AbstractWriting in the wake of Obergefell v. Hodges (2015), we review the current literature on the state of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgendered, and questioning (LGBTQ) rights in the United States. From the information gleaned, we move on to build and test a model to identify the forces that might shape the continuing struggle for LGBTQ equality under the law, using the Human Rights Campaign's Municipal Equality Index (MEI) as a standard. We find that religion, political affiliation, region, education, race, age, personal beliefs, and practices are all significant factors in shaping municipal policies that might bear on the equality of LGBTQ citizens. We conclude with a few remarks on the continuing struggle.
Considers (85) H.R. 7576, (85) H.R. 11518. ; Considers legislation to increase Federal civil defense aid to states. Also considers legislation to authorize Navy construction of amphibious vessels and land craft. ; Record is based on bibliographic data in CIS US Congressional Committee Hearings Index. Reuse except for individual research requires license from Congressional Information Service, Inc. ; Indexed in CIS US Congressional Committee Hearings Index Part VI ; Considers (85) H.R. 7576, (85) H.R. 11518. ; Considers legislation to increase Federal civil defense aid to states. Also considers legislation to authorize Navy construction of amphibious vessels and land craft. ; Mode of access: Internet.
Government has promised that Britain will build a vocational route based on apprenticeship to match that found in the rest of Europe. However, judged on the first five years of Modern Apprenticeship, every important aspect of apprenticeship in Britain will need to be strengthened and improved if the government's aspirations are to be realised.'Beyond compulsory school age, we are determined to build a coherent and high-quality vocational education and training system that is the envy of the world.' [Opportunity and Skills in the Knowledge-Driven Economy, a final statement on the work of the National Skills Task Force from the Secretary of State for Education and Employment, 2001.]
Attempts to legalize assisted suicide has historically presented a unique set of political and procedural challenges in state legislatures, the result of which has been the overwhelming defeat of nearly 98% such attempts in the last 25 years. Only in recent years is this trend beginning to change. Vermont was the first state to adopt legislation in 2013, followed by California, and Washington DC in 2015. In 2018, Hawaii was added to the list and most recently, New Jersey, and Maine in 2019. Other trends have become evident as well. Whereas between 1995 and 2013 there was a median of nine bills introduced by six states in a given biennium, this has increased to 31 bills in 24 states between 2015 and 2019, And while until 2013, only two or three states at most would have more than a single bill in play, the median has now doubled to five states and Washington DC since 2015. This paper examines whether or not these recent trends are in fact, political strategies that could explain and potentially predict success in future sessions. We examine the efficacy of constancy (the perseverance of introducing bills over multiple sessions) and frequency (introducing multiple bills in the same session) using both the six successful attempts as well as 264 failed attempts since 1994. Comparing the common attributes of successful legalization as well as failures, perseverance cannot be ruled out as a beneficial variable, but can only be vindicated with more data in the future. There was no evidence across all the data to suggest that multiple bills contributed to success. The data also shows that ideological liberalism is currently a necessary but not sufficient condition to pass assisted suicide bills, although it is expected to become more significant as the issue settles down party lines. Increases in the number of bills, the number states with bills, and perhaps the number of bills introduced in a given state appears more as a response to environmental stimuli that makes bills appear more viable: namely previous state victories and shifts in public opinion.
El artículo propone abordar el recurso al estado de excepción como instrumento de gobiernos democráticos en el Cono Sur durante la década de 1950 entendiéndolo como una situación política que habilita a los poderes instituidos a suspender total o parcialmente el estado de derecho en casos considerados amenazas al orden interno. Ello genera, a partir de su entrada en vigencia, un marco político de acción en el que las medidas de los gobernantes quedan legitimadas por una fuerza que está a la vez dentro y fuera del orden legal y que habilita al tratamiento de los actores entendidos como peligrosos como enemigos de la organización política. Para ello, realizaremos un abordaje histórico comparado del recurso al estado de excepción en Argentina, Chile y Uruguay tomando tres coyunturas como ejemplos representativos de cada caso. Mediante el enfoque comparativo realizaremos un ejercicio de desnaturalización de los tres casos nacionales para advertir cómo ciertas lógicas y prácticas políticas propias y específicas de cada sociedad están lejos de ser naturales u obvias y requieren explicación. Además, aspiramos a detectar rasgos comunes de los tres casos que permitan identificar, por un lado, algunos aspectos políticos que puedan ser entendidos como característicos del recurso al estado de excepción y, por el otro, dar cuenta de aspectos históricos y epocales propios y más generales del período seleccionado. ; This article outlines the use of state of emergency measures as an instrument of democratic governments in the Southern Cone during the 1950s, when the political situation enabled the authorities to suspend the rule of law, totally or partially, in cases deemed as a threat to internal order. The application of such measures at once generates a situation in which the governments measures are legitimized by a force that is both within and outside the legal framework, and which leads to those perceived as dangerous being seen as enemies of the political system. To this end, we have adopted a comparative historical approach to the use of state of emergency measures in Argentina, Chile and Uruguay, taking three situations as representative examples of each case. By means of a comparative study we show how the patterns of logic and political practice specific to each country are far from normal or clear and require explanation. In addition we have sought to identify what the three cases have in common, that permit us to consider, on the one hand, certain political aspects that can be understood as characteristic of the resort to states of emergency and, on the other, to explain historical aspects both specific to the period in question and more generic as well.
