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The Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) and the International Institute of Strategic Studies (IISS) both publish datasets on military expenditure that are widely used by scholars and military analysts. This article illustrates the limitations in the reliability and validity of these data, using a case study of contemporary Venezuela to highlight the issues. There is a debate over recent Venezuelan military expenditure under President Chávez: some argue that the expenditure has increased dramatically; others argue that it has not. The SIPRI and IISS datasets ought to be tailor-made for resolving this debate, but the estimates they provide are significantly flawed: military spending is reported to be quite low and to have declined as a percentage of GDP. New evidence presented in this article suggests that Venezuela's recent military expenditures were typically at least 20% to 70% higher than the estimates provided by SIPRI and IISS. Moreover, the military expenditures have at least kept pace with GDP growth as oil revenues increased over the period 2002–08. A key source of the discrepancy in the estimates is the way in which extra-budgetary purchases, especially of foreign arms and supplies, are treated. In some states, such as Venezuela in recent years, extra-budgetary purchases are responsible for a large portion of the expenditure, but these purchases are frequently not captured by standard data sources.

Abstract. It is generally held that coups are the start of full military intervention. As a consequence, studies intent on contrasting the performance of 'military' as opposed to 'civilian' governments have used the event of a military coup as the essential criterion for distinction. The evidence clearly shows, however, that the distinction is not so easily drawn. Further, consideration of the only systematic attempt to delineate types of military regimes in respect of civilian involvement suggests that the dichotomised view of military and civilian regimes should be replaced by attention being drawn to power and force in all political systems. This view is supported by a classification of Third World political systems which reflects these two dimensions. Ironically, the study of military governments installed by coups d'état has actually served to obscure the importance of force in politics.

One of the most important components of preparing and conducting military (convencional) and peace support operations is the support of the operations, and it's effectiveness is highly affected by the distance of the supporting forces and equipments from the forces which are participating in the actual operation. In favor of the supporting forces, equipments and services' effective availability, we can create military objects and camps outside the garrison's area for the housing of the units providing the life – and working conditions for them. The defence level of a military camp depends on various factors, and that level can be different within the limits of the camp, and it has strong connections with the camp's physical defence and it's reinforcement. My aim is to provide a short overview about the opportunities of the military camp's physical defences.

Military Chaplains and Religious Diversity Studying Diversity in the Military Freedom of Religion in a Total Institution Islam and Wicca in the Military The Chaplains' Experience with Diversity: Cooperation Without Compromise Right-wing Protestants and their Discontents Lessons Learned and Hope for the Future

During the last two centuries, the military in Latin America has been involved in politics in a characteristic duality of professionalism and political 'calling', by political armies of the right and the left. In both cases, a kind of 'military mystique' prevails, but its content is different. In both cases, the military justifies its involvement as a consequence of its necessary correcting and transforming vanguard role in politics and society. The two characteristics of dual functions (internal and internal security) and dual pathways (professionalism and political missions) are a revolving theme in this article.

The new US Military Doctrine adopted early January 2012 highlights the endeavor to preserve the military technical superiority to other nations, to extend on a priority basis key investments in new technologies and the ability to adapt and mobilize them when necessary.

This book represents three decades of Perlmutter's experiences and observations. The author studies the relationship between the military and politics in Middle East, focusing mainly on Egypt as a case study. He concludes by analysing the effect this internal relationship has on military performance

There are thousands of websites devoted to all aspects of military history from ancient Greece to the modern Gulf. This unique book helps you find the ones that will help with your research whether you are checking out a soldier ancestor or an airman or researching a naval campaign. It also features sites that are entertaining or controversial. Sections cover the British armed services and their long military history, but the author also describes in detail websites that focus on American and Canadian forces. A Guide to Military History on the Internet is a companion volume to Pen and Sword's

Includes bibliography (p. 245-248) and index. ; Mode of access: Internet.