Suchergebnisse

El objetivo de este trabajo es estudiar los efectos de la apertura económica y la globalización sobre la estructura del gasto público provincial en la Argentina. En particular, resultan de interés los efectos sobre el gasto social y sus componentes como expresión del Estado de bienestar. La mayor parte de la literatura se ha ocupado de identificar esta relación a nivel de países y un aspecto novedoso de este trabajo es la extensión del análisis al sector subnacional. Otra contribución es la estimación de un índice de globalización provincial adaptada del índice KOF propuesto por Dreher (2006). Se estima un modelo dinámico mediante el método generalizado de momentos en diferencias, utilizando un panel de datos para las 24 jurisdicciones de la Argentina para el período 1993-2010. Los resultados indican que la apertura y la globalización de la economía impactan negativamente en la participación del gasto social, resultado esperable desde el punto de vista del efecto "eficiencia" versus el efecto "compensación", aunque hay indicios de políticas compensatorias del gasto en educación. ; The aim of this paper is to study the effects of economic liberalization and globalization on the structure of provincial government spending in Argentina. In particular, the effects on social expenditure and its components as an expression of the welfare state. Most of the literature has focused on identifying this relationship at the country level and a novel aspect of this work is to extend the analysis to the province. Another contribution is to estimate an index of provincial globalization adapted from Index KOF (Dreher, 2006). A dynamic model is estimated using the generalized method of moments and a panel data for 24 jurisdictions of Argentina for the period 1993-2010. The results indicate that openness and globalization of the economy, negatively impact the share of social spending, the result expected from the point of view of the "efficiency" effects versus the "compensation" effects; although there are indications of compensatory policies related to education spending. ; Facultad de Ciencias Económicas ; Centro de Estudios Distributivos, Laborales y Sociales

The recent celebration of the Franklin D. Roosevelt centenary and the fiftieth anniversary of his coming to the Presidency demonstrate that those who look back at one of the most momentous periods in American history are divided mostly into two camps—those who apotheosize the New Deal and those who excoriate it. But both sides commit the error of looking upon the New Deal as an historic past without treating it as a prelude. Neither side recognizes that the New Deal fundamentally changed the nature of economic and social conditions among the American people, as well as the public policies affecting these conditions. Thus, neither side recognizes that these changes have become a throbbing reality in all that has happened since. In relatively minor details, the New Deal may not be relevant to present problems. But in its broad aspects, it lives on in the thoughts and actions of both those who revere and those who condemn it. National policies since the New Deal have largely been New Deal and anti-New Deal policies, because the problems they focus upon have not changed in their essential nature. It is therefore high time to substitute objective analyses for emotional proclamations, and to undertake an empirical examination of the significance of the New Deal during its time and during the last half century. This should be beneficial to those who want to carry the New Deal forward in its basic thrust. It should also help to terminate misinterpretations of the New Deal, which have brought a long train of confused and misdirected national economic and social policies, thus imposing terrific costs upon the American economy and people. Such an evaluation of the economic and social effects of New Deal policies and programs, and of departures from them, is in effect a study of the role of government and law in society because, to be meaningful, such an evaluation must evaluate government and law in terms of their purposes and results.

This article argues that all judgements or statements about social class are inherently moral in that they implicitly advocate how people should (or should not) act. The argument extends Bourdieu's linking of social class and representation by introducing Dewey's intertwining of morality and habit. It is suggested that Kant's apparently distinct critiques have set up three domains – knowledge, morality, aesthetics – which modern thought has treated as radically discrete. Although successful in linking the objective and the aesthetic (social class and its representation), Bourdieu was unable to incorporate the moral. Dewey's reconceptualization of morality and habit is presented as able to overcome this limitation. The introduction of morality is intended to reflect the contingent and complex operations of social class. The article aims to destabilize contemporary conceptions of social class by clarifying the enduring moral aspect which supports its conceptualization and existence.

The channeling of popular struggles through legal cases is central to the strategy of the emerging "rights defense" movement in China, linking grassroots contention with professional mediators who translate grievances into the institutional environment of law. This was the case in an unusual, ultimately unsuccessful campaign in 2005 to remove an elected village chief in Taishi Village in Guangdong, China, by legal means. While the grievances that sparked the campaign were about the unequal distribution of the benefits from village development, the strategy of instituting a recall procedure and the framing of the campaign in terms of democracy and rule of law obscured distinctly gendered issues of poverty and inequality in the village, even though women were among the most visible protesters. This article employs a "sociology of translation" to link framing processes and power dynamics, thus proposing a methodological approach to reconnecting framing with other aspects of movements. In the Taishi case, the translation of the dispute into the language of law had contrary effects: it opened the door to a legitimate, if temporary, public space for the airing of villagers' claims. At the same time, translation legitimized the voices of "experts" who then became de facto leaders in this public space; it also increasingly shifted the action to the internet, to which the villagers apparently had no access. This analysis raises questions about whether such strategies may result in either the formation of durable rights-based identities among grassroots participants or a sense of being connected to a broader social movement. (Crit As Stud/GIGA)

