Suchergebnisse

Mycotoxins are toxic compounds (secondary metabolites) produced by various saprophytic living mold fungi belonging to genera Aspergillus, Fusarium, Penicillium, Claviceps, Alternaria, and others. They are formed and accumulated as a result from proliferation of molds on a variety of food substrates under favorable environmental conditions, including a suitable temperature and humidity. The term 'mycotoxsin' is a combination from the Greek word mykos - fungus, mold, and the Latin word 'toxicum' - poison. For the first time, the term mycotoxins was used in England in 1960 after detecting of high mortality in young turkeys in a turkey farm close to London ('Turkey-X disease'). After the tests that were carried out, high contents of aflatoxins were found out in the peanut butter originating from Brazil that was added to the feed. (Blount, W. P. 1961, Allcroft et al., 1961). By now, the number of the mycotoxins known is over 400, and generally are identified more than 30 000 different metabolites produced by molds. ; BG; en; EFSAfocalpoint@mzh.government.bg

Research on spatial segregation has suggested that social mix may be a temporary phase in class displacement, where relations between different groups are at best divided or 'tectonic', for instance in England. Political and policy discourses, by contrast, tend to uncritically valorize social mix as a means to breaking up concentrations of poverty and providing neighbourhoods with a middle-class voice. In the literature, little attention has been paid to power dynamics in socially mixed neighbourhoods and the implications this may have for understanding theory and policy. The five articles that make up this symposium address the ways in which social and ethnic groups interact in major cities in Europe and North America and, as the title suggests, this involves taking into account power relations, domination and negotiation between the different groups. There is a need to connect the experience of the deployment of power within neighbourhoods (and between them) with the discussions of power mechanisms at work in wider urban processes.

This paper questions the continued dominance of the network governance approach in public policy and administration and proposes an alternative framework. We find little evidence to support claims for a paradigmatic shift towards network governance in the English case. Neither does the evidence support claims for a weakening of vertical linkages or a strengthening of horizontal linkages within, or across, service delivery chains in England. Instead, bureaucratic and hierarchical structures remain pervasive and power remains highly centralised. The two case studies, of economic development and affordable housing provision, demonstrate how reforms are driven by elected politicians' political objectives and their support of various target groups in society. Nevertheless, policy making is constrained by conditions of 'postdemocracy'—essentially, the exigencies of contemporary electoral politics and the pervasive influence of business. The study of public administration and management needs to refocus on the implications for the public services of postdemocracy and address critical questions of power, competing interests, mechanisms of exclusion and inclusion, and contested claims to knowledge and expertise within service delivery chains.

With the passing of the Licensing Act of 1737 and until its repeal in 1969 the Lord Chamberlain's office has been legally able to censor any drama to be performed at established theatres in England. However, the 1737 Act left inconsistencies in the definition of censorship and the role of censor. People who were involved in theatre believed the Lord Chamberlain's office gained too much power from the Act. In the nineteenth century, actors, playwrights and members of Parliament agitated for the reform of the 1737 Licensing Act, which led to the establishment of three special parliamentary committees in 1822-1823, 1866 and 1892 as well as to the passage of a second Theatres [Licensing] Act in 1843. This paper will focus on the emerging view of the modern theatre as revealed by the witnesses examined by the special parliamentary committees and in the parliamentary debates. This paper will use the parliamentary debates, parliamentary committee reports and secondary historical scholarship including histories of drama and theatre.

В статье анализируются процесс развития и наиболее важные направления внешней политики и дипломатии России по отношению к проблемам Черноморских проливов в период с 1911 по 1913 гг., в частности, политические и дипломатические особенности русско-английских отношений накануне Первой мировой войны; прослеживается динамика развития русско-английских дипломатических отношений в контексте мировой политики, выявляются конкретные установки внешнеполитических курсов России и Англии и конкретные условия их реализации. ; In the article the author analyzes the process of development and the most important directions of foreign policy and diplomacy of Russia with respect to the problems of the Black Sea straits in the period from 1911 till 1913, in particular the political and diplomatic peculiarities of the Russian-English relations on the eve of the First World War; retraces the dynamics of the Russian-English diplomatic relations development in the context of the world policy; reveals the concrete guidelines of the foreign-policy courses of Russia and England and concrete conditions of their realization.

Schools in England (as elsewhere in Europe) have a duty to promote equality for disabled people and make reasonable adjustments for disabled children. There is, however, a degree of uncertainty about how well-placed parents are addressed to use the legislation to ensure their child's needs. This paper presents data drawn from a national questionnaire designed for schools to use to identify their disabled pupils and examines, in detail, parental responses to a question on the kinds of support their child finds helpful in offsetting any difficulties they experience. It illustrates the complex and varied nature of the 'reasonable adjustments' that are required and an overriding sense that need to be underpinned by the values of a responsive child-centred approach, one that recognises that parents' knowledge and understanding of their child are important. Schools need to have in place the two-way communication process that supports them in 'knowing' about the visible and invisible challenges that pupils with difficulties and disabilities face in participating in school life.

This article demonstrates that party‐political orientations within governance communities can have strong effects on policy implementation. Empirical evidence is drawn from the Academy conversion scheme for secondary schools in England that was recently pursued by the Conservative and Liberal Democrat coalition government. The opt‐in nature of the reform makes it possible to discern the impact that nominally apolitical school governors have on the implementation of the policy. Academy conversion is disproportionately found in more Conservative‐voting constituencies due to varying school‐level propensities to apply to convert, rather than varying propensities for the Department for Education to authorize conversions. Further, applications to convert are significantly more likely from schools in Conservative parliamentary seats that are under the control of Labour local authorities. Thus, nominally apolitical policy participants appear to act in rather political ways, which has implications for our understanding of the involvement of civil society in the provision of public services.

