Suchergebnisse

'Dieser Artikel untersucht kritisch die Beziehung zwischen Männern, vorherrschenden Männlichkeitskonzeptionen und den Prozessen und Praktiken, die ins Spiel kommen, wenn Männlichkeiten militarisiert und zum Kriegszweck eingesetzt werden. Nach einer einleitenden Übersicht über die feministische und nicht feministische Literatur zu Militarisierung und Männlichkeitskonstruktionen konzentriert sich der Artikel auf die Aussichten für eine Demilitarisierung von Männern und Männlichkeitskonstruktionen im US-Empire seit dem 11. September 2001 und insbesondere im Kontext der Kriege in Afghanistan und im Irak unter der Führung der USA. Die Analyse unterscheidet zwischen dem Militär als System, Militarisierung als Prozess und Soldaten als Menschen. Da Kriege nicht ohne militarisierte Männlichkeit zu führen sind, helfen Kriegsgeschichten von Soldaten, die zu einer Demystifizierung des Krieges beitragen, auch die enge Verknüpfung zwischen Männlichkeit und Gewalt zu schwächen oder sogar aufzubrechen. Zu diesem Zweck steht die Analyse der Beschreibungen von Soldaten im Zentrum des Artikels. Eine wichtige Schlussfolgerung des Artikels ist, dass der Prozess der Demilitarisierung ausdrücklich alle Systeme der Herrschaft und Unterdrückung, einschließlich Sexismus, Rassismus und Homophobie, die explizit und implizit im Militarisierungsprozess zur Anwendung kommen, in Frage stellen und delegitimieren muss.' (Autorenreferat)

Der Beitrag beschreibt aus der Perspektive von nationalistischen und kritischen Exil-Eritreern die politischen Entwicklungen in Eritrea seit Ende der 1990er Jahre, die geprägt sind von militärischen Konflikten mit Äthiopien und den machtpolitischen Bestrebungen der Eritreischen Volksbefreiungsfront (EPLF) im eigenen Land. Die Ausführungen basieren auf dem Material einer Feldforschung von 1998 bis 2006, in der Websites, Wissenschaftstexte, Pamphlete, Flugblätter und Publikationen der eritreischen Opposition und ziviler Organisationen, Menschenrechtsberichte und persönliche Korrespondenz mit 'offiziellen' und inoffiziellen Eritreern ausgewertet werden. Im ersten Schritt wird zunächst beschrieben, wie die EPLF und die Bevölkerungsfront für Demokratie und Gerechtigkeit (PFDJ) die offizielle politische Geschichte des Landes, die sich durch die Anforderungen an eine nationalistische Massenbewegung auszeichnet, darstellen und damit den politischen Diskurs sowohl im Land als auch in der Diaspora dominieren. In diesem Zusammenhang werden nationalistische Schilderungen aus der Diaspora herangezogen, die sich als kollektives Gedächtnis mit kollektiver Amnesie charakterisieren lassen. Aber es ist auch ein (Wieder-)Aufkommen alternativer kritischer Wahrnehmungen des politischen Prozesses in Eritrea von Exil-Eritreern zu beobachten, die das politische Vorgehen der EPLF, vor allem die Verletzung der Menschenrechte, anprangern. Schließlich präsentiert sich das politische System in Eritrea als Militärregierung mit entsprechender politischer Hegemonie. In einem abschließenden Ausblick erörtert die Autorin die Frage, ob Diaspora-Foren wirklich einen transnationalen öffentlichen Raum herstellen können, um der Kritik an der politischen Situation in Eritrea eine wahrnehmbare Stimme zu geben. (ICG)

Problem setting. Since the creation of the United Nations, it has been 73 years since, the world has changed dramatically, and accordingly, the Organization must change, rebuild under new realities. Due to the increase in the number of international conflicts, global problems of our time, the intensification of world globalization, informatization and computerization of all spheres of society, old methods and ways of getting out of crisis situations either cease to work or become ineffective. Therefore, the way in which the United Nations is transformed will determine the state of affairs in the international arena, world peace and security.Recent research and publications analysis. In the sociology of international relations and related academic disciplines, the issue of UN activity and development was studied by such scholars as B.M. Ashavsky, M.P.O. Baccarini, M.O. Baimuratov, Z. Bauman, S. Browne, M.V. Buromensky, R. Butler, S. Chesterman, K. Engelbrekt, Y.P. Godovnik, R.V. Guban, J.M. Hanhimaki, D. Howell, I. Johnstone, D. Malone, P. Nadin, O.V. Serdyuk, B.I. Tarasyuk, N. Turchin, Yu.O. Voloshin, T.J. Weiss, I.V. Yakovuk, Y.M. Zhukovsky, A.M. Zlenko et al. The situation on the international scene is changing, and today the United Nations is faced with new challenges and challenges that have not been studied by the authors or have been studied fragmentarily, so the appeal to comprehend the possible models of reforming the UN in today's conditions is quite expedient.Paper objective ‑ identification of problems in the activities of the United Nations and its ability to perform the tasks set before the organization, as well as proposals to overcome the problems identified to ensure the effectiveness of the UN work.Paper main body. The UN structure is rather complex and includes a large number of different organizational units of committees, commissions, departments, etc. Main structural units the General Assembly, the Security Council, the Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC), the International Court of Justice, Trusteeship Council (suspended on 1 November 1994), the Secretariat. From the point of view of the level of authority, the General Assembly and the UN Security Council are the most important.The beginning of the active reform process of the United Nations is linked to the election of Secretary-General Kofi Annan in 1997. During the 52nd session of the UN General Assembly, the main directions for updating the UN were proposed, including structural changes in the Secretariat, coordination of organizations of the UN system at the country level, and improving interaction with civil society. This topic was developed at the Millennium Summit in 2000 immediately after the 55th session of the UN General Assembly, which took place in September of the same year.Summing up the achievements of the United Nations during its existence, it is worth pointing out the process of its transformation from the organization, which was focused mainly on conference services, to a truly global provider of services, which operates in virtually every corner of the world, thereby helping to improve the lives of people in need of assistance. The following statistical information confirms the progress achieved: more than 70% of the annual budget is allocated to peacekeeping and other field operations, which is almost 20% more than in the mid-1990s; the number of humanitarian missions increased from 12 to 43; the number of human rights defenders of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights in the states has increased by almost four times. However, there remain problems that have not yet been overcome, the most important of them is the reform of the Security Council. Discussions about reforming the UN Security Council have been taking place since the first years of its existence. The need for the reform of the UN Security Council is due to significant changes in the world that took place after the Second World War: economic, military-political, demographic, etc. The current composition of the UN Security Council does not proportionally represent the geographical zones of the conflict. Among the 15 members of the UN Security Council, 5 seats were assigned to the Western Europe and other Western European countries (including three permanent members), 2 to Eastern Europe (including Russia), 3 to the Asia-Pacific region (APR, including China), 3 to Africa and 2 ‑ Latin America and the Caribbean. These regional quotas show that one-third of the seats in the UN Security Council are in the «golden billion», while Eastern Europe, in which there are many unsettled conflicts, is represented only by Russia and one non-permanent member, and the Middle East is the source of the most severe conflicts, has only one representative from the APR group. In addition, the Asian quota can not always take into account the positions of States whose interests affect a number of territorial conflicts in the South China and East China Seas through which the main sea routes of the world pass.Conclusions of the research. There is a need for further UN reform. It is necessary to consistently carry out the reform of the UN Security Council, forming within its framework the agreed conceptual framework and practical measures to preserve and strengthen it as the central UN body, but the transformation is necessary: the world has changed, the structure that protects it must be changed. At the initial stage it is necessary to increase the number of members of the Council, the number of permanent members should reflect the regional picture of the world, new permanent members do not have veto power for 15-20 years. ; В статье исследуется деятельность ООН, ее институты и структура. Доказывается, что ООН нуждается в реформировании, прежде всего, ее главных структур: Генеральной Ассамблеи и Совета Безопасности, превращение их в эффективно работающие структуры. Кроме того требуют своего реформирования и совершенствования деятельность по поддержанию мира и разоружению, создание эффективной системы обеспечения прав человека, укрепление судебной системы, координация деятельности специализированных учреждений и специальных комиссий и фондов ООН, укрепление кадрового потенциала. ; У статті досліджується діяльність ООН, її інститути і структура. Доводиться, що ООН потребує реформування, насамперед, її головних структур: Генеральної Асамблеї і Ради Безпеки, перетворення їх в ефективно працюючу структуру. Крім того вимагають свого реформування та вдосконалення діяльність з підтримки миру і роззброєння, створення ефективної системи забезпечення прав людини, зміцнення судової системи, координація діяльності спеціалізованих установ та спеціальних комісій і фондів ООН, зміцнення кадрового потенціалу.

