Suchergebnisse

This paper aims to provide a brief overview of the relationship between the renovation of the city of Havana and the inclusion of its inhabitants in a political process, which also implies social inclusion. It is therefore about focusing Cuba and more precisely its capital as a model of "co-reconstruction" of a daily space, which also reflects the participation of the inhabitants in a Revolution that the Special Period had weakened. ; Este trabajo pretende ofrecer un breve panorama de la relación entre la renovación de la ciudad de La Habana y la inclusión de sus habitantes en un proceso político, que también supone una inclusión social. Se trata pues de enfocar Cuba y más concretamente su capital como modelo de "co-reconstrucción" de un espacio cotidiano, que también refleja la participación de los habitantes en una Revolución que el Período Especial había debilitado.

The paper proposes a Rodolfo Fogwill's "Muchacha punk" (1980) short story analysis. It explores the authors participation in the debates on language politic's emerged since the final years of the last argentine dictatorship. So it is put in relation with new literary criticism rethorics as well as with the own Fogwill's cultural and political readings in the earily eighties press. ; El artículo propone un análisis del cuento "Muchacha punk" (1980), del escritor argentino Rodolfo Fogwill. Se indagan las formas en que este participa de las disputas en torno a las políticas de la lengua que emergen a partir de los años finales de la dictadura. Para ello se lo pone en relación con las nuevas retóricas que esgrime la crítica literaria argentina y, asimismo, las lecturas políticas y culturales que Fogwill realiza en los textos periodísticos durante estos mismos años, publicados entre 1980 y 1984.

This article considers the involvement of Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany at the 1939 New York World's Fair. It considers the form, function, and content of the Italian Pavilion designed for this fair and asserts that the prefabricated monumental structure would be best interpreted, not in isolation, but as an element of the larger architectural conversation which continued to unfold across contemporary fascist Europe. Such reconsideration of this building makes it possible to evaluate the relationship between Fascist design, the assertion of political will, and the articulation of national identity and cultural heritage within a larger, transnational context. The author also investigates the American exhibition committee's earnest and persistent, yet ultimately unheeded, solicitation of Nazi German participation and argues that motives behind German withdrawal from this event had as much to do with the threat of popular protest as economic pressure. ; Publisher PDF ; Peer reviewed

In article is considered integration of Donetsk People's Republic into the international political and economic system. Sabotaging Minsk agreements, the Kiev government creates favorable conditions for the international recognition of the Republic. Major social and economic confrontation between the Ukrainian power and the leaders of the unrecognized republic can't can break off systematic rounds of the Minsk Agreement with participation of foreign observers. In article the author reveals possible ways of recognition by the international community of Donetsk People's Republic. ; В статье рассматривается попытка интеграци Донецкой Народной Республики в международную политико-экономическую систему. Саботируя Минские соглашений, киевское правительство создаёт благоприятные условия для международного признания Республики. Острое социально-экономическое противостояние между украинской властью и руководством непризнанной республики не могут разорвать систематические раунды Минских соглашений с участием иностранных наблюдателей. В статье автор выявляет возможные пути признания международным сообществом Донецкой Народной Республики.

The aim of this study is to analyse residents' perception of the social impact of the Formula E Grand Prix of Santiago de Chile. A sample of 414 residents was collected through a questionnaire made up of 46 items regarding possible positive and negative impacts. Descriptive analysis, confirmatory factorial analysis and cluster analysis were performed. The results showed two groups with different perceptions of this sporting event: realistic (n=152) and favourable (n=162). Sociodemographic variables referring to education level, civil status, income level, location of the family residence and political orientation contribute to significantly differentiating the clusters. The variables related to interest in the event, support for the celebration, attendance, participation and frequency of contact also contributed to significantly differentiating the groups. Citizens' high degree of support for holding the sporting event could be identified by a positive social representation of the event.

Voluntary work is an important contribution for many non-profit organizations, such as charities, political and religious organizations. Older individuals make up a sizable share of the volunteer workforce, and volunteering is often regarded as an example of "active ageing". In this study, we examine whether retirement has a causal effect on the frequency of voluntary work provision in three English-speaking countries - England, Ireland and the U.S. We draw on data from the ELSA, TILDA and HRS studies and employ a harmonised approach in the empirical analysis. We use eligibility ages for old age pensions in an instrumental variable estimation to address potential confounding. We find that retirement increases the frequency of voluntary work provision in all three countries, especially among men. This suggests that labour market policies aimed at increasing labour force participation at older ages might have unintended consequences for the size of the volunteer workforce.

Abstract
This article considers the involvement of Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany at the 1939 New York World's Fair. It considers the form, function, and content of the Italian Pavilion designed for this fair and asserts that the prefabricated monumental structure would be best interpreted, not in isolation, but as an element of the larger architectural conversation which continued to unfold across contemporary fascist Europe. Such reconsideration of this building makes it possible to evaluate the relationship between Fascist design, the assertion of political will, and the articulation of national identity and cultural heritage within a larger, transnational context. The author also investigates the American exhibition committee's earnest and persistent, yet ultimately unheeded, solicitation of Nazi German participation and argues that motives behind German withdrawal from this event had as much to do with the threat of popular protest as economic pressure.