This paper concerns the relationship between teaching and political action both within and outside formal educational institutions. Its setting is the recent period following the 2010 Browne Review on the funding of higher education in England. Rather than speaking directly to debates around scholar-activism, about which much has already been written, I want to stretch the meanings of both teaching and activism to contextualise the contemporary politics of higher learning in relation to diverse histories and geographies of progressive education more generally. Taking this wider view suggests that some of the forms of knowledge which have characterised the university as a progressive institution are presently being produced in more politicised educational environments. Being receptive to these other modes of learning can not only expand scholarly thinking about how to reclaim intellectual life from the economy within universities, but stimulate the kind of imagination that we need for dreaming big about higher education as and for a practice of democratic life.

El presente artículo aborda el rol político y financiero de la Comisión mixta anglo-francesa de reclamos de Montevideo (1857-1862), en el contexto de las intervenciones militares que Inglaterra, Francia y España llevaron a cabo en Iberoamérica. El análisis se centra en la conjunción entre los intereses de la influyente comunidad mercantil extranjera y las negociaciones políticas que abrieron los reclamos por el cobro de indemnizaciones, expresadas en algunas tentativas consulares para promover la instalación de protectorados en el Uruguay. ; This article examines the key-role of the Anglo-French mixed commission for claims at Montevideo (1857-1862) in the International context of Political and military interventions that were executed by England, France and Spain in Latin America in the period. The analysis highlights the conjunction between the scopes of the powerfull foreign mercantile houses, and the political possibilities opposed by the International debt crisis, expressed in some plans of the consulates to promote the instalation of european protectorates in Uruguay.

Unlike reinforced concrete, the history of prestressed concrete has been insufficiently studied. Little progress has been made on this matter since the first classical texts appeared in England, the U. S. and Germany soon after the Second World War and the life of Freyssinet was published after Spain returned to democracy. Some evidence of this gap is that some very well reputed textbooks on prestressed concrete, as well as recent and updated papers, still repeat those old chronologies. Although this trend occurs in some cases, some researchers have been making interesting and noteworthy advances in recent decades. Some of these advances are discussed here with new data pulled from the study of early patents on prestressed structures, and these resources are looked at from a new historical perspective: the four ages of prestressed concrete structures. Beyond application to concrete structures, this "four ages" perspective can also be useful for studying the history of prestressed structures made of other materials. ; Peer Reviewed ; Postprint (published version)

Immigration and its effects on crime, social disorder and community tensions remains a pervasive feature of public, government and academic discourse. This discourse often considers immigration, and immigrants themselves, as a threat to the community's existing moral and social order. This paper presents the findings of a case study that used quantitative and qualitative methods to explore the experiences of social order following a recent wave of Polish migration in a small working class town in the North West of England. The key findings show that the assumed association of migration with a disruption to social order receives little support. Rather, the social order in the studied locale is predominantly managed and maintained through 'civilised relationships' between migrants and established residents, thus failing to culminate into conflict between the two groups. This situation of 'civility' provides an alternative to the preponderance of previous research telling a 'gloomy tale' of immigration and its impact on local communities.

The paper argues that financial system stability has become a target variable for the Federal Reserve System, European Central Bank and the Bank of England, and monetary policy since at least 2008 has been largely driven by its consideration. The author develops a simple formal model quantifying a central bank's typical response to a change in general volatility levels showing that this has been a statistically stable relationship, even well before the subprime crisis in the USA. The relationship can be used by practitioners in order to determine the timing or conditions appropriate to expect a policy change given central bank's behavioristic pattern. The use of unconventional measures is considered for the post-crisis period, with short-term rate expectations brought to the forefront. Quantitative easing is perceived as one of two main tools to anchor rate expectations. It is assumed that in all cases monetary policy has been successful in achieving its immediate targets so far, and market-observed rate expectations can be deemed acceptable to achieve primary policy goals.

Research on spatial segregation has suggested that social mix may be a temporary phase in class displacement, where relations between different groups are at best divided or 'tectonic', for instance in England. Political and policy discourses, by contrast, tend to uncritically valorize social mix as a means to breaking up concentrations of poverty and providing neighbourhoods with a middle-class voice. In the literature, little attention has been paid to power dynamics in socially mixed neighbourhoods and the implications this may have for understanding theory and policy. The five articles that make up this symposium address the ways in which social and ethnic groups interact in major cities in Europe and North America and, as the title suggests, this involves taking into account power relations, domination and negotiation between the different groups. There is a need to connect the experience of the deployment of power within neighbourhoods (and between them) with the discussions of power mechanisms at work in wider urban processes.

This paper examines the actual and potential utility of Social Return on Investment (SROI) analysis as an instrument to strengthen the financial and social 'case' for local authority sport and recreation services (SRS) in the context of recent research by the Association of Public Service Excellence (APSE, 2012a). The research for APSE, undertaken by the author, consisted of a survey and a series of interviews over eighteen months with policy officers within leisure services across local authorities in England. Data on 'making the case' for SRS is extracted from this research. It is argued that SROI has utility where it can demonstrate the contribution of sport, physical activity and recreation to health policy, adult social care, education, youth crime reduction, place shaping agendas and community engagement, for example. However, findings of the APSE research imply that although SROI offers use value in making a case for retaining services, this method of assessment may not be widely employed for a number of political and practical reasons.