, su utilización para proceder a atenuación o agravamiento de la pena; indicar si fueron invocadas razones para atenuación de pena y, en caso afirmativo, cuáles. Con respecto a la sinopsis general, tomar en cuenta todos los delitos por los cuales el acusado fue condenado e indicar la dosimetría de cada uno; indicar con sí o no la aplicación de la Ley de los Jóvenes Imputables; especificar cuál es la pena aplicada, referente a cada delito; y cuál es la pena aplicada en acumulación jurídica. En relación a la interpretación del Índice de Psicologización, este indica el grado de exigencia y el grado de importancia atribuida a las evaluaciones psicológicas forenses y a los peritajes de personalidad en la decisión que culmina con la atribución de una medida penal, eventual agravamiento o atenuación: tal importancia se basa en la puntuación de los ítems relativos a la decisión integrada en la sección Medida Penal Adoptada. En el presente caso, cuanto mayor sea el índice, mayor relieve tuvo la presencia del trabajo llevado a cabo por los técnicos de Psicología Forense en contexto judicial. La población comprende todos los elementos que comparten características comunes, definidas por los criterios establecidos para el estudio: procedimientos de violencia conyugal, con nacionalidad portuguesa. Se optó por una muestra del tipo no probabilístico por juicio. Es el tipo de muestra en que los elementos que componen el subgrupo son escogidos en razón de su presencia en un lugar en determinado momento. Este tipo de muestreo es ideal cuando el tamaño de la población es pequeño y en estudios exploratorios (Fortin, 2003). La recogida de datos se realizó en el Partido Judicial de Lisboa, Instancia Local Criminal - 1ª Sección Central de Instrucción Criminal. La muestra está formada por treinta y cinco procedimientos (n= 35), todos en el ámbito de la violencia doméstica (artículo 15), en lo que atañe al cónyuge o ex-cónyuge o personas en una relación análoga a la de los cónyuges. El análisis de resultados al que procedimos nos permite concluir que el déficit de la lucha contra la violencia conyugal se sitúa en dos fases del procedimiento criminalizador: en la primaria, porque las penas aplicadas tienen una dosimetría correspondiente en el requisito de duración para suspensión de la pena (artículo 50 del CP); y en la secundaria, dado que, como se deduce de la investigación empírica, los jueces usan de forma casi perdularia la suspensión de la pena, conjugándose ambos niveles para la transmisión de un mensaje de impunidad que es el principal amigo de la reproducción de los comportamientos violentos. En la vertiente de la violencia en contexto de relación conyugal, con y sin vínculos jurídicos, importa viabilizar medidas de castigo y de ayuda psicológica, que puedan reprogramar el sujeto delincuente - este es el espacio de la criminalización terciaria (donde se consagran la ejecución de la pena y la reinserción); y el tiempo de castigo debe, en este como en las otras expresiones de la criminalidad, coincidir con el tiempo resocializador, dejando bien clara la ilicitud del comportamiento y posibilitando la interiorización de las interdicciones. El análisis de los resultados demuestra la incoherencia entre el Derecho dicho y el Derecho hecho y, del mismo paso, la línea de incoherencia entre la psicologización que se impone, tanto en relación al agresor como en lo que toca a la víctima, y la psicologización efectivamente practicada. Uno de los objetivos del instrumento que aplicamos reside en la indagación de la contribución que la Psicología aporta al espacio judiciario: se detectó una incidencia mínima, incluso si consideramos los llamados informes sociales, cuya dimensión psicológica es con frecuencia exigua. Los resultados, aunque meramente indicativos, demuestran una baja severidad punitiva en el ámbito de la violencia conyugal, lo que parece indicar la necesidad de reestructurar el contexto punitivo en delitos de esta naturaleza, tanto en la criminalización primaria como en la secundaria, reclamando un enfoque ius psicológico de esta problemática.ABSTRACT The intention of this work lies in the question of punitive severity of judicial decisions, erecting domestic violence as crime. To do so, was adopted the use of an instrument - the Punitive and Psychologizing Severity Index (Secondary Criminalization - ISPP-CS) (Poiares, 2009) - whose purpose involves analyzing the severity of criminal measures and the extent to which psychology influences the choice of the type of sentence imposed. The sample consists of 35 case, gathered in the region of Lisbon: Local Criminal Court - 1st Section Central Criminal Procedure. The results, even if merely indicative, demonstrate a low punitive severity within the conjugal violence, which may indicate the need to restructure the punitive context in such crimes, whether in primary or in secondary criminalization, demanding a judicial psychological approach to the problem.

