The incidence and success rate of repeat challengers in congressional elections from 1960 to 1980 are analyzed by year, party, type of election, and campaign expenditures. Overall, repeat challengers are not very successful. The chance of a repeat challenger defeating an incumbent is no different from that of two first time challengers over two elections. A second race for an open seat is much more likely to be successful. Repeat challengers who do win gained more than 40% of the vote in their first race. This is due, in part, to the fact that the vote in the first election has a greater impact on the repeater's subsequent spending than on the incumbent's expenditures, and the challenger's second race spending has a greater impact on the vote than does the incumbent's spending.
The popular image of industrial relations in local government is one in which negotiations consist of genteel tête‐à‐têtes over coffee and (if the meetings spill over into the afternoon) tea. Though there is little in the activities of 1984 to justify this conception the traditions which give rise to it were real enough. The main white collar union, NALGO, had its origins in a nineteenth century campaign by senior officers, led inevitably by a Town Clerk, to press for a local authority pension scheme. The union was officially launched in July 1905 and saw itself as an association of professionals rather than a union of employees. Indeed it was not until 65 years after its launch that NALGO sanctioned its first‐ever strike when 18 of its 400,000 members took industrial action in Leeds.
The impact of debate on PO was studied by analyzing the voting statistics on political, religious or moral, & miscellaneous issues debated on the British Broadcasting Co's "You the Jury" radio program, between Oct 1979 & Sept 1982. Each jury voted on the issues both before & after each of the 35 debates. Twenty-two of the 35 cases showed the jury to change from their initial view to the opposing one. PO polls are not misleading; they are a reliable indicator of public views. However, the views sampled in such polls are often those of the uninformed electorate, where a more accurate national opinion would be found among the informed. This unpredictable relationship invalidates the polls as evidence to be used in campaigns for policy changes. 1 Table, 6 Figures. D. Graves.
The paper deals with the following topics: Strategic environment of South Asia, the Soviet-Indian link, Chinese policies towards Pakistan and India, prospects of India and Pakistan developing nuclear weapons, strained relations between them etc. Possibility of detente in South Asia. Pakistan's security rests on Indian good will. Pakistani President Zia ul Haq's campaign to restore normal relations with India. As the author sees it, India and Pakistan are each locked in a triple struggle: first, they are pitted against each other in a conflict of greater duration than substance; second, they each fear their powerful neighbours, China and the USSR respectively, and seek assistance from the 'enemy of my enemy' who happen to be enemies, too; third, each seeks to undo an image of weakness and dependence. (DÜI-Sen)
In a recent issue of NEWS, Professor G. Alan Tarr reminded us of how the feature film Nashville (1975) could be used as a springboard for thoughtful classroom discussion of American politics. While that film is ostensibly about country-music and its performers, Tarr makes a strong case that the Robert Altman film is "above all a commentary on political life." Nashville can be seen as an insight into a view of the voters and their indifference, indeed hostility to politics. The advance man of a presidential candidate is seeking to enlist big name performers for a rally but the candidate is never seen and the sound truck that advertises his campaign blares out the vague populist homilies which reminded many viewers of the then flowering Jimmy Carter speeches.
Orientiert am Vorbild englischer Abrüstungskampagnen (Gründung der Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament im Jahre 1958) fand in der Bundesrepublik der erste Ostermarsch 1960 statt. Der vorliegende Beitrag beschreibt die veränderten politischen Rahmenbedingungen (Auflockerung der starren Blockkonfrontation, erhöhtes Bedrohungsgefühl durch Nuklearwaffen, Stationierung taktischer Atomwaffen in Europa, Umschwenken der SPD auf den sicherheitspolitischen Kurs der Bundesregierung), unter denen Anfang der 60er Jahre die Ostermarschbewegung entstand. Der Verfasser beschreibt im einzelnen das ethisch-pazifistische Selbstverständnis der Gründer und Träger der Bewegung. Politische Zusammensetzung und Organisationsstruktur werden beleuchtet. Es wird besonders gezeigt, wie - bei einem allgemeinen Grundkonsens - die beteiligten Organisationen und Gruppierungen ihre jeweilige Unabhängigkeit wahren konnten. Der Beitrag führt aus, wie sich die Bewegung während der 60er Jahre quantitativ ausweitete, welche Aktionsformen vorherrschten und wie die Öffentlichkeit auf die Demonstrationen reagierte. Die Ostermarschbewegung entwickelte sich zu einem Kristallisationspunkt der außerparlamentarischen Opposition; in diesem Zusammenhang wird auf politische Ereignisse und Veränderungen verwiesen, die den politischen Widerstand intensivierten (Notstandgesetze, Vietnam-Krieg etc.). Die Gründe für das Ende der Ostermarschbewegung (1968/69) werden erläutert; eine Bilanz der erreichten Erfolge wird versucht. Im Hinblick auf die Aufgaben und Probleme der aktuellen Friedensbewegung versucht der Verfasser zu zeigen, welche Lehren aus den Erfahrungen der Ostermärsche gezogen werden können. (JL)
The political adaptation of immigrants in Canada is examined, using political participation as the principle indicator (greater participation implies adaptation). Levels of political activity of two immigrant groups, British & non-British, are evaluated & compared with those of Canadian-born citizens. Participation items measured include vote turnout at the 1972 & 1975 federal elections & one provincial election, campaign activity, communal activity, & contrast with officeholders. Data drawn from the Canadian National Election Study of 1974 are analyzed using various multivariate techniques. No significant differences in participation between these groups were found. An analysis of the temporal factor (length of residence in Canada & age at arrival) indicates the possibility that considerable knowledge of Canadian politics is acquired soon after arrival. 5 Tables. HA Tr & Modified by C. Waters.
