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The SudBiotech project is targeting PhD and Masters Programmes in Universities and Excellence Research Centres located in developing countries. It proposes an integrative and multidisciplinary approach under the form of a one-week discovery and training itinerary. SudBiotech is aimed at addressing various different fields of Plant Biotechnology, under the specific socioeconomic context of scientific communities from these countries. Our main goal is to train students, research staff, deciders, professionals and journalists to the basic knowledge underlying applications of plant biotechnologies, in order to both update the amount of knowledge which is requested at Master's level and to acquire a solid body of information which is indispensable for any decision making, in a field of research which is often the target of political, social and media-related pressure. The team of Professors involved in the project shares a strong experience in teaching and training in overseas French Speaking Universities (AUPELF-UREF projects in Marocco, Tunisia, Togo, Côte d'Ivoire, TEMPUS Programme in Lebanon, AUF-Actions de Recherche en Réseau in Benin). The team is composed of senior scientists acting in various complementary fields, namely: Biochemistry/Physiology (A. Nato), Plant Breeding/Molecular Biology (Y. Henry), Tropical Agriculture/Epigenetics (A. Rival). Thanks to these complementarities, SudBiotech is able to propose a training itinerary which is diversified and integrated, covering areas from the plant cell and its original potentialities to the most recent industrial applications of plant biotechnologies (GMOs), their public acceptance in developing and emerging nations and their applicability to tropical plant commodities. The training offer is amplified and enriched through the active role of local research and training staff, who are encouraged to actively participate in the SudBiotech project under various forms including lectures, field visits, practical sessions, etc. SudBiotech relies on original research results, which support and illustrate the various different basic notions evoked during lectures. The case of the bio-production of high added value pharmaceutical products by genetically engineered cells or plants under confined condition is a good example of this integration. Our priority is to establish a long-term, continuous system for training and capacity building, based on appropriate tools for scientific communities in developing and emerging countries: training of PhD students, job opportunities in their native country/region, overseas training, access to scientific information and literature and access to funders and international networks. It is important to note that any training material which is produced under the framework of SudBiotech is graciously given without any Intellectual Property Rights to partner institutions, in order to constitute a local basis for training in Plant Biotechnologies in beneficiary countries.

The election of Kennedy serves to mark nothing less than the end of a neo-conservative decade & the beginning of a neo-liberal one, not only in the US but throughout the Western World. Wars often undermine existing soc structures which create a situation favorable to radical & liberal parties. Immediately after WWII, liberal gov's were formed in Sweden, Norway, Denmark, France, Italy, Finland, Australia, New Zealand, & GB. In the US, to the surprise of many, the Democrats, with the victory of Truman in 1948, held on to the presidency. During the 40's & 50's the pol'al tide began to flow to the right. Soc Democrats & Labor Parties started losing & in 1952 the US had its first Republican President in 20 yrs. While the Soc Democrats in Sweden, Norway & Israel managed to retain power during this period, the right-wing groups in all of these countries gained support at each election during the decade from the late 40's to the late 50's. A number of forces reversed the postwar upsurge of liberalism: (1) the econ forces - the economy of the West helped by a universal growth in pop, the Marshall Plan, & finally the Korean War produced prosperity. Under the impact of Khrushchev's revelations about the Stalinist Regime, & of the Hungarian Revolution, an endless number of intellectuals abandoned the Communist & left-Socialist Parties all over the Western World. Factor (2) undermining the left was the 'liberalization' of traditionally conservative Parties - in England the Tories preserved most of the soc security & nationalization measures introduced by the Labor Party; in the US, Eisenhower, rather than Taft was chosen to represent the Republicans. It was only in the late 50's that the new liberal wave first began to reveal itself. Perhaps the earliest sign was the Labor Party's return to office in New Zealand in 1957. In the US, the Democrats increased their control of the House & the Senate & also elected a large number of governors, senators & congressmen in traditionally Republican States such as Maine, Vermont, & Connecticut. The liberal trend continued to manifest itself in the `New Nixon,' & finally in the victory of Kennedy. Why is this shift to the left taking place? A series of small recessions have helped to undermine the post-WWII feeling of prosperity. In Europe, with the end of econ reconstruction, unions in Germany, the Netherlands & Austria are resuming their traditional role of pressing for a larger share of industrial income for their members. In the intellectual sphere, the ideological warfare against Communism has subsided. In the US, the declining pressure for conformity has led many ex-radicals & liberals to become vocal once more & pol'ly active. A new set of soc problems is working to make the 60's a decade of neo-liberalism. (a) The prime econ issue is no longer the redistribution of national income among the various SC's; the question now is the proportion in which national income will be parcelled out between public & private expenditure. It seems that leftwing Parties are more likely to come to grips with this issue than those of the right, since the former have traditionally recognized & articulated the need for public control of the economy. The Democrats in the US have gained votes because of their stress on federal aid to educ, res, & public health. (b) Another issue in 1960 was international relations. The left is more likely than the right to respond to the widespread desire for an international settlement of the cold war. Problem (c) concerns the complex issue of upward SM. As soon as newer members of the Mc realize that their econ gains have not been matched by a commensurate gain in SS, they seem to rebel against the parties that speak for the higher echelons of power & prestige. In the US, the Democrats won in part because they were led by a man who could be identified with the more covert desires for increased SM & opportunities felt by labor & the new Mc; in the ambitions & handicaps of a Catholic candidate these groups saw something of their own situation. V. D. Sanua.