February has been a busy month in Brazil. Carnaval brought its usual distractions. The Federal Police announced a criminal investigation into former President Jair Bolsonaro and several of his former military aides for allegedly plotting to overturn the 2022 election. Lost in the mix was a chilling decision by a Supreme Court justice that epitomizes the grave regression in the country's anticorruption efforts.On February 5, Justice Dias Toffoli–one of 11 justices on the Supreme Federal Tribunal–ordered an investigation into Transparency International for alleged mismanagement of public funds. The decision, without input from the other judges, raised deep concerns about Brazil's commitment to fighting corruption, and about the state of the high court.The decision, without input from the other judges, raised deep concerns about Brazil's commitment to fighting corruption, and about the state of the high court."Toffoli's order came in response to allegations from a Workers' Party congressman that federal prosecutors and Transparency International had engaged in the "undue appropriation" of public funds a decade ago. At the time, Transparency International was advising prosecutors on how to manage large fines paid by the giant meatpacking firm J&F, the parent company of JBS. The firm was caught up in four major anticorruption investigations and negotiated a leniency agreement that involved a 10.3 billion real (about $2 billion) fine and an admission of misconduct.There is ample evidence of inappropriate contact between federal prosecutors and Sérgio Moro, the judge at the heart of the massive anticorruption investigation known as Lava Jato (Car Wash). In 2019, the Intercept published messages hacked from prosecutors' Telegram accounts that demonstrated extensive coordination between investigators and the judge. But there is little doubt about J&F's wrongdoing and no evidence of bad behavior by Transparency International, a globally respected anti-corruption organization.For Toffoli, the decision to target Transparency International was part of a troubling pattern:Toffoli reportedly lobbied for a seat on the chamber of the Supreme Court that supervises Lavo Jato, cementing a majority of justices considered hostile to the investigation and placing him at the center of these cases.In August, the Supreme Court ruled that justices whose family members represented plaintiffs with business before the court need not recuse themselves from those cases, a category that included Toffoli's wife, a lawyer for J&F.In September, Toffoli ruled that evidence included in the leniency agreement between prosecutors and the construction firm Odebrecht was no longer admissible in court, including information about a secret internal accounting system that catalogued $788 million in bribes the company admitted to paying to government officials across three continents.In December, during the Supreme Court's holiday break, Toffoli suspended fines imposed on J&F as part of the company's leniency agreement.In January, Toffoli suspended 3.8 billion reais (about $780 million) in fines against Odebrecht and authorized the company to renegotiate its leniency agreement.Toffoli's accusations against Transparency International are particularly egregious. After all, Transparency International has repeatedly made clear it did not manage funds prosecutors collected from J&F, but rather offered advice on how prosecutors could best deploy those resources. Further, Brazil's prosecutor general in 2020 had already investigated related allegations against Transparency International and found no criminal conduct.In this context, it seems clear Toffoli's investigation is designed to intimidate Transparency International and its allies in civil society. The timing of his decision was also telling, coming immediately after the organization released its annual report, which criticized Brazil's backsliding in the fight against corruption and specifically called out Toffoli's decisions in the J&F and Odebrecht cases.As Transparency International has documented, Toffoli's decisions underscore a significant shift away from Brazil's anticorruption efforts over the past seven years. In our recent book, Brazilian Politics on Trial, Luciano Da Ros and I write about the factors behind that change, including polarization and apathy, prosecutorial mistakes in Lava Jato, legislative reforms designed to kneecap anti-corruption investigations, attempts by Brazilian leaders to neuter oversight agencies, and a series of court decisions unfavorable to the fight against corruption in South America's largest nation.Brazil's Senate has passed a proposal for a constitutional amendment that would restrict the ability of individual justices to make unilateral decisions, potentially limiting the harm that any individual member of the court could inflict in the fight against corruption."Even so, the coming months offer opportunities to halt this backward slide. The prosecutor general has appealed the suspension of the J&F and Odebrecht fines. The appeal also offers a chance to address concerns related to Toffoli's failure to recuse himself, as well as broader questions about the court's approach to anti-corruption investigations, including Lavo Jato. Meanwhile, one Supreme Court justice is reportedly preparing a review of all leniency agreements approved by the high court. If carried out judiciously, this review could clarify the legal ambiguities of a mechanism that is still relatively new to Brazilian law and permit its continued use. Finally, Brazil's Senate has passed a proposal for a constitutional amendment that would restrict the ability of individual justices to make unilateral decisions, potentially limiting the harm that any individual member of the court could inflict in the fight against corruption.

