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This interdisciplinary volume examines the relationship between secularism, freedom of religion and human rights in legal, theoretical, historical and political perspective. It brings together chapters from leading scholars of human rights, law and religion, political theory, religious studies and history, and provides insights into the state of the debate about the relationship between these concepts. Comparative in orientation, its chapters draw on constitutional and political discourses and experience not only from Western Europe and the United States, but also from India, the Arab world, and Malaysia

Maffettone defends the liberal thesis in the light of some religious objections via three arguments. To advance this threefold argument, he begins by stressing the difference between traditional and contemporary liberalism. Contemporary liberalism is here conceived in terms of Rawlsian political liberalism and confronted with 'comprehensive' doctrines. He defines and compares the two broad notions of liberalism and secularism. He concludes the argument that liberalism doesn't need to be secular to provide an acceptable normative framework for contemporary politics. Adapted from the source document.

In 2005 and 2006 members of the John Howard led Coalition Government, including the Prime Minster and Federal Treasurer Peter Costello, questioned whether Muslim dress, such as the hijab, conformed with 'mainstream' Australian standards of secularism and gender equality. In doing so, Howard and Costello used a feminist-sounding language to critique aspects of Islam for purportedly restricting the freedom and autonomy of Muslim women. I argue that race is implicated in the construction of Islam as a "threat" to secularism and gender equality because an unnamed assumption of the Australian 'mainstream' as Anglo-Celtic and white informs the standards of normalcy the Government invokes and constructs Islam as a 'foreign' religion. Further, whilst the demand for Muslim women to conform with 'mainstream' norms potentially contradicts the Government's commitment to women's autonomy, such a contradiction is not peculiar to the Howard Government. Using the work of Jean-Luc Nancy and Stewart Motha, I place the 'hijab debates' within the tension in liberal democracies between fostering autonomy and requiring a universal civil law to guarantee (but exist above) individual autonomy.

An insightful history of censorship, hate speech, and majoritarianism in post-partition South Asia.At the time of the India-Pakistan partition in 1947, it was widely expected that India would be secular, home to members of different religious traditions and communities, whereas Pakistan would be a homeland for Muslims and an Islamic state. Seventy-five years later, India is on the precipice of declaring itself a Hindu state, and Pakistan has drawn ever narrower interpretations of what it means to be an Islamic republic. Bangladesh, the former eastern wing of Pakistan, has swung between professing secularism and Islam.Neeti Nair assesses landmark debates since partition—debates over the constitutional status of religious minorities and the meanings of secularism and Islam that have evolved to meet the demands of populist electoral majorities. She crosses political and territorial boundaries to bring together cases of censorship in India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh, each involving claims of "hurt sentiments" on the part of individuals and religious communities. Such cases, while debated in the subcontinent's courts and parliaments, are increasingly decided on its streets in acts of vigilantism.Hurt Sentiments offers historical context to illuminate how claims of hurt religious sentiments have been weaponized by majorities. Disputes over hate speech and censorship, Nair argues, have materially influenced questions of minority representation and belonging that partition was supposed to have resolved. Meanwhile, growing legal recognition and political solicitation of religious sentiments have fueled a secular resistance

"Secularism and Islam in Bangladesh comprehensively analyses the syncretistic form of Bengali Islam and its relationship with secularism in Bangladesh from pre-British to contemporary times. It focuses on the importance of understanding the dynamics between religion and secularism within specific cultural contexts. The author draws upon historical, sociological, and political literature, Bangladeshi electoral results, newspaper reports, and elite interviews with political commentators and offers a rich historical and empirical analysis. Arguing that extremist interpretations of Islam, which aim to establish a theocratic state, have not been able to influence the pluralistic religious and cultural life of Bangladesh substantially, the book shows that religious and cultural pluralism will continue to thrive despite the apparent threat posed by increasing religiosity among Bangladeshi Muslims. This book is a timely and significant contribution to the discourse on secularism and Islam, with relevance beyond Bangladesh and the wider Islamic world. It will appeal to scholars and researchers working in the fields of South Asian Studies, Asian Religions, and the Sociology of Religion"--

The oratio is by Werner Menski of the School of Law, University of London, speaking in June this year at the University of London in a Religare Conference. Showing his distaste for fuzzy law, he argues that "moderate secularism" is not merely another fuzzy concept, but it is "super-fuzzy," and that lawyers claiming to love certainty "have a tendency to sit in judgment over matters and even pre-judge things they know little about, including legal pluralism" leading to much irritation.

Abstract
Through the lens of three notable intellectuals, this article explores several different explanations for the limited success of secularism in the Middle East. The "Arab Spring" of recent years, far more than it has been a struggle between the forces of democracy and the forces of autocracy, as portrayed by so many, was in fact yet another clash between the forces of modernity and the traditionalists. Most Western scholars and observers failed to identify the centrality of the forces of tradition, ignoring the social and political undercurrents of Arab societies, especially the importance of religion as a critical marker of collective identity. Middle Eastern societies were "not just like us." Culture mattered.

This article engages with the emergent ethnographical study of secular practice by focusing on how local bureaucracies manage the Muslim public presence in the Netherlands, particularly the construction of new mosques and the amplifying of the Muslim call to prayer. We argue that what started as the 'Islam debate', itself provoked by growing populist articulations of the fear of Islam, has gradually developed into a conflict in the practice of local governance about the meaning of secularism. Whereas the public and political debate about mosque issues is often dominated by what we call a 'culturalist' or 'nativist' form of secularism, in practice bureaucrats are often led by a 'constitutional secularism' that protects the constitutional rights of Dutch Muslims. Thus, in its ractical application, constitutional secularism is one way of tackling Islamophobia and protecting the rights of religious minorities in general. Moving beyond the genealogical study and the deconstructivist critique of secularism by such authors as Talal Asad and Wendy Brown, we show that the ethnographic study of actual secular practice remains crucially important to avoiding monolithic text-based understandings of the secular as inherently dominating the religious.