The digital age has changed the way businesses operate creating uncertainty; therefore, the right kind of leader needs to step in to steer the organization during this digital disruption. The objective of this study is to examine the influence of four (4) transformational leadership traits on Indonesian employees' digital maturity. Using a quantitative approach, data was collected through online questionnaires spread to 203 IT managers who work in food and beverage, and automotive manufacturing in Indonesia. Descriptive statistics and multiple regression analysis were used to analyze the data. The result of this study shows that idealized influence and inspirational motivation have a positive influence on digital maturity, while individualized consideration and intellectual stimulation have no significant influence on digital maturity despite the latter being perceived as the most important transformational leadership trait to support digital maturity. The study that all four leadership traits have simultaneously influence 44.6% of digital maturity in food and beverage, and automotive manufacturing. Transformative leaders provide the right leadership in transforming the organization to be digitally mature through vision, adaptive culture, and motives for growth and development.

Since the implementation of UU no. 6 of 2014, the village has considerable authority to develop its territory according to its potential. To optimize development in the village, community participation and all stakeholders in the village are needed, one of which is the younger generation. The young generation is an important instrument in the development process at various levels, with a fairly large number, and is supported by intellectual qualities that are creative, innovative, and adaptive to change to become capital for development in the village. This paper provides an overview of the new format of the youth movement as a step to optimize the role of the young generation in village development through community-based Penta helix collaboration. The method used is descriptive qualitative. The research was conducted at the Ruang Inovasi Jombang community which was considered successful in implementing the Penta Helix concept between the community, government, private sector, academia, and the media in developing and increasing the competitiveness of the village potential-based SME creative industry, so as to reduce poverty and unemployment in productive age in rural areas.

Abstract
This paper affords a critical and historical reappraisal of Bakhtin's theory of polyphony. It addresses the issue of the subjectivity of interpretation in the reception and formulation of this highly influential theory in literary semiotics. Following a revaluation of three major patterns of interpretation of polyphony that have emerged in the global field of literary theory since 1929, as well as Bakhtin's shift in emphasis in 1963, we find that Bakhtin's theorizing of polyphony, based on his seemingly inconsistent interpretation of Dostoevsky's novels, was defined by his own subjectivity as well. An obvious consequence of such subjective predispositions in both the reception of Bakhtin's theory and his own treatment of Dostoevsky's polyphonic novels is that they have instigated a type of perpetuating availability bias in approaching the theory of polyphony. This revelation is key to understanding the wholeness of the theory of polyphony from a diachronic perspective. By tracing the cultural and intellectual sources of Dostoevsky's polyphonic creation, this paper attempts to reframe and restore the Bakhtinian idea of polyphony to its fullness, which we believe can be encapsulated in one phrase: harmony without uniformity.

