Suchergebnisse

Lesdits « radicalisés » ne sont pas exceptionnels. Ce sont principalement des adolescents dont la complexité des trajectoires individuelles et familiales peut entraver la nécessaire séparation d'avec l'enfance pour se construire un devenir adulte. La clinique nous fait découvrir la multiplicité des stratégies possibles de l'adolescent prisonnier de ce dilemme. L'article analyse le cas d'une jeune fille aux prises d'un héritage familial traumatique et de sa propre régression archaïque, qui tente une séparation physique avec le vœu inconscient de parvenir à se séparer enfin psychiquement. Mais les séparations physiques, même radicales, ne favorisent, au contraire, que séparation sans séparation.

Central American pensadores have interpreted the theories of Marx and other scholars of revolution in diverse ways. In this book Sheldon Liss examines the political theory and ideology of some of Central America's most important radical thinkers, including non-Marxists, and demonstrates how they have challenged the tenets of imperialism and capitalism. Chapters on individual Central American countries begin with brief historical introductions that emphasize the rise of radical activities and organizations. Individual essays based on published writings, interviews, and scholarly analyses of their works then establish each writer's personal ideology, social and political goals, and theories of society, state, and institutions of power. Liss also examines their relationship to social and political movements and contributions to the national intellectual life of the past and present. In addition, Liss discusses the writers' understanding of the role of the United States in the Americas and beliefs about national struggles for independence. By focusing on political and social theory and on intellectual history, this book also provides the background critical for understanding recent developments and changes in Central America.

This article responds to Stephen Turner's discussion of my article, "Historicism and Critique." I emphasize that radical historicism consists of substantive philosophical commitments. One commitment is to a historicized epistemology that presents objective knowledge as a product of a comparison between rival webs of belief. Another commitment is to a historical ontology that presents aggregate concepts in the social sciences as inherently pragmatic. These substantive commitments provide a plausible basis for various forms of critique. They lead to analyses of genealogical and ideological critique that differ from appeals to genealogy as a kind of groundless skepticism toward, and problematization of, all substantive commitments.

Starting from Flusser's most explicit statements about irony, self-irony, and the Devil, I try to make some sense of the relations, in Flusser's thought, between language, reality and scepticism. And, perhaps most importantly, I try to clarify Flusser's notion of the role of philosophy proper. This analysis will bring us to a puzzling spectrum I see hovering over Flusser's ideas: the eradication of boundaries between the ontological and the ethical. That is what I call Flusser's radical immanent monism.

The introduction to the issue.

En este artículo abordamos de manera crítica y propositiva el que es quizás el aporte teórico-metodológico clave de los estudios culturales: el contextualismo radical. Aunque este presenta problemas teóricos, es pertinente no solo conservarlo sino también complementarlo, en aras de avanzar en su consolidación como marco teórico-metodológico. Realizaremos una breve introducción al contextualismo radical. Abordaremos algunas de las críticas que se les han realizado a los estudios culturales relativas al contextualismo radical, en aras de problematizarlo. Luego, propondremos algunas categorías analíticas que podrían ayudar a completar dicho marco teórico-metodológico.

Examines the political & theoretical role of deconstruction in developing a contemporary politics of emancipation, highlighting its connections to & possibilities for democracy & contemporary Marxism. Drawing on Jacques Derrida, the tension between modernism & emancipation is discussed. It is argued that deconstruction offers an opening for the future & a basis for a radical politics of displacement founded on an agonistic democracy. It is shown how such a democracy avoids the extremes of liberal democratic notions of fixed interests & Marxist communalism, & reflects the ongoing conflict over the production of interests & communities. Its basis in a responsible hegemony & a paradoxical ethics of responsibility that simultaneously give responsibility its social form & frustrate any attempts at a well-defined succession of orders is analyzed. It is concluded that the force & exclusion underlying every system revealed by deconstruction opens the space of political practice for democracy, which can keep that space open & give it an ethical meaning. 27 References. T. Arnold

Paperet er en diskussion af de to demokratimodeller, deliberativt og agonistisk. Det argumenteres at agonistisk demokrati overkommer en række grundlæggende vanskeligheder ved deliberativt demokrati. Men den måde som Chantal Mouffe har formuleret agonistisk demokrati på har en række problemer, særligt når det relateres til globalisering.

In this paper, we introduce the concept of a quasi-radical semi prime submodule. Throughout this work, we assume that is a commutative ring with identity and is a left unitary R- module. A proper submodule of is called a quasi-radical semi prime submodule (for short Q-rad-semiprime), if for , ,and then . Where is the intersection of all prime submodules of .

Recent decades have seen an electoral resurgence of radical right parties in Europe. Despite their international reputations as gender-egalitarian welfare paradises, the Nordic nations are no exception to this trend. While Nordic radical right movements have appropriated gender-egalitarian language, the leadership and voting bases of these parties remains overwhelmingly male. The gender gap is generally understood as a reflection of gender differences in structural location and in values. This article examines the importance of attitudinal and structural influences on voting behaviour for men and women. I highlight the role of anti-immigrant sentiment, while also arguing that gender differences in voter demand for radical right politics are intimately linked to differences in party supply. In short, I endeavour to provide a nuanced view of the gender gap in radical right voting, while nonetheless highlighting the importance of anti-immigrant sentiment in radical right politics.

AbstractDrawing on ethnographic research with radical right-wing activists in Italy and Poland, my article reflects on the ways in which the Gramscian framework may enhance our understanding of the present-day political landscape. Gramsci's role in the article is threefold. First, since he was a keen observer of fascist developments, I relate his observations on fascism and inquire into their relevance for understanding the rise of the far right today. Second, I explore the agendas of the movements I studied through the Gramscian lens. Inspired by the special issue's editors, I examine the extent to which Gramsci's concept of "common sense" is helpful for analyzing contemporary far-right activism. Third, I relate my own ethnographic observation to analyses of a broader terrain of far-right politics to shed light on the phenomenon of "far-right Gramscianism." Bringing together all these observations on the radical right, "common sense" and Gramsci's legacy, I reflect on the complex interrelationship between the radical right and the radical left.