This article discusses the history of Mexico's foreign policy towards Nicaragua and El Salvador over the course of a decade, by examining the participation of two prominent diplomats: Antonio de Icaza and Gustavo Iruegas. Due to their valuable testimonials, we can piece together the three different approaches through which they dealt with the increasing political conflicts in this region: the first was based on Mexico's traditional foreign policy principles; the second relied on their diplomatic skills to achieve their objectives without directly confronting the governments of the othercountries; and finally, the third one went beyond their official functions and consisted in supporting revolutionary organizations. The latter was a conspirative diplomacy, conducted on the sidelines of an official foreign policy, but with the full support of both the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Mexican Presidency. Keywords: Mexico; Nicaragua; El Salvador; Iruegas; Icaza; Diplomacy; Asylum

Positioning itself against arguments that claim that the Model Cities program (initially known as the 1966 Demonstration Cities and Metropolitan Development Act) was either an unmitigated failure, an attempt to co–opt activists, or an effort to introduce the "carceral state" nationwide, this paper examines the implementation of Model Cities in a historically integrated suburb and argues that while the program was assuredly only a "limited success," it did provide both funding and social space in which residents could forge intergenerational and cross–racial alliances, as well as launch challenges to federal urban renewal policy and notions of community control. As such, this case is illustrative of the role of federal monies in responding to urban dislocation and unrest, and exemplifies the ways in which urban residents can forge bonds of solidarity even in the face of bureaucratic regulations and political obstructions meant to discourage citizen participation.

Research on civic development in schools has identified a number of promising practices for increasing civic knowledge and interest among youth. This study examines the relationship between the most promising practices and increased political engagement as a young adult, using the likelihood of voting as a proxy. By assessing nationally representative survey data using a linear probability model, I explore whether youth who take civics in high school are more likely to vote as young adults. Results show a significant positive association between taking a civics course and extracurricular participation in high school, and likelihood of voting as a young adult, even after adjusting for other determinants of civics education and voter turnout. This paper explains the significance of these findings and makes the case for the importance of high school civic education and for further exploration of the factors involved in the process.

European cities have built cooperative relations through transnational municipal networks (TMNs). Most of the dedicated literature has relied on the multi-level governance (MLG) framework, claiming that the establishment of TMNs has been favoured by the multi-tier and multi-actor system of governance developed within the European Union. While MLG can help to illustrate the characteristics and functions of TMNs, it does not enable to explain the engagement of European cities in these organisations. This article therefore identifies and discusses the analytical and operational limitations of the MLG approach. It is claimed that the MLG framework does not provide a suitable analytical approach to shed light on the economic, political and institutional drivers of the participation of European cities in TMNs. By way of contrast, an urban approach hinging on the urban level may address the MLG's analytical and empirical shortcomings.

Abstract
This article uses a comparative approach to analyze the strengths and limitations of the inclusion of religious actors in peace and transition processes. It compares the theoretical frameworks of Bercovitch and Kadayifci-Orellana, and Brewer, demonstrating how the first helps us understand the strengths of religious actors, while the second sheds more light on their limitations. An analysis of the involvement of religious actors in the peace processes in Northern Ireland and Bosnia and Herzegovina supports the argument that religious actors are more likely to contribute to peace when they are excluded from Track One negotiations and are active in other modalities of participation: in wider social peace processes at national or grass-roots levels. Religious actors can contribute to peace processes especially if they choose to exclude themselves from Track One negotiations in order to avoid the pitfalls of becoming too closely associated with political power.

AbstractWhilst much has been written about the opportunities and perils of Green participation in national coalition governments, analysis of Greens supporting minority governments is less common and has not focused on comparative-historical trends as this article does. We look beyond single case studies of Green-supported minority governments in order to establish historical party trajectories and policy impact over time in three countries with different political systems. The extent of the comparative work here has never previously been undertaken and establishes that repeat instances of such support can provide the basis for more stable and effective future interparty governing relationships. However, we argue that, whilst trust can build between parties to minority government arrangements over decades, it is not assured, and, whilst Green parties may achieve ministerial control after repeat instances of supporting minority governments, the benefits of doing so are not guaranteed.

This article is a microanalysis of Soviet Holocaust retribution in four cases studies, with focus on Lithuania. It was difficult to disentangle crimes against Jews and crimes against Soviet power in cases involving high-ranking nationalists. Soviet authorities had a strong motivation to condemn nationalist leaders and to justify their execution or deportation to the Gulag, but were not as strongly invested in the outcome of the trials involving ordinary people. Punishing collaborators in Nazi crimes consistently remained an aim in and of itself (but was not to be pursued at the expense of other state campaigns). The authorities and locals pursued justice for murdered Jews while simultaneously utilizing the Jewish wartime fate in the pursuit of broader political aims during postwar Sovietization. In the broader postwar Soviet prosecution of treason and collaboration, authorities and defendants navigated competing understandings of personal participation (lichnoe uchastie) in atrocities and the (ir)redeemability of defendants.

The article discusses the tenets of Public History, understood as a modality of historical research and intervention, and points out its relevance for the current political juncture in Colombia. The starting point of the article is the question of how to design research, narrative, and creative strategies that allow for the formulation, development, and dissemination of historical research with the participation of broad and diverse audiences. On this basis, the article offers some proposals aimed at conceiving Public History in relation to the principles and processes of collaborative research, in the context of a dialogue of knowledge Finally, the paper reviews and takes stock of the scope and limitations of some Public History experiences carried out in recent years in Colombia, so as to give an account of the challenges posed by this subfield to the discipline of history. © 2018 Universidad Nacional de Colombia. All rights reserved.