February has been a busy month in Brazil. Carnaval brought its usual distractions. The Federal Police announced a criminal investigation into former President Jair Bolsonaro and several of his former military aides for allegedly plotting to overturn the 2022 election. Lost in the mix was a chilling decision by a Supreme Court justice that epitomizes the grave regression in the country's anticorruption efforts.On February 5, Justice Dias Toffoli–one of 11 justices on the Supreme Federal Tribunal–ordered an investigation into Transparency International for alleged mismanagement of public funds. The decision, without input from the other judges, raised deep concerns about Brazil's commitment to fighting corruption, and about the state of the high court.The decision, without input from the other judges, raised deep concerns about Brazil's commitment to fighting corruption, and about the state of the high court."Toffoli's order came in response to allegations from a Workers' Party congressman that federal prosecutors and Transparency International had engaged in the "undue appropriation" of public funds a decade ago. At the time, Transparency International was advising prosecutors on how to manage large fines paid by the giant meatpacking firm J&F, the parent company of JBS. The firm was caught up in four major anticorruption investigations and negotiated a leniency agreement that involved a 10.3 billion real (about $2 billion) fine and an admission of misconduct.There is ample evidence of inappropriate contact between federal prosecutors and Sérgio Moro, the judge at the heart of the massive anticorruption investigation known as Lava Jato (Car Wash). In 2019, the Intercept published messages hacked from prosecutors' Telegram accounts that demonstrated extensive coordination between investigators and the judge. But there is little doubt about J&F's wrongdoing and no evidence of bad behavior by Transparency International, a globally respected anti-corruption organization.For Toffoli, the decision to target Transparency International was part of a troubling pattern:Toffoli reportedly lobbied for a seat on the chamber of the Supreme Court that supervises Lavo Jato, cementing a majority of justices considered hostile to the investigation and placing him at the center of these cases.In August, the Supreme Court ruled that justices whose family members represented plaintiffs with business before the court need not recuse themselves from those cases, a category that included Toffoli's wife, a lawyer for J&F.In September, Toffoli ruled that evidence included in the leniency agreement between prosecutors and the construction firm Odebrecht was no longer admissible in court, including information about a secret internal accounting system that catalogued $788 million in bribes the company admitted to paying to government officials across three continents.In December, during the Supreme Court's holiday break, Toffoli suspended fines imposed on J&F as part of the company's leniency agreement.In January, Toffoli suspended 3.8 billion reais (about $780 million) in fines against Odebrecht and authorized the company to renegotiate its leniency agreement.Toffoli's accusations against Transparency International are particularly egregious. After all, Transparency International has repeatedly made clear it did not manage funds prosecutors collected from J&F, but rather offered advice on how prosecutors could best deploy those resources. Further, Brazil's prosecutor general in 2020 had already investigated related allegations against Transparency International and found no criminal conduct.In this context, it seems clear Toffoli's investigation is designed to intimidate Transparency International and its allies in civil society. The timing of his decision was also telling, coming immediately after the organization released its annual report, which criticized Brazil's backsliding in the fight against corruption and specifically called out Toffoli's decisions in the J&F and Odebrecht cases.As Transparency International has documented, Toffoli's decisions underscore a significant shift away from Brazil's anticorruption efforts over the past seven years. In our recent book, Brazilian Politics on Trial, Luciano Da Ros and I write about the factors behind that change, including polarization and apathy, prosecutorial mistakes in Lava Jato, legislative reforms designed to kneecap anti-corruption investigations, attempts by Brazilian leaders to neuter oversight agencies, and a series of court decisions unfavorable to the fight against corruption in South America's largest nation.Brazil's Senate has passed a proposal for a constitutional amendment that would restrict the ability of individual justices to make unilateral decisions, potentially limiting the harm that any individual member of the court could inflict in the fight against corruption."Even so, the coming months offer opportunities to halt this backward slide. The prosecutor general has appealed the suspension of the J&F and Odebrecht fines. The appeal also offers a chance to address concerns related to Toffoli's failure to recuse himself, as well as broader questions about the court's approach to anti-corruption investigations, including Lavo Jato. Meanwhile, one Supreme Court justice is reportedly preparing a review of all leniency agreements approved by the high court. If carried out judiciously, this review could clarify the legal ambiguities of a mechanism that is still relatively new to Brazilian law and permit its continued use. Finally, Brazil's Senate has passed a proposal for a constitutional amendment that would restrict the ability of individual justices to make unilateral decisions, potentially limiting the harm that any individual member of the court could inflict in the fight against corruption.