Problem setting. Since the creation of the United Nations, it has been 73 years since, the world has changed dramatically, and accordingly, the Organization must change, rebuild under new realities. Due to the increase in the number of international conflicts, global problems of our time, the intensification of world globalization, informatization and computerization of all spheres of society, old methods and ways of getting out of crisis situations either cease to work or become ineffective. Therefore, the way in which the United Nations is transformed will determine the state of affairs in the international arena, world peace and security.Recent research and publications analysis. In the sociology of international relations and related academic disciplines, the issue of UN activity and development was studied by such scholars as B.M. Ashavsky, M.P.O. Baccarini, M.O. Baimuratov, Z. Bauman, S. Browne, M.V. Buromensky, R. Butler, S. Chesterman, K. Engelbrekt, Y.P. Godovnik, R.V. Guban, J.M. Hanhimaki, D. Howell, I. Johnstone, D. Malone, P. Nadin, O.V. Serdyuk, B.I. Tarasyuk, N. Turchin, Yu.O. Voloshin, T.J. Weiss, I.V. Yakovuk, Y.M. Zhukovsky, A.M. Zlenko et al. The situation on the international scene is changing, and today the United Nations is faced with new challenges and challenges that have not been studied by the authors or have been studied fragmentarily, so the appeal to comprehend the possible models of reforming the UN in today's conditions is quite expedient.Paper objective ‑ identification of problems in the activities of the United Nations and its ability to perform the tasks set before the organization, as well as proposals to overcome the problems identified to ensure the effectiveness of the UN work.Paper main body. The UN structure is rather complex and includes a large number of different organizational units of committees, commissions, departments, etc. Main structural units the General Assembly, the Security Council, the Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC), the International Court of Justice, Trusteeship Council (suspended on 1 November 1994), the Secretariat. From the point of view of the level of authority, the General Assembly and the UN Security Council are the most important.The beginning of the active reform process of the United Nations is linked to the election of Secretary-General Kofi Annan in 1997. During the 52nd session of the UN General Assembly, the main directions for updating the UN were proposed, including structural changes in the Secretariat, coordination of organizations of the UN system at the country level, and improving interaction with civil society. This topic was developed at the Millennium Summit in 2000 immediately after the 55th session of the UN General Assembly, which took place in September of the same year.Summing up the achievements of the United Nations during its existence, it is worth pointing out the process of its transformation from the organization, which was focused mainly on conference services, to a truly global provider of services, which operates in virtually every corner of the world, thereby helping to improve the lives of people in need of assistance. The following statistical information confirms the progress achieved: more than 70% of the annual budget is allocated to peacekeeping and other field operations, which is almost 20% more than in the mid-1990s; the number of humanitarian missions increased from 12 to 43; the number of human rights defenders of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights in the states has increased by almost four times. However, there remain problems that have not yet been overcome, the most important of them is the reform of the Security Council. Discussions about reforming the UN Security Council have been taking place since the first years of its existence. The need for the reform of the UN Security Council is due to significant changes in the world that took place after the Second World War: economic, military-political, demographic, etc. The current composition of the UN Security Council does not proportionally represent the geographical zones of the conflict. Among the 15 members of the UN Security Council, 5 seats were assigned to the Western Europe and other Western European countries (including three permanent members), 2 to Eastern Europe (including Russia), 3 to the Asia-Pacific region (APR, including China), 3 to Africa and 2 ‑ Latin America and the Caribbean. These regional quotas show that one-third of the seats in the UN Security Council are in the «golden billion», while Eastern Europe, in which there are many unsettled conflicts, is represented only by Russia and one non-permanent member, and the Middle East is the source of the most severe conflicts, has only one representative from the APR group. In addition, the Asian quota can not always take into account the positions of States whose interests affect a number of territorial conflicts in the South China and East China Seas through which the main sea routes of the world pass.Conclusions of the research. There is a need for further UN reform. It is necessary to consistently carry out the reform of the UN Security Council, forming within its framework the agreed conceptual framework and practical measures to preserve and strengthen it as the central UN body, but the transformation is necessary: the world has changed, the structure that protects it must be changed. At the initial stage it is necessary to increase the number of members of the Council, the number of permanent members should reflect the regional picture of the world, new permanent members do not have veto power for 15-20 years. ; В статье исследуется деятельность ООН, ее институты и структура. Доказывается, что ООН нуждается в реформировании, прежде всего, ее главных структур: Генеральной Ассамблеи и Совета Безопасности, превращение их в эффективно работающие структуры. Кроме того требуют своего реформирования и совершенствования деятельность по поддержанию мира и разоружению, создание эффективной системы обеспечения прав человека, укрепление судебной системы, координация деятельности специализированных учреждений и специальных комиссий и фондов ООН, укрепление кадрового потенциала. ; У статті досліджується діяльність ООН, її інститути і структура. Доводиться, що ООН потребує реформування, насамперед, її головних структур: Генеральної Асамблеї і Ради Безпеки, перетворення їх в ефективно працюючу структуру. Крім того вимагають свого реформування та вдосконалення діяльність з підтримки миру і роззброєння, створення ефективної системи забезпечення прав людини, зміцнення судової системи, координація діяльності спеціалізованих установ та спеціальних комісій і фондів ООН, зміцнення кадрового потенціалу.