Immer mehr Kinder nehmen früher und länger frühkindliche Bildung, Betreuung und Erziehung in Kindertageseinrichtungen in Anspruch. Daher wird das Ziel, qualitativ hochwertige Lernumgebungen für alle Kinder in jeder Einrichtung zu schaffen, stetig wichtiger. Dieser konkrete Anspruch wird jedoch durch unterschiedliche wissenschaftliche Vorstellungen davon, was Qualität ist und ausmacht, diffus. Entsprechend wird mit Qualitätsentwicklung keine einheitliche Zielrichtung verfolgt, sondern einzelne Aspekte, die der Qualität dienen können, herausgegriffen. Möglicherweise fehlt der aktuellen Qualitätsdebatte ein gemeinsamer Kern oder eine Richtung, die verschiedene Stränge der Qualitätsforschung verbindet und Befunde organisiert. Der Beitrag gibt zunächst einen Überblick über verschiedene theoretische Konzepte von Qualität, methodische Vorgehensweisen und zentrale Befunde. Anschließend werden unter Bezug auf die interaktionistische Professionstheorie die Interaktionen der Fachkräfte als zentrales Qualitätsmoment identifiziert, die Ausgangspunkt für die Entwicklung eines frühpädagogischen Qualitätsverständnisses sein können. Abschließend werden Impulse formuliert, die von der konsequenten Berücksichtigung der von Unsicherheit geprägten Interaktionen für die Qualität in Kitas ausgehen können.
There are intersections that can occur between the respective peak Australian school education policy agendas. These policies include the use of technologies in classrooms to improve teaching and learning as promoted through the Melbourne Declaration on Educational Goals for Young Australians and the Australian Curriculum ; and the implementation of professional standards as outlined in the Australian Professional Standard for Principals and the Australian Professional Standards for Teachers. These policies create expectations of school leaders to bring about change in classrooms and across their schools, often described as bringing about 'quality teaching' and 'school improvement'. These policies indicate that Australian children should develop 'democratic values', and that school principals should exercise 'democratic values' in their schools. The national approaches to the implementation of these policies however, is largely silent on promoting learning that fosters democracy through education, or about making connections between teaching and learning with technologies, school leadership and living in a democracy. Yet the policies promote these connections and alignments. Furthermore, understanding democratic values, knowing what is a democracy, and being able to use technologies in democratic ways, has to be learned and practiced. Through the lens of the use of technologies to build digital citizenship and to achieve democratic processes and outcomes in schools, these policy complexities are examined in order to consider some of the implications for school leadership.
The article deals with the issue of the exclusive social status, which was granted to the Russian nobility in the 18th century, in the context of transformations of Russian elite's perception of the state and society. The adaptation of the European glossary of forms of rule in 18th century Russia contributed to the formation of a secular vision, in which the power of the state was determined by a set of social factors. Thus, the contribution of the nobility as a social group to the power of monarchy, the 'common good', became the key argument in favor of the nobility's exclusive status since the mid-18th century. However, the analysis of the debates in the Legislative Commission of 1767–1768 allows the author to conclude that such a transformation was experienced mostly by the narrow group of administrative and court elite. Therefore, the exclusive status of the nobility was not a result of pressure from the consolidate noble social group, but a result of a transformation in the Russian elite's vision of the role and place of the nobility in the Russian Empire. ; В статье рассматривается вопрос о наделении российского дворянства XVIII в. исключительным социальным статусом в контексте изменения представлений российской элиты о государстве и обществе. Адаптация европейского глоссария форм правления сформировала в XVIII в. секулярную перспективу, в которой мощь государства определялась набором социальных факторов. В данной связи ключевым аргументом в пользу исключительного статуса дворянства с середины XVIII в. стал вклад данной социальной группы в поддержание могущества монархии – дворянское «усердие» в службе на «общее благо». При этом анализ дебатов в Уложенной комиссии 1767–1768 гг. позволяет утверждать, что трансформация представлений о роли и месте дворянства в государстве коснулась относительно узкого слоя административно-придворной элиты. Таким образом, наделение дворянства исключительным статусом оказалось не итогом давления со стороны консолидированного дворянства, но результатом изменений в представлениях российской элиты о роли и месте дворянства в Российской империи.