Romina Boccia


U.S. government spending is growing at a faster pace than the ability of taxpayers to pay for it. As government spending outpaces economic growth, more resources are redirected from productivity‐​enhancing functions toward government‐​fueled consumption without commensurate increases in the ability of workers to pay for a larger government. Excessive government spending also fuels inflation, depresses growth, and lowers living standards.
Congress' latest debt deal is woefully inadequate for addressing the drivers of growing spending and debt, primarily putting controls on less than one‐​third of the budget that is already projected to decline further as a share of the economy: discretionary spending.
The Congressional Budget Office's (CBO) latest long‐​term budget outlook projects that U.S. government spending will consume nearly 30 percent of the economy by 2053. At 29.1 percent of gross domestic product (GDP), federal spending will be 8 percentage points of GDP or almost 40 percent higher than the historical average.











As the figure above illustrates, interest costs are a main driver of spending increases, alongside expansions in major health care and Social Security spending. Other mandatory spending, which includes various welfare programs, retirement benefits for federal employees, and some veterans' benefits, is projected to decline as a share of GDP. Discretionary spending growth also flattens out in CBO's assumptions.
Interest costs are projected to triple as a share of the economy, assuming Treasury 10‐​year bonds at 4 percent – below average rates recorded over the past three decades. Interest cost increases are due to higher interest rates and the increasing size of the debt to which they apply. Publicly held debt borrowed in credit markets is projected to almost double from 98 percent of GDP in 2023 to 181 percent of GDP by 2053. The best way to address rising interest costs is to stabilize the debt as a share of the economy, which Congress can accomplish by reducing projected spending by at least 10 percent.
The only major category of federal spending expected to grow faster than interest on the debt is federal health care programs. Major health care programs include Medicare, Medicaid, the Children's Health Insurance Program (CHIP), and subsidies for private insurance purchased on the exchanges created by the Affordable Care Act (ACA). According to CBO, two‐​thirds of the increase in major health care spending will be due to the growth in per‐​person health care costs, meaning fixing the current subsidy, instead of allowing health care spending to grow ever more generous without budget controls, would fix most of the cost growth problem. Only one‐​third of the projected increase in total spending on the major health care programs is due to population aging. Unfortunately, President Biden's initiatives to lower health care costs will be mostly futile, acting primarily as campaign talking points rather than addressing underlying cost drivers. As Jim Capretta with the American Enterprise Institute argues:
"President Biden's latest plan to lower health care costs for American households…[is] far too trivial to matter much for most patients. If anything, the net effect is more likely to be an increase in overall costs rather than a reduction."

The two largest federal programs, Medicare and Social Security, will face a fiscal cliff sometime in the next 10 or so years. CBO's estimates assume that Medicare and Social Security spending will continue as if the fiscal cliff didn't exist. Were Congress to let scheduled benefit cuts occur, Medicare providers would face 11 percent payment cuts as soon as 2031 and Social Security beneficiaries could see their benefits reduced by 20 percent as soon as 2033. Given the popularity of both programs, waiting until the 11th hour before the fiscal cliff hits will likely result in legislators adopting a short‐​term band‐​aid approach, such as papering over entitlement deficits with additional borrowing and tax increases, while any benefit reductions could be delayed a decade or longer. U.S. workers have the most to lose from this wait‐​and‐​see approach as they'll get hit with the double whammy of higher taxes and a slower‐​growing economy.
Following current debates in Congress, legislators have moved on from worrying about passing a budget or addressing the debt to arguing over how much to increase recently agreed upon spending levels on defense and non‐​defense discretionary programs under the guise of emergency needs. Congress should have closed gaping loopholes in the debt limit deal to account and pay for emergency spending if legislators wanted to ensure their agreement held tight.
Unfortunately, raising the debt limit didn't make the debt issue go away, it merely kicked the can down the road while Americans continue to struggle under the weight of ongoing inflation that's in no small part driven by excessive government spending. Americans should ask those running for office how they will stop the government from eating up more of the economy. Without public questioning, Congress may just as well try to ignore the debt problem until 2025, when the debt limit suspension comes to an end.