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This work analyses fairness dimensions of the climate regime. A central issue in international law and policy is how countries of the world should allocate the burden of addressing global climate change. With the link between human activities and climate change clearly established, and the first impacts of climate change being felt, there is a renewed sense of urgency in addressing the problem. On the basis of an overview of science and the development of the climate regime, this book seeks to identify the elements of a working consensus on fairness principles that could be used to solve the seemingly intractable problem of assigning responsibility for combating climate change. The book demonstrates how an analysis of fairness dimensions of climate change - grounded in practical developments and illustrated with reference to the key issues - can add value to our understanding of the options for international climate law and policy

This insightful book explores the citizen-government relation, as mediated through artificial intelligence (AI). Through a critical lens, Jérôme Duberry examines the role of AI in the relation and its implications for the quality of liberal democracy and the strength of civic capacity. In his analysis of AI, Duberry covers three key objectives: illustrating where and how AI is used in the context of citizen-government relations; highlighting the specific risks of using AI for citizen-government relations; and calling for a dedicated framework for assessing AI in these contexts. The author assesses the promises and pitfalls of AI at various levels of the citizen-government relation, including citizen participation, civic technology and political communication. Employing empirical findings from in-depth case studies and interviews with 40 experts in the field, the book stresses the burgeoning need for an innovative, human-centric management of AI in the citizen-government relation based on risk assessment that prioritises equality, freedom, human rights and popular sovereignty. Intervening at a key watershed in the history of digital politics, this timely book is key reading for researchers and scholars of political science and public policy, particularly those studying the digital landscape of contemporary policy and politics. It also offers significant empirical insights into the benefits and risks of AI for policymakers and civil servants working with new technologies.

The multilateral trade among countries is governed by the rules of the game set out by international institutions such as GATT (1948-95) and WTO (since 1995), but the bilateral trade between countries is practically governed by their political relations and strategic interests. This is equally true about the trade relations between India and Bhutan. Since independence, trade relations between India and Bhutan are governed by Indo-Bhutan friendship treaty 1949. Since the signing of this treaty, Indo-Bhutan bilateral relations are operating under the free trade regime till now. It is important to know how these relations are affected by the changing political and economic environment in this era of globalization. Foreign trade is most important indicator that reveals the health of political as well as economic relations among the nations. Rising volume of trade, trade intensity and complementary indices among nations are signs of healthy political and economic relations. In this paper, analysis of trade relations between India and Bhutan has been done by using statistical techniques of trade openness, trade intensity and export complementarity in order to understand the bilateral ties between two nations in a broader way.

The problems raised by the unwillingness en masse of the North Korean and Chinese prisoners of war to be repatriated in accord with the rights given them under the 1949 Geneva Convention, present, in a revealing perspective, the test to which the Korean conflict has put positive international law. Apart from the final solution, which is based on a United Nations resolution grounded in valid international law, the attitude of both sides throughout the Pan Mun Jom negotiations raised quite sharply several questions. Standing out among them was, on the side of the United Nations, the policy question of confidence in, and application of, international law, and the legal question of its dynamic interpretation and adjustment. More generally and, in part, de lege ferenda, the ideological basis of the war prisoner issue raised a fundamental question of values, and added a new dimension to one of the central foci in the modern development of international law: the rights of individuals, per se and in their relations to the rights of states. Viewed from this standpoint, the prominence of the prisoner-of-war question in the armistice negotiations looks much less incidental or opportunistic than some current commentaries may have made it seem.

This article analyses Sino–Indian security relations in the bilateral, external and regional contexts. It first argues that the boundary question and the Tibet issue are the most immediate elements in bilateral security relations. While both sides have started the process of resolving the border dispute from a political perspective through special representatives, and have reached a consensus on the political position of Tibet (and Sikkim), the sensitive part of the two issues—'east-west swap' and Tibetan government-in-exile respectively—are still awaiting a breakthrough. India continues to regard Pakistan as the principal external factor in its relations with China. China pays more and more attention to the India-US strategic partnership and its implications for its relations with India on the other hand. With the dual rise of Beijing and New Delhi in international society, their respective interests and influence will inevitably encounter each other in the Asian subregions. The article concludes that more China-India cooperation than competition will be sequentially seen in Central, Southeast, and South Asia in the future.