The purpose of this paper is to describe the influence of the environment in the historical evolution of the Universidad del Valle, especially in the years 1962 – 1995 of economic and social crisis, which served as a scenario for social entrepreneurship, led by professors and workers. These environments discovered specific social, economic, political and cultural aspects, which influenced the behavior of community leaders inside the University in order to create social enterprises with services of health, education, social well-being, savings and credit, which the University could not finance. It was applied a methodology of content analysis, identifying facts that showed difficulties for the University to finance its functioning and investment. The period 1962 – 1995 was identified because, in that time, 15 social enterprises of solidarity economy were established, which moderated the impact of the crisis and give alternatives of solution to the problems of the Universidad del Valle financing. ; El propósito del artículo es describir la influencia de los entornos en la evolución histórica de la Universidad del Valle, especialmente en los años 1962-1995 de crisis económica y social, que sirvió de escenario para emprendimientos sociales, liderados por profesores y trabajadores. Estos entornos describieron aspectos específicos sociales, económicos, políticos y culturales, que influenciaron las conductas de líderes comunitarios en el interior de la Universidad para crear empresas sociales con servicios de salud, educación, bienestar social, ahorro y crédito, que la Universidad no podía financiar. Se aplicó una metodología de análisis de contenido, identificando hechos que evidenciaron dificultades de la Universidad para financiar su funcionamiento e inversiones. Se identificó el período 1962-1995 porque, en este período, se establecieron 15 empresas sociales de economía solidaria, que moderaron el impacto de la crisis y dan alternativas de solución a problemas de financiación de la Universidad del Valle.

Social and political change involves a challenge to the status quo in intergroup power relations. Traditionally, the social psychology of social change has focused on disadvantaged minority groups collectively challenging the decisions, actions, and policies of those in positions of established authority. In contrast, this article presents a political solidarity model of social change that explores the process by which members of the majority challenge the authority in solidarity with the minority. It is argued that political solidarity as a social change process involves a contest between the authority and the minority over the meaning of a shared (higher order) identity with the majority. When identity ceases to be shared with the authority and becomes shared with the minority, majority challenge to authority in solidarity with the minority becomes possible. The model's contributions to existing social psychological approaches to social change are also discussed.

Social and political change involves a challenge to the status quo in intergroup power relations. Traditionally, the social psychology of social change has focused on disadvantaged minority groups collectively challenging the decisions, actions, and policies of those in positions of established authority. In contrast, this article presents a political solidarity model of social change that explores the process by which members of the majority challenge the authority in solidarity with the minority. It is argued that political solidarity as a social change process involves a contest between the authority and the minority over the meaning of a shared (higher order) identity with the majority. When identity ceases to be shared with the authority and becomes shared with the minority, majority challenge to authority in solidarity with the minority becomes possible. The model's contributions to existing social psychological approaches to social change are also discussed.

"Focusing on sites in the US and South Africa, Biggs follows four ensembles of currently and formerly incarcerated women and the teaching artists with whom they collaborate to investigate how performance-based arts projects both in prison and out can effect positive personal, social, and political change"--

The use of the concept of «lone parenthood» has intensified during the last years, owing, amongst other things, to the increase in this form of family. In spite of increasingly widespread use, the theoretical reality is characterized by a lack of a global consensus in relation to one essential aspect: What family form should this sociological category comprise? This problem of theoretical imprecision has often affected academia, causing strong discrepancies between different studies. However, it is also starting to have social and legal repercussions, because in terms of social policy each government agency has developed its own definition of the term. As a result, the multiple forms of lone parenthood are treated differently, something which has been described by associations and social movements as unfair and discriminatory. In this theory-based paper, we analyse some of the official definitions that have been produced in recent years and that are contained in the national and regional regulations created for the social protection of such families. The objective is to identify the conceptualization of this family phenomenon in the Spanish legal system, the existence of theoretical imprecisions and the similarities and differences that exist between territorial areas and legal statuses. This analysis helps us to clarify the official meaning attributed to these families in Spain and to provide clarity regarding this imprecise concept. ; El uso del concepto de "monoparentalidad" se ha intensificado durante los últimos años debido, entre otras cosas, al incremento que han experimentado las formas familiares a él referidas. A pesar de su uso cada vez más generalizado, la realidad teórica se encuentra caracterizada por la falta de un acuerdo global en torno a un aspecto que resulta esencial: qué forma familiar es la que debe quedar contenida bajo esta categoría sociológica. Este problema de imprecisión teórica normalmente ha afectado al ámbito académico, provocando fuertes discrepancias entre los estudios que se han realizado al respecto. Sin embargo, está empezando a tener su correspondiente manifestación a nivel social y legal, pues en materia de Política Social cada órgano elabora su propia definición. Esto genera un trato desigual entre las múltiples formas de monoparentalidad, que las asociaciones y movimientos sociales califican de injusto y discriminatorio.En este artículo, de carácter teórico, se identifican y analizan las definiciones legales que se han elaborado durante los últimos años sobre "monoparentalidad" y que se encuentran recogidas en las normativas nacionales y autonómicas diseñadas para la protección social de estas familias. El objetivo es comprobar cómo se conceptualiza este fenómeno familiar en el ordenamiento jurídico español, qué imprecisiones teóricas se observan, y qué similitudes y diferencias terminológicas se dan entre ámbitos territoriales y rangos normativos. Este análisis nos permitirá conocer el significado oficial que se atribuye a este tipo de familia en nuestro país y aportar claridad sobre el sentido real del término.