*This series is the result of an adaptation of a paper presented as part of a seminar on "Theories and Research in International Relations" at Hebrew University, July 2012. Commentaries are welcome to daniel.wajner@mail.huji.ac.il Controversial discussions about the nature of Power have characterized the study of Social Sciences, in general, and International Relations (IR) in particular. This seems logic - if we consider politics as a "game", their "participants" tend to develop a range of "skills", which allow them to assume different "roles", influencing thus in the "results". Thus, understanding the mechanisms by which this whole process ("the game") operates is intrinsic to the analysis of the outcomes, what explains why the revision of the concept of power has always been especially popular, including in recent times.Throughout this series we will review some academic approaches to the concept of power and its implementation in international politics. We will present in this first article the debates on the ontology of power (generally referred as "the faces of power"), and the ways in which this influenced the theoretical divisions in IR.In a second article we will introduce epistemological approaches, leading to controversies on the mechanisms involved in the activation of power and its dimensions (such as today's mantra "hard vs. soft power"). Finally, we will deal in a third article with some methodological schemes for Power Analysis in IR, while indicating areas for possible innovation using cases of the "Arab Spring" as illustrations.Power, Powerful, Powerless: The Ontological DebateThe first ontological debate around the concept of power could be placed in the dispute between those who address it as an interaction and those who understand it as a resource.To this end, Weber constitutes our first station. He identifies power in a relationship as the ability to control the behavior of others, even against its will. Weber is focused on the context of that relationship (one's position vis-à-vis others), which determines the capacity of empowerment.1That led him to approach the topic of legitimacy by dividing between power (Macht) and authority (herrschaft, i.e. legitimate power), issue that will be reminded in next articles.Against Weber's integral approach came out Dahl with his renowned definition: "A has power over B, if A gets B do something that B would not otherwise do", which installed "officially" the controversy in political sciences on how power is operated. According to Dahl, that "something" must be based in a change of behavior produced by an observable act - possible to analyze and be measured. His attention was centered on the characteristics of the material resources (their Base, Means, Amount and Scope) and how they are utilized to get certain effects; however, power is still conceptualized as a relationship, since what needs to be clearly discernible is the conflict, the interaction. Non-observable acts, according to Dahl, should be included in a different concept, such as Influence.2The Realist tradition in IR, as well as many scholars in the Liberal tradition, adopted Dahl's definition as a starting point for their analysis on Power Relationships, and even went one step forward. They saw the context as secondary, since certain power bases are so critical that do not really depend on circumstances or specific nature of interaction. Consequently, for classical realists as Carr, Morgenthau and Aron, the military force is "that" observable act which represents the power of the actors (albeit in most of the cases the economic resources were a prerequisite, as explain Berenskoetter and Williams).3Against that mainstream idea, some scholars battled in the sixties and seventies by presenting two approaches which became popularly known as The Second Face of Power and The Third Face of Power. It is important to note that both approaches emerge from this ontological debate on "what is power?", but their main implications would be on the epistemological discussion on "how do we study power relations?", which helped to the development of Critical and Constructivist research programs, as we will see in the next article.In the first approach, Bachrach and Baratz argue that not always a concrete change in behavior needs to be detected to confirm the existence of a conflict in Power Relationships; it could be expressed through the "mobilization of bias", an "unmeasurable element".4 In the second approach, Lukes went beyond that idea and expressed that the mere existence of conflict is not a condition; in other words, the absence of conflict do not necessarily indicate the absence of Power Relationships.5 Lukes, as a neo-marxist building on Gramsci, introduced the structural sphere of the concept of Power. Powerful and powerless agents are characterized in function of their ability to shape the system through culture and education, which will determine the interests of the actors. Foucalt and Bourdieu, with their vision of Knowledge-as-Power6 and Symbolic Power7 , respectively, went in the same direction.More recently, a similar ontological debate could be found in terms of Power Over-Power To, presented by Barnett and Duvall. In the first one, they define power as "the capacity of the actor to determine his own actions", so the perspective is based on the actor itself; by contrast, in the second one a Power Relationship is needed.8 In that sense, the famous article of Nye about Soft Power, which would be broadly approached in the following articles, builds also on this issue - power could be understood as "the ability to get the outcomes one wants" (in the form of Power-To), but also as "the ability to influence the behaviors of others to get the outcomes one wants." (in the form of Power-Over)9.1 Max Weber, Economy and Society: An Outline of Interpretive Sociology. (California: University of Berkeley, 1978. Edited by Guenther Roth and Claus Wittich).2Robert A. Dahl, "The concept of Power", Behavioral Science 2(3), July 1957, 201-2153Felix Berenskoetter and Michael .J. Williams. Power in World Politics. (NYC: Routledge, 2007), p.64Peter Bachrach and Morton S. Baratz. "Two Faces of Power". The American Political Science Review 56 No4 (December 1962), 947-9525Stephen Lukes, "Power and the Battle for Hearts and Minds", Millennium, 33, No3 (2005), 477-4936Michael Foucalt, Power/Knowledge: Selected Interviews and Other Writings 1972-77 (Brighton: Havester, 1980)7Pierre Bourdieu, Language & Symbolic Power (NYC : Polity Press, 2001)8Michael Barnett and Raymond Duvall, "Power in International Politics," International Organization 59, No1, (Winter 2005), p. 469Joseph S. Nye, Soft Power- The Means to Success in World Politics (NYC: PublicAffairs, 2004), p.2 Fabian Daniel Wajner is a Research and Teaching Assistant at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem (Department of International Relations) and a Fellow of the Liweranth Center for Latin America Studies.

