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Cover -- Half Title -- Title -- Copyright -- Original Title -- Original Copyright -- Dedication -- Contents -- List of Tables -- Preface -- I. Interpreting Soviet Strategy -- 1. On Collaborative Competition -- 2. Soviet Policy in the Middle East, 1967-72: Unalterable Antagonism or Collaborative Competition? -- 3. The Soviet Union and the Palestinian Issue -- 4. Soviet Behavior toward the Lebanon War, 1982-84 -- 5. The Soviet Union and the Iran-Iraq War, 1980-88 -- 6. Gorbachev's Middle East Strategy -- II. The Sources of Soviet Strategy: Consensus and Conflict -- 7. Militants, Moderates, and Centrists: Soviet Perspectives on the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1971-87 -- 8. The Soviet View of the U.S.-Israeli Partnership -- III. Prospects for Superpower Cooperation -- 9. Perspectives on Superpower Crisis Management and Conflict Resolution in the Arab-Israeli Conflict -- 10. Learning, Politics, and Interaction: Implications for Superpower Conflict Mitigation and Crisis Prevention -- Afterword, Fall 1988-Spring 1989 -- Index.

Cyber Wars in the Middle East argues that hacking is a form of online political disruption whose influence flows vertically in two directions (top-bottom or bottom-up) or horizontally. These hacking activities are performed along three political dimensions: international, regional, and local. Author Ahmed Al-Rawi argues that political hacking is an aggressive and militant form of public communication employed by tech-savvy individuals, regardless of their affiliations, in order to influence politics and policies. Kenneth Waltz's structural realism theory is linked to this argument as it provides a relevant framework to explain why nation-states employ cyber tools against each other. On the one hand, nation-states as well as their affiliated hacking groups like cyber warriors employ hacking as offensive and defensive tools in connection to the cyber activity or inactivity of other nation-states, such as the role of Russian Trolls disseminating disinformation on social media during the US 2016 presidential election. This is regarded as a horizontal flow of political disruption. Sometimes, nation-states, like the UAE, Saudi Arabia, and Bahrain, use hacking and surveillance tactics as a vertical flow (top-bottom) form of online political disruption by targeting their own citizens due to their oppositional or activists political views. On the other hand, regular hackers who are often politically independent practice a form of bottom-top political disruption to address issues related to the internal politics of their respective nation-states such as the case of a number of Iraqi, Saudi, and Algerian hackers. In some cases, other hackers target ordinary citizens to express opposition to their political or ideological views which is regarded as a horizontal form of online political disruption.This book is the first of its kind to shine a light on many ways that governments and hackers are perpetrating cyber attacks in the Middle East and beyond, and to show the ripple effect of these attacks.

Since the mid-2000s, hostility between Iran and the United States has intensified, and some see the two nations heading toward a military confrontation. Iran's nuclear program and association with terrorist organizations are the main drive for this rising tension. This study focuses on the latter. Specifically, it examines Tehran's ties to Hezbollah, Hamas, and the Iraqi insurgents. Nevertheless, the author concludes that although American and Iranian interests are very different, they are not necessarily mutually exclusive. Adapted from the source document.

Japan's involvement in the Middle East in the 1980s in its postwar context is considered. The degree of prominent Japan has attached to the Middle East is identified and explained. According to the author, there are indications that Japanese activity in the region has moved into a temporary eclipse. (DÜI-Sen)