"If maximizing utility leads to the greatest happiness of the greatest number of people, as utilitarianism has always proposed, then why is it that as many of us currently maximize our utility--by working endlessly, undertaking further education and training, relentlessly marketing and selling ourselves--we are met with the steady worsening of collective social and economic conditions? In Futilitarianism, social and political theorist Neil Vallelly eloquently tells the story of how neoliberalism transformed the relationship between utility maximisation and the common good. Drawing on a vast array of contemporary examples, from self-help literature and marketing jargon to political speeches and governmental responses to the COVID-19 pandemic, Vallelly coins several terms--including "the futilitarian condition," "homo futilitus," and "semio-futility"--to demonstrate that in the neoliberal decades, the practice of utility maximisation traps us in useless and repetitive behaviors that foreclose the possibility of collective happiness. This urgent and provocative book chimes with the mood of the time by at once mapping the historical relationship between utilitarianism and capitalism, developing an original framework for understanding neoliberalism, and recounting the lived experience of uselessness in the early twenty-first century. At a time of epoch-defining disasters, from climate emergencies to deadly pandemics, countering the futility of neoliberal existence is essential to building an egalitarian, sustainable, and hopeful future" -- Publisher description

This master's thesis presents the concept of social partnership, the origins of its appearance and its development. With the reference to the case law, legislation in force and academic literature, principles regulating the relations of social partnership are discussed as well as their influence on work relations. Moreover, levels and forms of social partnership are presented. This final paper provides a consistent evolution of social partnership and its development in the European Union. By the analysis the European Union law, the status and the criteria of representativeness of European social partners, their functions and a gradual increase of impact on the legislative and social and economic policy in the European Union is discussed. Also, this paper introduces with the authorities responsible for the European social dialogue. A separate section of this thesis deals with the preconditions for the emergence and development of social dialogue in Lithuania, the legal status and role of social partners and dominant forms and levels of social partnership. Greater attention is paid to the problematic aspects of representation of workers and employers, the activities of the Tripartite Council and the promotion of social dialogue instruments. With the reference to the aspects of social partnership discussed in this paper and considering the current situation, some perspectives and suggestions for social dialogue in the European Union and Lithuania are given.

This master's thesis presents the concept of social partnership, the origins of its appearance and its development. With the reference to the case law, legislation in force and academic literature, principles regulating the relations of social partnership are discussed as well as their influence on work relations. Moreover, levels and forms of social partnership are presented. This final paper provides a consistent evolution of social partnership and its development in the European Union. By the analysis the European Union law, the status and the criteria of representativeness of European social partners, their functions and a gradual increase of impact on the legislative and social and economic policy in the European Union is discussed. Also, this paper introduces with the authorities responsible for the European social dialogue. A separate section of this thesis deals with the preconditions for the emergence and development of social dialogue in Lithuania, the legal status and role of social partners and dominant forms and levels of social partnership. Greater attention is paid to the problematic aspects of representation of workers and employers, the activities of the Tripartite Council and the promotion of social dialogue instruments. With the reference to the aspects of social partnership discussed in this paper and considering the current situation, some perspectives and suggestions for social dialogue in the European Union and Lithuania are given.

Increasingly, young people live online, with the vast majority of their social and cultural interactions conducted through means other than face-to-face conversation. How does this transition impact the ways in which young migrants understand, negotiate, and perform identity? That's the question taken up by Digital Passages: Migrant Youth 2.0, a groundbreaking analysis of the ways that youth culture online interacts with issues of diaspora, gender, and belonging. Drawing on surveys, in-depth interviews, and ethnography, Koen Leurs builds an interdisciplinary portrait of online youth culture and the spaces it opens up for migrant youth to negotiate power relations and to promote intercultural understanding.

Newly arrived refugees and asylum seekers constitute a vulnerable population in terms of health and social conditions due to lived trauma and experiences of loss, as well as factors in the host country such as not speaking the language, not having employment and social exclusion. Studies have shown that many newly arrived refugees find it difficult to establish a sustainable position in the host country's labour market due to a lack of connections, low levels of education and politi-cal, social and cultural barriers. The Swedish Public Employment Service runs an establishment programme aimed at helping newly arrived refugees to find employment quickly and manage their own livelihoods. In this study, we analyse the administrator support document used by Swedish Public Employment Service case workers in their work with the programme to explore whether and how it considers the participants' mental health and conditions for social participation. The results show that despite newly arrived refugees being especially vulnerable in terms of mental health, little attention is paid to these aspects, the possible effects they may have on the programme, the participants' integration into the labour market and Swedish society as a whole.