The revolutionary role of the Roman Catholic Church in Poland is examined. A widespread movement developing in Poland is being partially instigated by the Church's passive resistance to the communist government. The right to worship has evolved into a defense of freedom of thought & expression. Three features of Polish religiosity are examined: ritualistic, in which observance of rules & ceremonies can be religious, patriotic, or insubordinate; spiritual, an aspect often lacking in those who take part in solidarity demonstrations; & ideological. The Polish Church is seen to be at the crossroads, confronting the old path of resistance & passive opposition, or a new one of campaign & active opposition. Whatever the course, the Church's new role is as the moral authority of a society that opposes the state. 18 References. J. Cannon.
In 1979, at about the same time that the birth control campaign received renewed impetus, China released impressive data on demographic trends. If these and other more recent data are reliable, the decline of the natural increase rate has been both belated and spectacular. Contrary to what has been assumed the birth rate would seem to have reached its peak during the 1960s (43·6 per 1,000 in 1963). After a secondary peak in the late 1960s, it then declined precipitously during the 1970s, declining by almost half (46·7 per cent) over nine years (33·59 per 1,000 in 1970; 17·9 per 1,000 in 1979). The natural increase rate was, for its part, more than halved during the same period (25·95 per 1,000 in 1970; 11·7 per 1,000 in 1979).
So long as the declared objective of the Provisional Irish Republican Army's (IRA) violent campaign was the abolition of the Protestant-dominated Northern Ireland Government, many Northern Catholics gave political or moral support. Propoganda mobilized this audience & was also directed outwards, mainly toward the US & GB, utilizing ancient myths, current allegations, or revolutionary fervor according to the taste of each audience. But once the Stormont government had fallen, the Provisionals were unable to convince their supporters that the IRA had been wise to reject negotiations offered by the UK Government & instead to adhere to a strategy of uniting Ireland by force. Violence became an end in itself, appealing only to minority audiences held under propoganda's spell, & diminishing rather than enhancing the prospects of a united Ireland. HA.
Nubia's position both geographically and historically made it a natural laboratory for application of a historical diffusionist paradigm. That approach, which dominated research on Nubia before 1960, led to a view of Nubian culture history as a series of disconnected episodes, each characterized by the migration, displacement, or hybridization of differing racial stocks. The International Campaign to Save the Monuments of Nubia, begun in 1960, provided a new view of Nubian history, emphasizing both cultural and biological continuity since earliest times. From that perspective, it has become possible to reconsider the forces of biological and cultural change in the Nubian corridor over the past 12,000 years, and to propose that the most reasonable explanation for biocultural change in the Nubia is in situ evolution. [Nubia, biological determinism, biocultural adaptation, diffusionism]
Focusing upon the unique cumulative voting-multiple member district electoral system employed in the selection of members to the lower chamber of the Illinois General As sembly, this article reexamines several propositions about electoral competition which have resulted from analyses of plurality voting-single member district electoral systems. Competition for and the results of races for house seats during the 1966 to 1976 period constitute the data base of the present study. Although a number of patterns are revealed, the key finding suggested by our analysis is that this peculiar Illinois electoral mechanism appears to have the effect of stimulating intraparty competition in primary elections, particularly in the "weak" party in "safe" one-party districts, while at the same time putting a damper on interparty competition during the general election campaign.
This is a report on some aspects of the publicity activities of the "planned fertility" (chi-hua sheng-yu) campaign in parts of Kwangtung Province. I shall make special reference to three rural communes, namely, Huan-ch'eng (population: 59,000) of Hsin-hui Hsien, Ta-li (population: 68,000) of Nan-hai Hsien, and Ch'ang-sha (population: 59,500) of K'ai-p'ing Hsien, each of which I visited in December 1976 as a member of the research team of the Social Research Centre of the Chinese University of Hong Kong. Based on personal observations and conversation with various individuals during that trip, including officials and ordinary peasants, I propose to describe in some detail the ways in which the principles of planned fertility are transmitted to the masses.
Environmental policy formation is an iterative process which reflects the decisions of numerous individuals. The constrained self-interest paradigm is employed to analyze the actions of individuals in the passage & implementation of the US Clean Air Act of 1970. Three individuals, working together, were primarily responsible for passage of the Act. Senator E. Muskie used the environment as a major presidential campaign issue. A federal bureaucrat sought more authority. Citizen interest groups sought federalization, in part because of funding support from the federal bureaucrat. After passage of the Act, the coalition disintegrated. Firms became active in local implementation. EPA attempted to bargain with state agencies but was stopped by a citizen suit. The Act failed because the change in the individuals' payoff structure during implementation destroyed the original coalition. AA.
Before the 1976 presidential primaries had begun, the figure of George Wallace loomed large in the American political arena. Pollsters and journalists speculated widely on how many Democratic convention delegates Wallace would win, what influence he would have on the Democratic convention, and whether he would lead a third-party movement if denied the Democratic nomination. Events from the New Hampshire through the California primaries proved much of this speculation to be idle, for Wallace never did mount a serious challenge within the Democratic party. Using data from the 1968 through 1976 SRC/CPS Election Studies, this work traces the sources of Wallace support over time and advances several hypotheses as to why the "Wallace Factor" was relatively absent in the 1976 campaign.