La ciudad de El Alto, actualmente la segunda ciudad más grande de Bolivia luego de Santa Cruz, era un barrio periférico de la ciudad de La Paz hasta que se convierte en marzo de 1985 en capital de la cuarta sección de la provincia de Murillo del departamento de La Paz, y posteriormente en ciudad independiente en septiembre de 1988.Los informes gubernamentales y los periódicos actuales señalan que esta transformación de carácter político administrativo de El Alto se debe ?al empuje de sus vecinos organizados? o al Frente de Unidad y Renovación Independiente de El Alto. Sin embargo no se encuentra bibliografía que conecte la conformación de El Alto en la década de los ?80 con el contexto económico, político y social del país, y especialmente con la huelga general de 16 días consecutivos protagonizada por la COB y los trabajadores mineros en marzo de 1985. Esta huelga con epicentro en la ciudad de La Paz contó con el apoyo de la Federación de Amas de Casa, de los estudiantes universitarios, trabajadores fabriles y campesinos, por demandas económicas como el salario mínimo vital con escala móvil, y políticas, enfrentándose a las medidas del Gobierno de Siles Suazo en un momento hiperinflacionario. La huelga fue levantada por la COB pese a la disposición de los trabajadores y amas de casa de continuar con las medidas de fuerza, primando de este manera la decisión de los dirigentes sindicales en desmedro del desarrollo de una profunda democracia del conjunto de los trabajadores y sectores en lucha. Sin alternativa clara, la acción de los mineros quedó impotente y terminó derrotada, y la clase dominante encontró una salida a la crisis con las elecciones anticipadas de julio de 1985, las cuales permitieron el ascenso de Paz Estenssoro del MNR, quien dictó el Decreto N° 21060 en agosto de 1985, el cual condensa el programa de reformas ?neoliberales?. Los trabajadores respondieron con la huelga general en setiembre de ese mismo año, pero ésta fue aplastada bajo el Estado de Sitio. El ciclo de resistencia minera finalizó con la derrota de la Marcha por la Vida y la Dignidad en agosto de 1986 con el cerco militar en Calamarca. Esta reestructuración neoliberal implementada luego de derrotar al movimiento obrero tuvo una repercusión a nivel socio-territorial, ya que las migraciones masivas de los mineros relocalizados hacia El Alto principalmente (entre otros factores), conformaron una ciudad que fue reconocida como tal, por el Congreso Nacional, en 1988. Este análisis se basa en la sociología crítica para entender los procesos urbanos desde el punto de vista histórico y de la lucha de clases, para lo cual se lleva a cabo un abordaje hemerográfico a partir de uno de los diarios de tirada nacional de la época, llamado ?Presencia?, que se destaca por ser el único en publicar una sección sobre El Alto ; con el fin de demostrar la conexión entre la derrota de la huelga general del movimiento obrero y la emergencia de la ciudad de El Alto. ; The city of El Alto, currently the second largest city in Bolivia after Santa Cruz, was a suburb of the city of La Paz until March 6 of 1985. It then became the capital city of the fourth section of the province of Murillo, and later in independent city in September 1988. The government reports and newspapers in those years indicate that this transformation of El Alto was the result of the thrust of its organized neighbors, mostly based at the Frente de Unidad y Renovación Independiente de El Alto. Surprisingly the literature misses to connect the process of city formation with a 16 days general strike led by the COB and the mine workers in March 1985. The strike centered in the city of La Paz and had the support of the Federation of Housewives, college students, factory workers and farmers. The main economic demand was to have higher minimum wage with regular pay raises, challenging the neoliberal policies of President Siles Suazo to address hyperinflationary times. The strike was ended by the leadership of the COB despite the willingness of grassroots groups of workers and housewives pushing to continue with the strike action. This decision gave priority to the trade union leadership at the expense of developing democratic decision making processes among workers sectors. Without an alternative path when the strike ended, the action of the miners was powerless and ended up defeated, and the ruling class found a way out of the crisis through the early elections of July 1985. This election allowed the rise of Paz Estenssoro's MNR, who issued Decree N° 21 060 in August 1985. This decree condenses the program of neoliberal reforms in Bolivia. The workers responded with a general strike in September of that year, but it was crushed under a state of siege. The cycle of resistance ended with the defeat of the Marcha por la Vida y la Dignidad in August 1986 with the military siege in Calamarca. Thus, neoliberal restructuring implemented after defeating the labor movement had an impact on socio-territorial level, as the mass migration of miners mainly relocated to El Alto. This massive migration (among other factors) led to the formation of a city that was recognized as such by the Congreso Nacional in 1988. This paper analyzes the connections between the defeated general strike and the emergence of the city of El Alto from the perspective of critical historical sociology. This perspective understands that the dynamics of urban transformations are closely related to the outcomes of class struggle. Data comes from the analysis of articles published on the topic in the national newspaper Presencia during the month of March of 1985. This was the only national newspaper at the time publishing news about El Alto. The critical analysis of newspaper articles will allow us to understand the connection between the defeat of the general strike and the emergence of the city of El Alto. ; Fil: Diaz, Mariela Paula. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Oficina de Coordinación Administrativa Saavedra 15. Instituto Multidisciplinario de Historia y Ciencias Humanas; Argentina

'In der Vietnampolitik war Präsident Clinton bei seinem Amtsantritt im Jahre 1993 mit einem sehr schwierigen Erbe konfrontiert, das in der amerikanischen Öffentlichkeit nach wie vor heftige Kontroversen auslöste. Obwohl das Ende des Vietnamkriegs bereits achtzehn Jahre zurück lag, waren die Narben, die die amerikanische Niederlage in Vietnam hinterlassen hatte, noch lange nicht verheilt. Einflußreiche gesellschaftliche Gruppen plädierten immer noch mit großer Vehemenz für die uneingeschränkte Aufrechterhaltung des Wirtschaftsembargos und die politische Isolierung Vietnams, solange das Schicksal aller in Vietnam vermißten amerikanischen Soldaten nicht lückenlos aufgeklärt und das politische System Vietnams nicht durch grundlegende demokratische Reformen verändert worden sei. Andererseits wuchs aber auch die Zahl derjenigen, die für eine Aussöhnung mit dem ehemaligen Kriegsgegner und eine Normalisierung der Beziehungen zur Sozialistischen Republik Vietnam eintraten. Vor allem in der amerikanischen Wirtschaft mehrten sich die Stimmen, die in der Fortsetzung des amerikanischen Embargos einen kaum wiedergutzumachenden Schaden an den wirtschaftlichen Interessen der USA sahen. Der vorliegende Bericht versucht aufzuzeigen, wie die Regierung Clinton auf diese gegensätzlichen Herausforderungen reagierte, welche konkreten Schritte sie unternahm, um Bewegung in die Politik gegenüber Vietnam zu bringen, die unter ihren Vorgängern offensichtlich in eine Sackgasse geraten war. Daran anschließend wird untersucht, welche politischen, wirtschaftlichen und sicherheitspolitischen Interessen die Vietnampolitik der Clinton-Administration bestimmten, inwieweit es ihr bisher gelang, diese Interessen umzusetzen, und welche Perspektiven sich daraus für die zukünftige Entwicklung des bilateralen Verhältnisses ergeben. Der Bericht basiert vorwiegend auf der Auswertung offizieller Dokumente und Stellungnahmen, vor allem der zahlreichen Hearings zur Vietnampolitik, die die entsprechenden Ausschüsse des amerikanischen Kongresses veranstaltet haben. Wichtiges Zahlenmaterial zu den wirtschaftlichen Beziehungen wurden von Frau Dr. U. Meyer vom Amerikahaus Köln und Herrn Nguyen Ngoc Bich, Leiter des IMAC Law-Office, in Ho-Chi-Minh-Stadt zur Verfügung gestellt. Artikel der internationalen Presse und der einschlägigen wissenschaftlichen Zeitschriften wurden als Hintergrundmaterial herangezogen.' (Textauszug)

Mit der Bildung einer Einheitsregierung unter Abdelhamid Dabeiba gelang im März 2021 ein Durchbruch in den Bemühungen, die politische Spal­tung Libyens zu über­winden. Doch die Kehrseite der Übereinkunft zeichnet sich bereits ab. Bislang haben sich die politischen Akteure lediglich darauf geeinigt, innerhalb der Regierung um den Zugang zu staatlichen Mitteln zu konkurrieren. Die Verteilungskämpfe könn­ten schnell zur Zerreißprobe werden. Derweil harren zahl­reiche substantielle Streitpunkte ihrer Bearbeitung. So versucht die Regierung die Herausforderungen im Sicherheitssektor zu ignorieren. Spannungen zwischen Pro­fiteuren und Gegnern der Regie­rung drohen eine neue politische Krise zu verursachen, falls Fortschritte hin zu den für Dezember 2021 geplanten Wahlen ausbleiben. Aber auch die Wahlen selbst bergen beträchtliches Konfliktpotential. (Autorenreferat)