In 2003, anthropologist and theorist Talal Asad published Formations of the Secular: Christianity, Islam, Modernity. This influential work presents a genealogy of "the secular," the dialectic nature of that genealogy vis a vis that of the set of knowledges, sensibilities, policies, and affects that constitute the modern, and a response to the eminent philosopher, Charles Taylor's "Modes of Secularism" (1998). Asad focuses the project by asking, "What is the connection between the secular as an epistemic category and secularism as a political doctrine? Can they be objects of anthropological inquiry? What might an Anthropology of secularism look like?"This thesis attempts, in a preliminary fashion, to address the questions put forth by Asad within the context of the social, political, and religious landscape of contemporary Japan. Having noted a reductive tendency among certain scholars of Japanese religion and culture to apprehend the secular through simple negation of the religious, my purpose is to begin to problematize the construction of "secular" as a valid and encompassing category through a detailed investigation of the conditions and consequences that pertain to secularism as a political doctrine in contemporary Japan. This thesis will show that Japan's project of secularization is mediated by a complicated politics of memory relating to categories of conflict and national identity. Through a close historiographic analysis of primary and secondary source material related to court cases, legislation, and the political and social issues surrounding Yasukuni Shrine, I propose to articulate "the secular" as a dimension of modernity that acts not in opposition to, but in dialogue with, "the religious." Put simply, the project seeks to develop a framework of central concepts and conditions from which Asad's exploration of the potential for an "Anthropology of secularism" might be extended to Japan.

My dissertation explores the intricate relationship between secularism and identity in South Asian minority writing. Though India and Sri Lanka were founded as secular states in the 1940s, they have consistently failed to protect the rights of religious and ethnic minorities since the 1980s. Thus, critics have been debating whether secularism as a political doctrine--one that separates religion from the state to protect minority communities--is still relevant. However, this debate only assumes that secularism protects minorities, while I argue that secularism has actively shaped minority identity and experience. I consider secularism to be a process that facilitated the modernization of societies across the globe and consequently transformed communities in South Asia into "national-majorities" and "minorities." I argue that while secularism as a political doctrine is not always present in minority writing at the level of content, the process of secularization (mentioned above) shapes and influences minority writing at the level of form and aesthetics. I develop this argument by examining the fiction and autobiographies produced by writers belonging to five minority communities in India and Sri Lanka--Muslims, Anglo-Indians, Burghers, Parsis, and Dalits (earlier described as "untouchables"). I demonstrate that minority writing cannot insert the narrative of the minority--either the individual character or the community--into the larger narrative of the nation (or the majority community). Some minority writers try to incorporate minority experience into the larger narrative of majoritarian-nationalism, and fail to do so. This failure is apparent in the tension within the aesthetics or the formal aspects of their texts. For instance, carnival and postmodern parody become strategies to counter realism and historicism, respectively, or there is a conflict between the confidence in the nation's progress and the fragmentation of the individual's experience. However, other writers avoid this conundrum by refusing to ...

Abstract
In this piece, I revisit my work in Urban Secularism by addressing the main critical points raised by five generous critics. These concern issues about the theoretical framing of the book, its methodological design and implementation as well as points concerning the findings of the book and some aspects that would have required more attention, such as the relevance of the far-right, race and class in urban secular politics. In the last section of this piece, I take on the invitation of two of the commentators to explore new questions that arise from their reading of the book.

""Contents""; ""Introduction. Religious Nationalism as a Consequence of Secularism -- Alev Ã?inar, Srirupa Roy, and Maha Yahya ""; ""Part 1: Performances ""; ""1. Subversion and Subjugation in the Public Sphere: Secularism and the Islamic Headscarf in Turkey -- Alev Ã?inar ""; ""2. Islamic Visibilities, Intimacies, and Counter Publics in the Secular Public Sphere -- Buket TÃ?rkmen""; ""3. Mirrors of Emancipation: Images of Sovereignty and Exile in the Balmiki Ramayana -- Usha Zacharias

The concept of secularism or laicité is expressed in political discourses in various ways by the French presidential candidates in the 2017 campaign. Both candidates, Emmanuel Macron (EM) and Marine Le Pen (MLP) used specific forms and lingual expressions to explain secularism and national identity, especially those related to 'Islam', 'immigration' and 'terrorism'. This study uses critical discourse analysis linked to their parties' ideologies based on identity, activities, goals, norms, and values. In the discourses presented by EM and MLP, Islam is associated with religion, Muslims, jihad, Islamic fundamentalists, the burqa, and secularism. The results of discourse analysis show that EM's and MLP's discourses on secularism and Islam are notably different. MLP views secularism in France as being under threat due to external threats, namely immigrants and in particular Muslim immigrants. In contrast, EM views secularism as a concept to support and protect the identity of the nation and to support and to add to the diversity of French culture and identity. The findings of this research is that French concepts of national identities, which is closely related to secularism, correlates to the ideologies of the respective presidential candidates' parties. The relationships between the parties' ideologies, national identities, and discourses investigated in this research can be used as a methodology for political discourses, especially French political discourses.