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AbstractThe relations between destructive interparental conflict (IPC) and three‐ to six‐year‐olds' (N = 62) peer relations were examined as a function of child temperament and gender. Regression analyses indicated that effortful control moderated the relations of IPC with children's amount of peer interaction as well as with their problematic relations with peers. Specifically, high IPC was associated with low amount of interaction and high problematic relations for preschoolers low in effortful control, but it was related to high amount of interaction and low problems for those high in effortful control. Additionally, gender differences in the relations between IPC and the amount of peer interaction indicated that IPC was negatively related to the amount of interaction for girls but positively related to the amount for boys. The findings highlight the need for examining individual differences in the relations between IPC and the development of early peer relations.

The article analyzes the origins and current trends in the development of the crisis response structures and mechanisms within the European Union. The reasons for the failures of the EU in the implementation of the plans of previous decades to create EU Armed Forces separate from NATO are being considered. Thirty-four military, police, border and consultative operations and EU missions in conflict regions are being typologized in the article. It is concluded that the most in-demand operations were EU police and numerous "training" or "consultative" missions aimed at creating modern and professional state security forces in unstable regions. Although formally the European Union is only a subregional international organization, in practice the EU does not consider it necessary to legitimize its own interventions into conflicts through UN mechanisms. Operations and missions are conducted on the basis of the European Council's own policy decisions. However, the EU does not conduct openly coercive military-political missions on its own, leaving decisions on them to the UN Security Council. The article analyzes the structure, types, purposes of several dozen programs of military-technical and military-political cooperation implemented by the European Union within the framework of the EU Permanent Structured Cooperation Program (PESCO). The author structurally subdivides PESCO programs into groups: structures and means of joint crisis response, military-infrastructure programs, naval initiatives, programs in information and communication and cyber-spheres, logistics and military-medical programs, military-training programs. The content of each group's programs is reviewed in detail. The article substantiates the conclusion that the implementation of the currently announced PESCO programs will strengthen mostly the EU's marginal (background) capabilities in operations and missions under the Common Security and Defense Policy. PESCO does not actually include programs directly aimed at any drastic improvement of capability for missions and operations in crisis and conflict regions outside the EU.

This study examines how an organization's access to the media reflects two sets of influences—its public relations (PR) expertise and legitimacy. A context of stem cell and the cloning debate is used to test the relationships. Two surveys and a content analysis show that the legitimacy of sources perceived by journalists has an impact on the regularity and valence of those sources' media coverage, whereas the PR expertise of sources does not have an impact on any of the media access indicators. Public relations expertise, however, shows some impact on the legitimacy of sources as perceived by journalists, indicating that legitimacy operates as an intervening variable between PR expertise and media access of sources.

The leadership changes carried out at the Chinese Party and Government congresses over the past year were widely perceived to have reinforced China's recent moderate approach toward the United States. Few would have predicted such favorable U.S.-China relations given the poor state of relations only two years earlier. Specialists differed on what caused the shift. Some emphasized the change in the Bush administration policy; others, including this author, gave more emphasis to the design of the Bush administration policy. It effectively undercut the previous utility of Chinese pressure tactics toward the United States. Concurrent international circumstances—notably the unprecedented rise of U.S. power and influence throughout China's periphery, as well as Chinese domestic preoccupations associated with incomplete leadership transition at the Party and Government congresses—reinforced good U.S.-China relations. Specialists appeared more uniform in warning that U.S.-China cooperation was contingent, as the recent smooth relationship had done little to resolve major differences in the interests of the two powers. Managing those differences over Taiwan, Korea, and a range of bilateral and other issues represent the essence of the challenges China's new leaders face as they deal with the United States in the first decade in the twenty-first century.