"Seit Herbst letzten Jahres kommt es in Bangkok regelmäßig zu Protestkundgebungen, an denen sich bis zu 100.000 Menschen beteiligen. Sie fordern den Rücktritt von Premierminister Thaksin. Um die Legitimität seiner Regierung neu zu untermauern, hat dieser für Anfang April Neuwahlen angesetzt. Die Enthüllung von Korruptionsfällen und die Vermischung wirtschaftlicher und politischer Interessen haben der Legitimität der Regierung Thaksin in Teilen der thailändischen Funktionselite und der städtischen Bevölkerung Bangkoks schweren Schaden zugefügt. Nach umstrittenen ökonomischen Transaktionen Thaksins hat sich eine heterogene Protestbewegung geformt, die den Rücktritt des Premierministers und politische Reformen verlangt. Der in der ländlichen Bevölkerung beliebte Thaksin weigert sich bislang zurückzutreten. Die Proteste offenbaren eine tiefe Spaltung zwischen der ländlichen und der städtischen Bevölkerung Thailands. Der Grund dafür liegt in der großzügigen Förderung der ländlichen Regionen durch Thaksins Regierung. Bei den Gegnern Thaksins handelt es sich um ein breites Sammelbecken zivilgesellschaftlicher Gruppen, deren gemeinsames Ziel darin besteht, den Premierminister zu stürzen. Dieser lehnt einen Rücktritt jedoch ab, weil er sich durch den Wahlsieg im Februar 2005 hinreichend legitimiert sieht. Mit der zunehmenden Polarisierung der Gesellschaft wächst die Gefahr eines militärischen Eingreifens. Dies dürfte aber nur dann geschehen, wenn der Konflikt zwischen Regierung und Demokratiebewegung gewalttätig eskaliert." (Autorenreferat)

[spa] La tesis doctoral titulada "Fotografía y educación en la prensa de guerra republicana en España (1936-1939)" está centrada en la denominada prensa de guerra o prensa de trincheras (soldier newspapers en el mundo anglosajón). Entendemos por prensa de guerra aquella producida por y para los soldados de un ejército durante un conflicto bélico. En nuestro caso acotamos a la prensa de guerra ilustrada, publicada por el ejército republicano en España durante la Guerra Civil española. Esta tesis tiene como principal objetivo analizar cómo, a través de los artículos educativos y culturales, se usó la imagen para educar e influir en los soldados republicanos. La labor educativa realizada por el gobierno republicano en los frentes durante la Guerra Civil española ha sido estudiada con anterioridad por diferentes historiadores de la educación, que han hecho uso, entre otras fuentes, de la prensa de guerra para documentar experiencias y el proyecto educativo desarrollado durante la contienda. Esta tesis, sin embargo, pretende ofrecer un enfoque distinto y a la vez complementario en el estudio de la educación en el frente. Aquí se propone analizar los usos de la imagen de esta prensa de guerra como recurso educativo usado por el propio gobierno republicano para influir a sus combatientes ideológica y moralmente. La metodología empleada es el método histórico adaptado al campo de la historia de la educación, junto con aportaciones de otras disciplinas como la sociología o la semiótica para la interpretación de las fotografías que, como constructos sociales que son, son manifestaciones subjetivas de una realidad. A pesar de gozar de la apariencia de veracidad, puesto que lo que muestran existió, en realidad estos textos visuales nos muestran un momento que el fotógrafo, o quien encargó la fotografía, decidió inmortalizar y que, en muchas ocasiones, está teatralizado o coreografiado para transmitir una determinada visión de lo que reflejan. Las fuentes utilizadas han sido las publicaciones que dentro del conjunto de prensa de guerra no tenían periodicidad diaria y superaban al menos el 15% de ilustración. Otras fuentes complementarias han sido los documentos oficiales, sobre todo Decretos de la época. En referencia a la heurística, señalamos que el acceso a la prensa de guerra republicana se ha realizado a través del Centro Documental de la Memoria Histórica (CDMH), el Archivo General Militar de Ávila (AGMA) y la Hemeroteca Municipal de Madrid (HMM). Las tres colecciones son complementarias entre sí, ya que en muchas ocasiones conservan las mismas cabeceras, pero diferentes números. En cualquier caso, muchas de las publicaciones están incompletas y de otras sólo se conserva uno o dos números. Como principales resultados de la tesis se apunta que la fotografía de temática educativa y cultural aparecida en la prensa de guerra nos permite conocer qué estrategias visuales se diseñaron para promocionar determinados valores y actitudes entre los soldados republicanos. Teniendo en cuenta la alta tasa de analfabetismo entre la tropa, el uso de la imagen como recurso de trasmisión directo fue de gran utilidad y creemos que las imágenes que aparecen en la prensa de guerra fueron expresamente pensadas y seleccionadas para producir el efecto deseado. Se crearon discursos visuales que vinculan la capacitación cultural de los soldados con su capacitación política, moral y militar. ; [cat] La tesi doctoral titulada "Fotografía y educación en la prensa de guerra republicana en España (1936-1939)" es centra en la anomenada premsa de guerra o premsa de trinxeres (soldier newspapers en el món angle-saxo). Entenem per premsa de guerra la produïda per i per als soldats d'un exèrcit durant un conflicte bèl·lic. En el nostre cas acotem a la premsa de guerra il·lustrada, publicada per l'exèrcit republicà a Espanya durant la Guerra Civil espanyola. Aquesta tesi té com a principal objectiu analitzar com, mitjançant els articles educatius i culturals, es va fer ús de la imatge per educar i influir els soldats republicans. La tasca educativa duta a terme pel govern republicà en els fronts durant la Guerra Civil espanyola ha estat estudiada amb anterioritat per diferents historiadors de l'educació, que han fet ús, entre altres fonts, de la premsa de guerra per documentar experiències i el projecte educatiu desenvolupat durant el conflicte. Aquesta tesi, en canvi, pretén oferir un enfocament diferent i alhora complementari pel que fa a l'educació al front. Aquí ens proposem analitzar els usos de la imatge d'aquesta premsa de guerra com a recurs educatiu emprat pel mateix govern republicà per influir els seus soldats ideològicament i moralment. La metodologia emprada ha estat el mètode històric adaptat al camp de la història de l'educació, juntament amb aportacions d'altres disciplines com la sociologia o la semiòtica per a la interpretació de les fotografies que, com constructes socials que són, són manifestacions subjectives d'una realitat. Encara que gaudeixin d'aparença de veracitat, donat que el que mostren va existir, en realitat aquests texts visual ens mostren un moment que el fotògraf, o qui va encarregar la fotografia, decidí immortalitzar i que, en moltes ocasions està teatralitzat o coreografiat per transmetre una determinada visió del que reflecteixen. Les fonts emprades han estat aquelles que dins el conjunt de la premsa de guerra no tenien periodicitat diària i superaven un mínim del 15% d'il·lustració. Altres fonts complementàries han estat els documents oficials, sobretot Decrets de l'època. Pel que fa a l'heurística, assenyalem que l'accés a les fonts s'ha realitzat mitjançant el Centre Documental de la Memòria Històrica (CDMH), l'Arxiu Militar General d'Àvila (AGMA), i l'Hemeroteca Municipal de Madrid (HMM). Les tres col·leccions són complementàries entre si, donat que en moltes ocasions conserven les mateixes capçaleres, però diferents números. En tot cas, moltes publicacions estan incompletes i d'altres es conserven només un o dos números. Com a principals resultats de la tesi s'apunta que la fotografia de temàtica educativa i cultural publicada en la premsa de guerra ens permet conèixer quines estratègies visuals es dissenyaren per promocionar determinats valors i actituds entre els soldats republicans. Donada l'alta taxa d'analfabetisme entre les tropes, l'ús de la imatge com a recurs de transmissió directa fou de gran utilitat i creiem que les imatges publicades a la premsa de guerra foren expressament dissenyades i seleccionades per produir l'efecte desitjat. Es crearen discursos visuals que vinculen la capacitació cultural dels soldats amb la seva capacitació política, moral i militar. ; [eng] The doctoral thesis entitled "Fotografía y educación en la prensa de guerra republicana en España (1936-1939)" (Photography and Education in the Republican War Press in Spain (1936-1939)), focuses on the so-called war press or trench press (also soldier newspapers in the Anglo-Saxon world). We understand as war press the one produced by and for the soldiers of an army during a war. In our case, we refer to the illustrated war press