Based on the analyses of normative-legislative documents related to medical activities in RF published between 1990 and 2017 the classification of medical facility legal risks has been formed. The usage of the classification enables building systematic approach for legal protection.The right for health protection is ensured also by providing paid medical services according to the Federal Act on Public Health Care. It doesn't follow from Russian legislation that this right could be exercised only in private medical institutions, which makes public medical institutions legitimate participants of the process. However, in accordance with the Government Resolution No. 1006, there is range of restrictions for public medical institutions in case they provide paid medical services. For instance, they must justify charging by informing consumers about their rights guaranteed by the State guarantees program.The analysis of normative-legislative documents that ensure regulation of public medical services caused the classification of legal risks. The violation of the Consumer Protection Act and of the Civil Code (contractual risks) appeared to become the most common ones.There is no clear notion of "medical error". That's why it is almost impossible to make a distinction between patient irresponsibility, staff negligence or low doctor's professionalism. This is the reason for patients' rights as well as medical personnel responsibility to be regulated by the state.The analysis that is been made shows that risks and sanctions in the provision of Paid Medical Services by State institutions occur in cases of misconduct while providing Paid Medical Services. The most typical cases of misconduct while providing Paid Medical Services come when: medical services could be provided under the State guarantees program; failure to provide medical care occurs; violation of medical and contractual documents in the provision of Paid Medical Services takes place; violation of patient's rights to receive complete and reliable information related to medical care takes place. ; В результате анализа нормативно-правовых документов за период с 1990 по 2017 гг., регулирующих медицинскую деятельность в РФ, сформирована классификация правовых рисков медицинского учреждения. Использование данной классификации позволит системно подойти к процессу формирования правовой защиты медицинского учреждения.Согласно 323-ФЗ «Об основах охраны здоровья», право на охрану здоровья граждан обеспечивается, в том числе, путем предоставления медицинских услуг на платной основе. Из норм российского законодательства не следует, что данное право может быть реализовано только в частных медицинских учреждениях, что делает государственные медицинские учреждения правомерными участниками этого процесса. Однако, согласно Постановлению Правительства №1006, на государственные учреждения здравоохранения при оказании платных медицинских услуг (ПМУ) наложен ряд ограничений, среди которых – обязанность обосновать правомерность взимания платы с пациента, обеспечив информирование потребителя о его правах по программе государственных гарантий.На основании проведенного анализа нормативно-правовых актов предложена классификация основных правовых рисков. Наиболее распространенным риском является нарушение Закона РФ «О защите прав потребителей», а также Гражданского кодекса РФ (договорные риски).Также, по причине отсутствия четкого понятия «врачебной ошибки», установить грань между безответственностью пациентов, халатностью персонала и низким профессионализмом врачей становится почти невозможно. В этой связи в законодательном регулировании нуждаются не только права пациентов, но и ответственность медицинских работников.Проведенный анализ дает основания говорить о том, что наступление рисков и санкций при предоставлении ПМУ государственными учреждениями возможно при рисковых случаях, связанных с неправомерным оказанием ПМУ. Наиболее распространенным предоставлением услуг, связанных с неправомерным оказанием ПМУ, является предоставление ПМУ при наличии оснований у учреждения оказать данный вид медицинской помощи по программе государственных гарантий; неоказание медицинской помощи; нарушения в оформлении медицинской и договорной документации при оказании ПМУ; нарушение прав пациента на получение полной и достоверной информации, связанной с получением медицинской помощи.
Emerging infectious diseases impact healthcare providers in the United States and globally. Nurses play a vital role in protecting the health of patients, visitors, and fellow staff members during routine practice and biological disasters, such as bioterrorism, pandemics, or outbreaks of emerging infectious diseases. One vital nursing practice is proper infection prevention procedures. Failure to practice correctly and consistently can result in occupational exposures or disease transmission. This article reviews occupational health risks, and pharmacological and nonpharmacological interventions for nurses who provide care to patients with new or re-emerging infectious diseases. Infection prevention education based on existing infection prevention competencies is critical to ensure adequate knowledge and safe practice both every day and in times of limited resources. Challenges specific to infectious disease disasters are discussed, as well as the role of microorganisms and nurse education for infection prevention.