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This article offers a few vignettes on the humanities in contemporary Africa. It suggests that the different fates of the humanities and social sciences have corresponded to changes in political conjunctures, particularly in relation to nationalism in the wake of independence and conceptions of development and neoliberalism after the Cold War. It further takes up the debates in South Africa, the last African country to confront the dilemmas of decolonization in the sphere of knowledge production, most acutely expressed through the Rhodes Must Fall movement and other student movements that emerged in 2015.

This paper is based on teaching about #BlackLivesMatter in Africana Studies in two seminar courses during the Spring of 2015 and 2016, respectively. Guided by a pedagogy grounded in the belief that education can be a tool of social justice, arguments are made for how to frame discussions of #BlackLivesMatter in regard to the socio-historical circumstances that inform and shape the modern day movement. In addition, suggestions are made for including a discussion of the tradition of activism within the Black community as a way to understand the present movement.

During the "Arab Spring," young tech savvy activists led uprisings in a dozen countries across North Africa and the Middle East. At first, digital media allowed democratization movements to develop new tactics for catching dictators off guard. Eventually, authoritarian governments worked social media into their own counter-insurgency strategies. What have we learned about the role of digital media in modern protest? Digital media helped to turn individualized, localized, and community-specific dissent into structured movements with a collective consciousness about both shared grievances and opportunities for action.

ABSTRACT
The Transcendental Meditation movement bought a bankrupt Presbyterian college in Fairfield, Iowa, in the 1970s and established its own university and settled a community of about two thousand followers there. The movement transformed the town's culture, politics, and social life. Followers, however, have grayed, and the movement's numbers nationwide have dwindled. Transcendental Meditation leader Maharishi Mahesh Yogi died in 2008. Now, like many other Utopian communities before it, the Fairfield group faces possible extinction. I look at the impact the community has had and ponder its likely future.

Abstract: During the "Arab Spring," young tech savvy activists led uprisings in a dozen countries across North Africa and the Middle East. At first, digital media allowed democratization movements to develop new tactics for catching dictators off guard. Eventually, authoritarian governments worked social media into their own counter-insurgency strategies. What have we learned about the role of digital media in modern protest? Digital media helped to turn individualized, localized, and community-specific dissent into structured movements with a collective consciousness about both shared grievances and opportunities for action.

Considers whether the election of Barack Obama will lead to a movement for real change. Key challenges posed by the economy & foreign policy/defense are examined, along with the inevitable tug-of-war that is bound to occur between those who advocate for people's needs & those who side with finance capital & corporate interests. It is concluded that the tension between "Obama the symbol of hope" & policies adopted by "Obama the politician" have the potential to encourage the growth of movements for social change. Adapted from the source document

THE QUALITY OF WESTERN LITERATURE ON SOVIET SOCIETY IN THE PRE-GORBACHEV ERA ULTIMATELY DEPENDED ON THE RESTRICTED NATURE OF THE AVAILABLE SOURCE MATERIAL. BUT BIASES AND CONTROL ALSO CHARACTERIZE THE FLOOD OF PUBLISED INFORMATION EMANATING FROM THE USSR IN THE AGE OF GLASNOST. MOREOVER, GLASNOST HIGHLIGHTS THE NEED TO ADDRESS THE NEW SOCIAL FORCES THAT HAVE EMERGED IN A SOCIETY UNDERGOING PERESTROIKA. SPECIFICALLY, SCHOLARS MUST NOW TURN TO SUCH TOPICS AS THE ROLE OF THE INTELLIGENTSIA, THE RISE OF THE ENVIRONMENTAL MOVEMENT, AND THE BURGEONING NATIONAL MOVEMENTS WITHIN THE USSR.

The "new feminist" movement in Yugoslavia was born in 1975 from a working group formed at an official conference. The movement emerged at a time when the country was undergoing a serious economic & social crisis. Its growth reflects the permanency of that crisis, with the successor 1980s generation of young feminists more militant than the movement's founders. The new feminists challenge the dogma that "the woman question" has been solved in socialist Yugoslavia, arguing that in fact the new industrial patriarchy is more pervsive & domineering than the old, traditional form. 76 References. HA

THIS REPRINT FROM NEW PERSPECTIVES QUARTERLY INVOLVES A CONVERSATION BETWEEN THREE SOCIAL AND POLITICAL SCIENCE PROFESSORS ON THE CHANGING LANDSCAPE IN AMERICAN POLITICS. THE LIBERAL ESTABLISHMENT, DOMINATED BY WASP'S FROM THE MID-40'S TO THE MID-60'S, GAVE WAY TO THE ANTI-VIETNAM WAR NEW LEFT, COUNTERCULTURE, AND WOMEN'S MOVEMENT UNDERMINED THAT ESTABLISHMENT FROM THE LEFT. THE POPULIST TAX REVOLT, THE NEW RIGHT, AND CULTURAL CONSERVATISM ATTACKED IT FROM THE RIGHT. IN ADDITION, THE CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT INCORPORATED BLACKS INTO SOCIETY AND FURTHER ERODED THE HEGEMONY OF WASP'S.

Dubet, Touraine, Wieviorka
Sociological intervention with militants of Solidarity
The authors explain the logic of union action through sociological inter¬ vention with militants of Solidarity. As a workers movement, Solida¬ rity is also a democratic and national movement. It does not aim at taking power, but it is a force of liberation of society which spreads little by little to the whole economic system.
The authors finally make a diagnosis on polish society, and the crisis of the totalitarian system aiming at controling the whole social life.