ABSTRACTManuscript Type: EmpiricalResearch Question/Issue: We examine the nature of the dynamic linkage (causality) between earnings and capital investment using firm‐level data from around the world to see whether the legal environment, including corporate governance and monitoring mechanisms, and financial development are important in the profitability of capital investment.Research Findings/Insights: Using firms in 40 countries over the period 1988–2004, we find that the causality from earnings to capital investment is positive and strong in almost all countries, irrespective of the type of legal system and the degree of financial development. However, the causality from capital investment to earnings is generally negative for firms in civil law and financially undeveloped countries, while the causality is generally positive in common law and financially developed countries. Therefore, our international cross‐country study enables us to find that the legal system and financial development are factors in the determination of the profitability of capital investment.Theoretical/Academic Implications: Our findings imply that internal financing is a significant constraint for capital investment, which provides support for the pecking order theory even for financially developed markets and for the free cash flow theory. Common law and financially developed countries tend to provide better shareholder protection with more efficient corporate governance and better investment decisions.Practitioner/Policy Implications: To encourage managers to make capital investments in value‐increasing projects, it is important to further improve a legal environment that includes corporate governance, monitoring, and incentive mechanisms. Financial development that includes effective financial regulatory agencies should be sought.

AbstractC. Wright Mills's critical work on international relations is well known, but is often dismissed as being unscholarly, reductionist, and overly polemical. However, seeing the work in the context of his earlier career can allow for a new perspective, with Mills's activist views on war and militarism shaped very clearly by his earlier theoretical and political commitments. Mills developed a distinctive political sociological understanding of international politics, theorising the state as a historically-situated structural determinant of international power: a network of elite power that was contextualised by the influence of the socially constructed realities of the international created by elites. Mills's crucial critical contribution was to see the role of the intellectual as criticising these realities through the imaginative reconceptualisation of the world, which he called the 'politics of truth'. The article argues the international politics of truth was not only Mills's distinctive theory of the international, but that it was clearly supported by his early theorisation of the international. A revised view of the importance of Mills's international relations work can help to situate Mills as part of a broader tradition of IR scholarship, a lost lineage of the critical historical and political sociology of the international.

Preliminary Materials /E.P. Rakel -- Chapter One. Theoretical Framework /E.P. Rakel -- Chapter Two. Power Structures And Factional Rivalries In The Islamic Republic Of Iran /E.P. Rakel -- Chapter Three. Factional Rivalries And Economic Policies /E.P. Rakel -- Chapter Four. Factional Rivalries And Socio-Cultural Developments /E.P. Rakel -- Chapter Five. Factional Rivalries And Foreign Policy /E.P. Rakel -- Chapter Six. Factional Rivalries And Iran-European Union Relations /E.P. Rakel -- Chapter Seven. The European Union Policy Towards Iran /E.P. Rakel -- Conclusion /E.P. Rakel -- Appendices /E.P. Rakel -- Glossary /E.P. Rakel -- References /E.P. Rakel -- Important Websites From Iran Of Members Of The Political Elite, State Organizations, Non-Governmental Organizations, And Intellectuals/Political Activists /E.P. Rakel -- Index /E.P. Rakel.

Developing the traditional civil-military relations approach to include security actors, the book compares the style of civil-security relations in both Egypt and Turkey. The volume comprehends the competition between civilian actors and military and security actors to impose control over the political regimes in transition and how this is related to the issue of good governance and democratization. The Egyptian and Turkish cases are viably comparable in terms of the status of civil-security relations and level of civilian control, specifically considering the different outcomes of the latest military putsches in both country (2013 in Egypt and 2016 in Turkey), and the extended experiences of both countries with a strong military influence and presence in politics. The different responses of the Egyptian and Turkish publics to the coup attempts invite an interesting comparison, especially given that in both cases, the public was the decisive factor in the success or failure of the coup.

First Published in 2005. How should the 'problem of order' associated with weapons of mass destrcution be understood and addressed today? Have the problem and its solution been misconceived and misrepresented, as manifested by the problematic aftermath of Iraq War? Has 9/11 rendered redundant past international ordering strategies, or these still discarded at our own peril? These are questions explored in this Adelphi Paper.