published by the Republican army in Spain during the Spanish Civil War. The main objective of this thesis is to analyse how, through educational and cultural articles, the image was used to educate and influence the Republican soldiers. The educational work carried out by the Republican government on the fronts during the Spanish Civil War has been previously studied by different historians of education, who have used, among other sources, soldier newspapers to document experiences and the educational project developed during the war. This thesis, however, aims to offer a different, and at the same time complementary approach to the study of education on the front. Here we propose to analyse the uses of the image of these soldier newspapers as an educational resource used by the Republican government itself to influence its combatants ideologically and morally. The methodology used is the historical method adapted to the field of the history of education, together with contributions from other disciplines such as sociology or semiotics for the interpretation of the photographs which, as the social constructs that they are, are subjective manifestations of reality. Despite enjoying the appearance of veracity, since what they show existed. These visual texts show us a moment that the photographer, or whoever commissioned the photograph, decided to immortalize and that, on many occasions, is theatricalized or choreographed to convey a certain vision of what they reflect. The sources used have been the publications that, within the whole war press, were not daily and exceeded at least 15% of illustration. Other complementary sources have been the official documents, especially the Decrees of the time. Regarding heuristics, we point out that access to the Republican war press has been made through the Historical Memory Documentary Centre (CDMH), the General Military Archive of Avila (AGMA) and the Municipal Newspaper Library of Madrid (HMM). These three collections are complementary to each other, as they often have the same headings, but different numbers. In any case, many of the publications are incomplete and of others, only 6 one or two issues are preserved. The main results of the thesis are that the educational and cultural photography that appeared in the soldier newspapers allows us to know what visual strategies were designed to promote certain values and attitudes among Republican soldiers. Taking into account the high rate of illiteracy among the troops, the use of the image as a resource for direct transmission was very useful and we believe that the images that appear in the soldier newspapers were expressly designed and selected to produce the desired effect. Visual discourses were created that link the cultural training of soldiers with their political, moral, and military training.

The module was administered as a post-election interview. The resulting data are provided along with voting, demographic, district and macro variables in a single dataset. CSES Variable List The list of variables is being provided on the CSES Website to help in understanding what content is available from CSES, and to compare the content available in each module. Themes: MICRO-LEVEL DATA: Identification and study administration variables: weighting factors; election type; date of election 1st and 2nd round; study timing (post-election study, pre-election and post-election study, between rounds of majoritarian election); mode of interview; gender of interviewer; date questionnaire administered; primary electoral district of respondent; number of days the interview was conducted after the election; language of questionnaire. Demography: year and month of birth; gender; education; marital status; union membership; union membership of others in household; business association membership, farmers´ association membership; professional association membership; current employment status; main occupation; socio economic status; employment type - public or private; industrial sector; current employment status, occupation, socio economic status, employment type - public or private, and industrial sector of spouse; household income; number of persons in household; number of children in household under the age of 18; number of children in household under the age of 6; attendance at religious services; religiosity; religious denomination; language usually spoken at home; region of residence; race; ethnicity; rural or urban residence; primary electoral district; country of birth; year arrived in current country. Survey variables: perception of public expenditure on health, education, unemployment benefits, defense, old-age pensions, business and industry, police and law enforcement, welfare benefits; perception of improving individual standard of living, state of economy, government's action on income inequality; respondent cast a ballot at the current and the previous election; vote choice (presidential, lower house and upper house elections) at the current and the previous election; respondent cast candidate preference vote at the current and the previous election; difference who is in power and who people vote for; sympathy scale for selected parties and political leaders; assessment of parties on the left-right-scale and/or an alternative scale; self-assessment on a left-right-scale and an optional scale; satisfaction with democracy; party identification; intensity of party identification, institutional and personal contact in the electoral campaigning, in person, by mail, phone, text message, email or social networks, institutional contact by whom; political information questions; expected development of household income in the next twelve month; ownership of residence, business or property or farm or livestock, stocks or bonds, savings; likelihood to find another job within the next twelve month; spouse likelihood to find another job within the next twelve month. DISTRICT-LEVEL DATA: number of seats contested in electoral district; number of candidates; number of party lists; percent vote of different parties; official voter turnout in electoral district. MACRO-LEVEL DATA: election outcomes by parties in current (lower house/upper house) legislative election; percent of seats in lower house received by parties in current lower house/upper house election; percent of seats in upper house received by parties in current lower house/upper house election; percent of votes received by presidential candidate of parties in current elections; electoral turnout; party of the president and the prime minister before and after the election; number of portfolios held by each party in cabinet, prior to and after the most recent election; size of the cabinet after the most recent election; number of parties participating in election; ideological families of parties; left-right position of parties assigned by experts and alternative dimensions; most salient factors in the election; fairness of the election; formal complaints against national level results; election irregularities reported; scheduled and held date of election; irregularities of election date; extent of election violence and post-election violence; geographic concentration of violence; post-election protest; electoral alliances permitted during the election campaign; existing electoral alliances; requirements for joint party lists; possibility of apparentement and types of apparentement agreements; multi-party endorsements on ballot; votes cast; voting procedure; voting rounds; party lists close, open, or flexible; transferable votes; cumulated votes if more than one can be cast; compulsory voting; party threshold; unit for the threshold; freedom house rating; democracy-autocracy polity IV rating; age of the current regime; regime: type of executive; number of months since last lower house and last presidential election; electoral formula for presidential elections; electoral formula in all electoral tiers (majoritarian, proportional or mixed); for lower and upper houses was coded: number of electoral segments; linked electoral segments; dependent formulae in mixed systems; subtypes of mixed electoral systems; district magnitude (number of members elected from each district); number of secondary and tertiary electoral districts; fused vote; size of the lower house; GDP growth (annual percent); GDP per capita; inflation, GDP Deflator (annual percent); Human development index; total population; total unemployment; TI corruption perception index; international migrant stock and net migration rate; general government final consumption expenditure; public spending on education; health expenditure; military expenditure; central government debt; Gini index; internet users per 100 inhabitants; mobile phone subscriptions per 100 inhabitants; fixed telephone lines per 100 inhabitants; daily newspapers; constitutional federal structure; number of legislative chambers; electoral results data available; effective number of electoral and parliamentary parties.