Nicaragua in Central America is characterised by both high levels of poverty (especially in rural areas) and considerable inequality. Land ownership is still highly concentrated, despite attempts of redistribution of land during past agrarian reforms. Legally, according to the Constitution, women can own property on equal terms with men and most of the legal framework is in place to ensure women's formal rights to land, although marriage and inheritance laws and practices affect women's property rights negatively. In practice, there is a markedly skewed distribution between men and women regarding productive resources such as land and animals. Consequently, Nicaragua is a case that illustrates the importance of other factors for enabling women's actual access to and control over land. It is remarkable that, despite the supposed gender mainstreaming in agricultural policy and the progressive legal framework from the 1980s and 1990s, the state as source of land ownership is much less important for women than for men. There is also a considerable gender-difference regarding access to agricultural extension services and access to credit, as well as regarding education and the labour market. According to the recent OECD Social Institutions and Gender Index (SIGI), Nicaragua has the highest level of gender discrimination in the region of Latin America and the Caribbean. The civil war and the influx of international development organisations from the 1980s influenced the subsequent Nicaraguan women's movements and the gender balance. International donors have given support to making women's contribution to society and to the economy more visible as well as supported the sensibilisation to gender issues among civil servants and others. It is only through the work of the women's movement in Nicaragua that the attitude towards violence against women as something natural is gradually being challenged. Donors have both inspired and pushed. With the onset of the Structural Adjustment Programmes during the 1990s, gender-elements became a requirement for access to international development aid programmes. Several international cooperation agencies played a key role in the programmes of individual adjudication of former state land and in the promotion of joint titling in the 1990s. Recently donors have supported a large-scale land administration programme including land titling. Regional organisations have also received donor support to strengthen women's land rights and their access to justice in general. Furthermore, there have been considerable efforts by donors to coordinate their policies and efforts with respect to gender issues, vis-à-vis the Nicaraguan government. Since the electoral victory of the Sandinista party in 2006, the Nicaraguan authorities object to donor support in the area of democratic governance, viewing it as political interference. The withdrawal of funding by six major Western European cooperation agencies has seriously weakened prominent non-Sandinista Civil Society Organizations (CSOs). Remaining donors work in an adverse political environment with regards to gender issues. The current government has a 'familist' approach, as opposed to 'feminist', and gender-based violence appears to be on the rise. Despite important advances for women's access to education, to land ownership, to voice and awareness about rights during the past three decades, where Nicaragua at times has been referred to as a positive example regarding equal rights and women's liberation, there seems to be a reversal in this positive development since the mid-00s.

During the 17th and 18th centuries, European investigations into Chinese geography underwent a process of change: firstly, from the wild imagination of the classical era to a natural perspective of modern trade, then historical interpretations of religious missionaries to the scientific
mapping conducted by sovereign nationstates. This process not only prompted new production of maps, but also disseminated a large amount of geographical knowledge about China in massive publications. This has enriched the geographical vision of Chinese civilization while providing a new intellectual
framework for Europeans to understand China. Concurrently, it has formed another route for the travel of knowledge and intercultural interactions between the East and the West. Those interactions between space and knowledge have been reflected in the production, publication and dissemination
of numerous maps of China in early modern Europe.

Abstract The "masses"(qunzhong ) discourse in modern China was influenced by two western intellectual traditions, i.e., mass psychology and historical materialism. The former regards the masses as a blind, impulsive, and irrational crowd, while the latter
thinks that only the people are the real dynamic forces of historical development. As a result, the "masses" discourse in modern China bifurcated into a negative one of "mass psychology" and a positive one of "mass movement", both of which were employed
as effective tools of political mobilization by different political parties and social elites. The concept of the "masses" was either the crystallization of the abstract "people"(renmin ) or the actualization of the ideal "citizenry"(guomin
). What is embodied in the concepts of the people, the citizenry, and the masses in modern China was actually an ambiguous image of a political subject.