This book draws a sociological portrait of the age group born in the 1970s in Estonia and discusses its generational features and constructions. This cohort's coming of age coincided with the social and emotional turmoil of the re-independence movement in the late 1980s and with the transformation of society in the 1990s. This was the first cohort to negotiate its transition to adulthood in the new society, starting some new patterns of socialization, while also sharing some practices and experiences with older cohorts. Based on qualitative interviews as well as an analysis of media discourses and statistical data, the book traces the emergence of a new generation that draws its very own lessons from the past and from the social transformations that influenced life courses and careers. The book provides an intriguing discussion of socialization patterns and generation formation against the backdrop of post-socialist transformation. In addition, it provides a fascinating insight into the mind-set and experiences of a generation in the making, already shaping today's society and culture.

International audience ; The primacy of juridical rationality seems to evacuate the political dimension of deportation measures against illegal foreigners, through the dialectics of legitimation and recourse, of repression and protection. Through the analysis of the protest movement initiated in Mali by the Malian Expelled Migrants' Association, we will consider how Law is integrated and defied in the expelled migrants' demands and to which extent the distinction between Law and Politics can be overtaken by social justice demands. ; Le primat de la rationalité juridique semble évacuer le caractère proprement politique des mesures d'expulsion des étrangers sans-papiers par la dialectique qu'elle impose de la légitimation et du recours, de la répression et de la protection. En s'attachant au mouvement de protestation initié au Mali par l'Association Malienne des Expulsés, on réfléchira à la manière dont le droit est à la fois incorporé et défié dans les demandes des expulsés et dont le clivage entre le droit et la politique peut être dépassé par des revendications en matière de justice sociale.

"Our encounters with websites, avatars, videos, mobile apps, discussion forums, GIFs, and nonhuman intelligent agents allow us to experience sensations of connectivity, interest, desire, and attachment -- as well as detachment, boredom, fear, and shame. Some affective online encounters may arouse complex, contradictory feelings that resist dualistic distinctions. In this book, leading scholars examine the fluctuating and altering dynamics of affect that give shape to online connections and disconnections. Doing so, they tie issues of circulation and connectivity to theorizations of networked affect. Their diverse investigations -- considering subjects that range from online sexual dynamics to the liveliness of computer code -- demonstrate the value of affect theories for Internet studies. The contributors investigate networked affect in terms of intensity, sensation, and value. They explore online intensities that range from Tumblr practices in LGBTQ communities to visceral reactions to animated avatars; examine the affective materiality of software in such platforms as steampunk culture and nonprofit altporn; and analyze the ascription of value to online activities including the GTD ("getting things done") movement and the accumulation of personal digital materials."

This project focuses on discursive formations of race, gender, class, and sexuality within food justice movements as well as these discursive formations within veganism. In particular, I analyze how mainstream food justice movements in San Diego engage in discourses of colorblindness, universalism, individualism, whiteness, and consumption. I also examine how these movements are centered on possessive individualism, or one's capacity to own private property, as the means through which they seek and obtain liberation. Through my participant observation at several San Diego food justice events, I demonstrate that these movements often discursively exclude communities of color and poor communities as its subjects. In addition, I analyze four vegan of color sites: the song "Be Healthy" by the hip hop group Dead Prez, eco-chef Bryant Terry's cookbook Vegan Soul Food, the Vegans of Color blog, and an anthology entitled Sistah Vegan! Black Female Vegans Speak on Food, Identity, Health, and Society. Through a cultural studies analysis, I explore the ways in which these sites engage a decolonial, anti- oppressive framework to guide their vegan politics. In this project, I seek to contribute to the works of those who have written about the relationship between race, class, gender, and space, as well as the fields of food studies and ethnic studies, through a critique of food justice movements' reproduction of common sense logics about subjecthood and difference as well as decolonial possibilities within veganism

Conclusion: The use of nationalist discourse in the second Chechen War and the Russian violations of human rights have reconfigured Russian politics along a more nationalist direction. Certainly, this is a setback to Russia's democratic transition process, which has been already complicated by pragmatic politicians seeking to maximize their power and wealth at the expense of masses. In the initial stage of the post-Soviet transition in Russia, the rhetoric of the international community held that Russia needed to be transformed into a law-abiding state with a "civil society." However, the Chechen campaign undermines both the rule of law and the autonomy of civil society. The style of justification of the Chechen campaign suggests that Russia's problems in the post-Soviet transition are not diagnosed well by the Russian political elite. By seeking to raise the appeal of nationalism, the Chechen war has further inceased uncertainty over the political orientation of the post-Soviet Russia. However, it would be unfair to blame only on Moscow for all human fights abuses in Chechnya. In fact, radical and terrorist groups in Chechnya destabilized the region to the extent that Moscow found it both necessary and easier to resort to military force. In fact, at the root of the problems in Chechnya, one could identify the difficulty of the Chechens in developing a social, cultural and political foundation for stable political structures, a foundation which could bring together the Chechens around moderate political values, and marginalize radical groups. Unfortunately, it seems that innocent civilians, regardless of their ethnic origins, will suffer from human rights abuses until such political institutions develop. © 2001 Springer.