This dissertation aims at studying from a variety of perspectives the collective vocalisations in Tacitus. The voices of the crowd are usually treated as mere background, annoying noise by the historian; but they are actually linked to different key issues on the socio-political, historiographical and literary levels. These should not be considered separately but as an ideological system of representation. Thus, we try in this study to adopt a historical and literary approach, showing how the social phenomena are turned into a literary material by Tacitus.The first section takes a look at the political vocabulary of Tacitus, starting with the concept of crowd (chap. 1). The key word here is certainly uulgus (uulgus urbanum or uulgus militum), which should not be considered as an empty concept, but rather as a very specific type of crowd, whose voice became central in the institutions of the imperial regime. We apply our conclusions to the text with two case studies (the crowds in the mutinies of Annals I, the crowd in the banishment of Octavia). In chap. 2, we look into the clamour, defined as vertical communication between the crowd and the individual. We first determine Tacitus' main formulae to refer to the collective shouts, and then show how the historian turned it into a way to characterise the crowd's state of mind and to make his narrative more vivid or pathetic.Chap. 3 to 5 (= section 2) form a historical analysis of the rumour, a phenomenon that is closely connected to Tacitus' works but whose comprehension is more accurate if other sources – for the late Republican or early Imperial period – are taken into account. In chap. 3, we go beyond the negative stereotypes of our sources to define the rumour as a true channel of information and communication. This channel was reticular and exponential, and thus opposite to the linearity of the aristocratic media. In chap. 4, we build on the theories of the interactionist sociology of the rumour to address the question of the times and places where rumours were exchanged in Rome and in the military camps, focusing on the sociability networks as well as on the motivation and social profile of the gossipers. Chap. 5 concerns the place of the rumours within the "media landscape" of ancient Rome. Most of the time, the crowd would use rumour to acquire pieces of information which the authorities did not have yet or were not willing to disclose. Yet, rumours also played an active – and more conventional – part in delivering official news beyond the primary place of interaction where it was broken to the crowd (the contiones, for example).In the last part of this dissertation, we come back to the literary analysis of Tacitus' text to investigate how he combines the historical features of the rumour with the narrative elaboration. Chap. 6 analyses how Tacitean rumours work as a narratological device, used to bring forward innuendoes or to characterise individuals, but also to structure the transition points of the narrative or to create thematic unity. Chap. 7 delves into more historiographical issues. Starting from the consideration that rumours are frequently excluded from the reconstruction of historical causation, we first examine the choral function of some collective discourses: they allow Tacitus to step outside the framework of rational history, to which he should normally be compelled, and to incorporate into the text elements of emotional and even counterfactual history. The end of the chapter reflects upon the use of the rumour as a source (auctor) for the historian.The conclusion offers some perspective on a sociocritical approach of the subaltern voices in Tacitus, followed by two appendices: a complete status quaestionis about rumours in Classics and Ancient History, and a lexico-syntactic survey of the Tacitean rumours. ; Ce travail analyse sous différentes perspectives les formes de la voix collective chez Tacite. Souvent réduites par l'historien à un simple son dérangeant, les voix de foule engagent des problématiques diverses (sociopolitiques, historiographiques, littéraires) qui ne sont pas indépendantes les unes des autres mais forment un système de représentation. Méthodologiquement, nous ne dissocions donc pas l'approche littéraire et l'approche l'historique et cherchons à montrer comment des faits sociaux comme la communication des masses sont encodés dans le récit.La première des trois parties trouve son unité dans l'analyse lexicographique du vocabulaire politique de Tacite, en commençant par le concept de foule (chap. 1). On y voit surtout que uulgus (uulgus urbanum ou uulgus militum) renvoie à un type de foule particulier, celle qui, par sa voix, devient l'un des acteurs principaux du régime impérial. Deux études de cas (les foules dans les mutineries du livre I des Annales ; la foule dans l'épisode de la répudiation d'Octavie) ancrent l'analyse dans l'étude suivie du texte tacitéen. Le chap. 2 étudie la clameur, définie comme communication verticale entre la foule et l'individu. Après avoir relevé les caractéristiques formulaires de l'écriture tacitéenne, nous montrons que le cri collectif a constitué pour l'historien un puissant outil de caractérisation des foules et a servi à l'élaboration de l'historia ornata, via des déplorations pathétiques et des hypotyposes.La deuxième partie étudie au plan historique le phénomène de la rumeur, dont l'œuvre de Tacite constitue un réceptacle exceptionnel. Dans le chap. 3, nous définissons la rumeur comme média : au-delà des stéréotypes, le phénomène peut être caractérisé par son mode particulier (réticulaire et exponentiel) de transmission de l'information, qui l'oppose aux médias traditionnels et aristocratiques. Le chap. 4 adopte une approche interactionniste : il s'agit de déterminer où, quand, comment et par qui s'échangeaient les rumeurs, en nous focalisant sur les réseaux de sociabilité (urbains tout autant que militaires) qui leur permettaient de circuler. Le chap. 5 replace la rumeur dans le « paysage médiatique », à Rome et dans les castra, et interroge la relation entre les bruits publics et les autres canaux de communication, notamment les médias de l'officialité. Si la situation la plus récurrente est celle d'une rivalité entre la foule et les autorités autour de l'acquisition de l'information, une autre configuration se trouve de manière régulière dans les sources : la rumeur permettait d'assurer la dissémination d'une information officielle auprès du grand nombre, au-delà des lieux d'interaction ritualisés entre la masse et le pouvoir. Dans ces trois chapitres, l'assise documentaire est élargie aux textes et auteurs de la fin de la République et du Haut-Empire.Nous retournons ensuite au seul Tacite (troisième partie) pour synthétiser les différentes fonctions littéraires qu'assume la rumeur chez lui, en interrogeant leur rapport avec les propriétés historiques du phénomène. Le chap. 6 propose une analyse des fonctions narratologiques de la rumeur, certaines connues (la rumeur comme insinuation ou comme support du portrait), d'autres plus neuves (la rumeur comme embrayeur de transition). Dans le chap. 7, nous élargissons le cadre en observant le lien de la rumeur à la causalité historique : certains bruits, de forme chorale, semblent détachés des événements et permettent de faire résonner une contre-histoire au sein du récit tacitéen (histoire des émotions, voire histoire contrefactuelle). La fin de ce dernier chapitre se penche sur la problématique de l'utilisation des rumeurs comme sources par Tacite.Après une conclusion ouvrant sur des perspectives sociocritiques dans l'analyse du discours collectif tacitéen, on trouve deux annexes : un état de la question de la rumeur dans les sciences de l'Antiquité, et une étude lexico-syntaxique des rumeurs tacitéennes.