"Many people want to understand what revolutions are and--especially--how they come about, from the academics who study them to the states that wish to prevent (or, in some cases, provoke) them. But it is arguably the US scholar Theda Skocpol who has done most to create a viable model of revolution, and States and Social Revolutions is the work in which she sets out her intellectual stall. Skocpol's magnum opus can be considered a classic product of the critical thinking skill of problem-solving. She assesses several different revolutions--those of France, Russia and China--and asks new, productive questions about their causes and outcomes. The answers, collectively, allow her to move beyond existing theories such as the 'voluntaris©t'; school (which suggests that revolutionaries have agency) and the Marxist school (which sees state institutions as nothing more than a front for class interests). Skocpol's model assumes that states are autonomous bureaucratic institutions, which act in their own interests--a fundamental re-imagining based on fresh interpretations of the evidence. Her analysis extends beyond the causes of revolution to their consequences, and her argument that the revolutionary state that survives is the one that successfully implements a far-reaching program of reform helps to explain not only why the three revolutions she studied have proved enduringly influential, but also why hundreds of others, less successful, are barely remembered today."--Provided by publisher

AbstractThe central task of cognitive neuroscience to map cognitive capacities to neural mechanisms faces three interlocking conceptual problems that together frame the problem of cognitive ontology. First, they must establish which tasks elicit which cognitive capacities, and specifically when different tasks elicit the same capacity. To address thisoperationalization problem, scientists often assess whether the tasks engage the same neural mechanisms. But to determine whether mechanisms are of the same or different kinds, we need to solve theabstraction problemby determining which mechanistic differences are and are not relevant, and also theboundary problemby distinguishing the mechanism from its background conditions. Solving these problems, in turn, requires understanding how cognitive capacities are elicited in tasks. These three problems, which have been noted and discussed elsewhere in the literature, together form a 'cycle of kinds' that frames the central problem-space of cognitive ontology. We describe this cycle to clarify the intellectual challenges facing the cognitive ontologist and to reveal the kind of iterative process by which ontological revision in cognitive neuroscience is likely to unfold.

Although problem-solving skills are considered as key higher order cognitive skills, in the Chinese learning context there are gaps in the literature regarding more comprehensive examinations of which factors are likely to promote university students' creative problem-solving skills.
We explored the relationships of the learning contextual factors of higher order learning and effective teaching practices with student rule-oriented, procedural, and intellectual engagement, and the students' problem-solving skills. Participants were 21,584 junior undergraduate students at
10 Chinese universities. Findings indicate that (a) effective teaching practices were the most important determinants in formulating students' problem-solving skills, (b) higher order learning was the strongest predictor of student engagement, and (c) student engagement components mediated
the relationship between learning contextual factors and the development of problem-solving skills. The results of an importance–performance map analysis revealed that teachers' constructive feedback to students was a specific weakness in current Chinese teaching practices. Therefore,
teachers need to provide students with more timely and facilitative feedback on their academic performance.

AbstractIn this article, I trace the elective affinity between planetary suburbanization and emergent forms of radical religiosity. I show how the centuries‐long spatial hegemony of the Catholic Church in Poland has recently been undermined by the 'fundamentalist' broadcaster Radio Maryja—the bellwether of the Polish right‐wing nationalist resurgence. I describe the twentieth‐century suburbanization of both the state and Catholicism in Poland, supported by an analysis of a village‐cum‐suburb in one of Poland's largest agglomerations. I show how the latest wave of suburbanization, triggered by Poland's opening up to global flows of capital in 2004, ran parallel to the emergence of a 'post‐secular', 'individual' and 'intellectual' strain of faith. I tie these in with the life stories and changes in gender and labour regimes of two key informants. I also show that the surge of right‐wing nationalism should not be understood as a backlash against neoliberalization, but that it represents instead a project of regime change and new elite formation.