Drawing on a sociological multi-level, dynamic systems approach – actor-system-dynamics (ASD) -- which has been developed and applied in institutional, organizational, and societal analyses, we formulate a general model for the comparative analysis of social groups and organizations. This social systems approach has not been previously applied in the group area. We claim that the approach can be systematically and fruitfully applied to small as well as large groups and organizations as a methodology to understand and analyze their structure, functioning and dynamics. A group is considered a system with three universal subsystems on which any human social organization, including small groups, depends and which motivate, shape and regulate group activities and productions. The subsystems are bases or group requisites – necessary for group "functioning" and performance in more or less orderly or coherent ways; on this basis a group may be able to realize its purposes or goals(as well as possibly some members' personal goals) and maintain and reproduce the group. The group bases consist of: first, a rule regime (collective culture)defining group identity and purpose, shaping and regulating roles and role relationships, normative patterns and behavioral outputs; second, an agential base of group members who are socialized or partially socialized carriers of and adherents to the group's identity and rule regime; of relevance here are involvement/participation factors motivating member to adhere to, accept, and implement key components of the rule regime; third, there is a resource base, 2 technologies and materials, self-produced and/or obtained from the environment, which are essential to group functioning and key group performances. Section I briefly presents the framework and outlines the group systems model, characterized by its three universal bases or subsystems and its finite universal production functions and their outputs as well as the particular context(s) in which groups function. For illustrative purposes, the section identifies three major ideal-type modalities of group formation: informal self-organization by agents, group construction by external agents, and group formation through more or less formal multi-agent negotiation. The general systems model presented in Section II characterizes a social group not only by its three universal bases but by its finite universal production functions (elaborated in Section IV) and its outputs as well as by its shared places (situations for interaction) and times for gathering and interacting. Group productions impact on the group itself (reflexivity) and on its environment. These outputs, among other things, maintain/adapt/develop the group bases (or possibly unintentionally undermine/destroy them) Thus, groups can be understood as action and interaction systems producing goods, services, incidents and events, experiences, developments, etc. for themselves and possibly for the larger environment on which they depend for resources, recruits, goods and services, and legitimation. The model provides a single perspective for the systematic description and comparative analysis of a wide diversity of groups (Sections III and IV). A major distinctive feature in our systems approach is the conceptualization of rules and rule regimes (Sections II, III, IV, and V). Finite universal rule categories (ten distinct categories) are specified; they characterize every functioning social group or organization. A rule regime, while an abstraction is carried, applied, adapted, and transformed by concrete human agents, who interact, exchange, exercise power, and struggle within the group, in large part based on the rule regime which they maintain and adapt as well as transform. The paper emphasizes not only the systemic character of all functioning groups – universally their three bases and their output functions together with feedback dynamics -- but also the differentiating character of any given group's distinct rule configuration (Section IV). For illustrative purposes Section IV presents a selection of rule configurations characterizing several ideal types of groups, a military unit, a terrorist group, a recreational or social group, a research group, a corporate entity Section V considers the dynamics of groups in terms of modification and transformation of group bases and their production functions. The group system model enables us to systematically identify and explicate the internal and external factors that drive group change and transformation, exposing the complex interdependencies and dynamic potentialities of group systems. Section VI sums up the work and points out its scope and limitations. The group systems model offers a number of promising contributions: (1) a universal systems model identifies the key subsystems and their interrelationships as well as their role in group production functions/outputs and performances; (2) the work conceptualizes and applies rules and rule complexes and their derivatives in roles, role relationships, norms, group procedures and production functions; (3) it identifies the universal categories of rules making up a rule regime, a major subsystem for any functioning group; (4) the model conceptualizes particular "group rule configurations" – rule regimes with specified rules in the universal rule categories—for any given group; groups are identifiable and differentiable by their rule configurations (as well as by their resource and agency bases); (5) it conceptualizes the notion of the degree of coherence (alternatively, degree of incoherence) of rule configurations characteristic of any given group and offers an explanation of why group attention is focused on the coherence of rules in certain group areas; (6) the systems model suggests an interpretation of Erving Goffman's "frontstage backstage" distinction in terms of alternative, differentiated rule regimes which are to a greater or lesser extent incoherent with respect to one another; moreover, the participants who are privy to the differentiation navigate using a shared rule complex to translate coherently and consistently 3 from one regime to the other, using appropriate discourses; (7) incoherence, contradiction, conflict and struggle relating to rule regimes are considered part and parcel of group functioning and development; (8)group stability and change are explicated in terms of internal mechanisms (e.g., governance, innovation, and conflict) as well as external mechanisms (resource availability, legal and other institutional developments, population conditions), pointing up the complex systemic interdependencies and dynamic potentialities of group systems; (9) given the multi-level dynamic systems framework (i.e., ASD) that has been applied in a range of special areas (economic, political, technological, environmental, bio-medical, among others) its applicataion in the field of groups is a promising step toward achieving greater synthesis in sociology and social science. This 2nd edition of the paper has been substantially rewritten and extended: the current text is twice the number of pages of the original – and there has been much restructuring of the manuscript as a whole. Tables and figures have been added. Substantively, we developed the following features of the work in the 2nd edition: (1) more attention has been given to tension, conflict, and conflict resolution in groups; (2) we also stressed group requisites for sustainability and group production functions; (3) a section on group formation with illustrations has been added; (4) we have expanded our attention to group rule configurations which differentiate groups from one another but also enable systematic comparisons; (5) we have much expanded consideration of the dynamics of group change and transformation.

Die dem Band zugrundeliegende Tagung hatte es sich zum Ziel gesetzt, mit Wissenschaftlern und Politikberatern aus Rußland, Frankreich, Großbritannien und den USA die Probleme des neuen Rußland zu erörtern, die Diskussion über die Rolle Rußlands in der Welt zu versachlichen und auf der Arbeitsebene einen Dialog zwischen russischen und westlichen Experten einzuleiten. Den Rahmen für diese Diskussion steckt ein Beitrag zum Begriff 'Großmacht' und seinem historischen Wandel ab. Weiter wird der Niedergang der Supermacht Sowjetunion während der siebziger und achtziger Jahre behandelt. Vier weitere Beiträge setzen sich mit der gegenwärtigen Lage Rußlands auseinander: Reflexe der traditionellen Großmachtrolle im Selbstverständnis heutiger russischer Politik, wirtschaftliche und technische Ressourcen für die Außenpolitik Rußlands, 'politische' Ressourcen durch die Entwicklung demokratischer Institutionen, rechtsstaatlicher Vorstellungen und neuer Werthaltungen, sowie die militärischen Ressourcen, auf die sich traditionell der sowjetische/russische Anspruch der Großmachtrolle stützt. Überlegungen zum Umgang mit der Großmacht Rußland schließen den Band ab. (ICB)