"Studies emphasizing dichotomic differences between cultures seem not to be adequate to predict problems resulting from the contact of cultural strangers. Many scholars have questioned both such approaches and the resulting advices for managers performing intercultural joint ventures. This study shows that intercultural meetings create realities of their own dynamic and emergent way resulting of mutual negotiated features of behaviour. This third-culture construction serves as a stable base for continuous reciprocal trust formation." (author's abstract)
Several world leaders and defence secretaries across the world have referred to a current 'AI arms race' in which militaries vie for technological superiority across artificial intelligence-enabled technologies. Concurrently, active research highlights a significant range of security risks, misuse cases, and concerns on the ethics and strategic implications of using AI-enabled technologies without sufficient validation and oversight. My research focuses on exploring this tension within the military AI innovation landscape, in particular within the UK and the US. Through highlighting the technical, institutional, market and strategic dynamics of the design and deployment of AI-enabled technology for defence I map out likely unforeseen or unintended security consequences of current practices. My research also looks at potential options to mitigate the dynamics most likely to lead to 'irresponsible' AI including the role of international norms as well as industry frameworks. The 3M presentation will conclude by drawing the attention of listener's to a 'so what'? Military innovation has historically fed into the civic space (with drones or facial recognition being more recent examples) and so the norms and constraints on emerging technologies at this stage set a precedent for future deployment. By offering an overview of current gaps and mitigations in the field, I hope to communicate the importance of effective norms-setting as an urgent task to prevent the proliferation of technology with a net negative impact.
Purpose– The purpose of this paper is to investigate the impact of natural resources on foreign direct investment (FDI) in Africa. Decomposing the measures of natural resource, in terms of contribution to GDP (oil rent (OR), mineral rent (MR) and forest rents (FRs)) and export drive (fuel exports (FE) and minerals export), with the objective of obtaining quantitative estimates of their relationship with FDI, we considered the effect of regional or trade blocks on the continent and control for trade openness, financial market development and infrastructure.Design/methodology/approach– Using annual panel data of 49 African countries over the period 1980-2011 and employing the system GMM estimation technique.Findings– The authors show that after allowing for effect of trade or regional block formation, natural resources in its composite form (ORs, MRs, forest rents (FRs), FEs and minerals export) influences FDI in Africa. Quantitatively, we demonstrate that though natural resources (compositely) influences FDI, the different measures of natural resource differ significantly in terms of their marginal contribution in attracting FDI to the continent especially to different trade blocks. The authors provide that in the presence of certain type of natural resources, trade openness or banking sector credit expansion or infrastructural development is less desirable whilst regional or trade blocks strongly moderate the effect of financial market development and infrastructural development on FDI flow on the continent.Originality/value– The authors employed a broad data set to provide evidence of the association between natural resources in its composite form and well as its various component and FDI to African after accounting for regional/trade blocks.
The main objective and motivation of this thesis is to provide the reader with a quantitative analysis focusing on the impact of the European Integration on the Netherlands exclusively. To this end, two major and one minor research questions are addressed. The first main question focuses on the impact that European Integration has on the Dutch foreign trade. The thesis applies a dynamic panel analysis, to measure the effect of the European Economic Community and the European Union on the foreign trade of the Netherlands in the 1961-2000 period. The results indicate that the integration had a significant impact on the exports, but imports seem to be just temporary affected. A possible explanation is the relatively liberal pre-integration trade policy of the Netherlands, and the large share of re-exports, which significantly influence the trade patterns. The second main objective is the analysis of Foreign Direct Investments between 1984 and 2002. The Granger causality tests indicate a two-way relationship between trade and investment: trade has a positive impact on investments, serving as a market-signal, while investments seem to negatively Granger-cause trade, suggesting a substitution relationship. Based on the Knowlegde-Capital Model of Markusen, a dynamic panel model is estimated on the Dutch in- and outward FDI. Quite surprisingly, the results do not seem to support that relative skill endowment would play an important role in the investment decisions. However, the competitive position of the Netherlands proves to a significant factor in case of outward FDI. The minor research objective is the analysis of long-run relationship between the openness and the economic growth in Netherlands. The applied VAR analysis suggests openness having significant positive impact on economic growth between 1950 and 2000. This impact is temporary though and does not lead to a permanent growth effect. With the steady increase of openness in the last five decades, this thesis estimates that the growing openness contributed to the Dutch economic growth by one percent on average annually.
This Comment focuses on the debate surrounding the definition of an "instrumentality" within the Foreign Corrupt Practice Act's (FCPA) "foreign official" provision. The FCPA prohibits bribery of "foreign officials" but provides little guidance as to the types of entities included within the meaning of an "instrumentality." The Department of Justice construes this term broadly and therefore can aggressively prosecute alleged corruption. This Comment argues that courts should provide guidance on the definition of a "foreign official" within the meaning of the FCPA by applying principles of control drawn from corporate law. Such guidance would accomplish three important tasks. First, it would help corporations comply with the FCPA. Second, it would align with the approach used by foreign jurisdictions designated in treaty obligations. Finally, it could help achieve Congress's original objectives in enacting the legislation: namely, to prevent corruption of foreign public officials as well as the negative consequences for foreign policy.
DOI:10.17336/igusbd.305500 ; 15 Temmuz 2016 tarihinde Türkiye'de gerçekleştirilen başarısız darbe girişimi, medya yayınlarında AKP (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi) ile Gülencilerin güç mücadelesi çerçevesinde geniş bir şekilde tartışılmış olmakla birlikte, konuyla ilgili yeterli akademik çalışma vak'anın yeniliği sebebiyle henüz mevcut değildir. Bu nedenle, akademik çalışmalardaki bu eksikliğin giderilmesine katkıda bulunmak ve "güç mücadelesi" anlatısını aşarak, darbenin esaslarını ortaya koymak önem arz etmektedir. Bu çalışmada, anılan darbe girişiminin neden(ler)inin ve amaç(lar)ının, Sivil-Asker İlişkileri teorileri ve Türkiye'deki geçmiş darbeler ışığında açıklanması amaçlanmıştır. Bu bağlamda; askerin siyasete müdahalesini teşvik eden ulusal ve uluslararası dinamiklerin analizi neticesinde, 15 Temmuz darbe girişimini gerçekleştirenleri cesaretlendiren en belirleyici faktör olarak uluslararası yapının altı çizilmiştir. Bunun yanında, Türkiye Cumhuriyeti tarihindeki benzersizliği açısından darbenin amacı da özellikle vurgulanmıştır. ; Failed coup attempt on July 15, 2016 in Turkey has been largely debated in media releases within the framework of the "power struggle" between the AKP (Justice and Development Party) government and the Gulenists, whereas very few academic studies are available yet on it because of the novelty of the event. Therefore, it is important to make contribution to reduce the lack of academic studies and to identify the bases of the coup by transcending the "power struggle" narrative. This paper aims to explain the reason(s) and aim(s) of the coup attempt in light of the Civil-Military Relations theories and former military interventions in Turkey. In this context, the international structure is highlighted as the most decisive factor encouraging the plotters for the coup on July, 15, after analyzing domestic and international dynamics inciting the military intervention into the politics. Besides, the aim of the coup is emphasized especially in terms of its uniqueness in the history of the Turkish Republic.
Two factors limit the political power of immigrant groups in the national policy making of their host country: (1) the immigrant group's cohesion, based on organizational & material capabilities, & (2) group access to political power, determined largely by the political institutions of each host society. Thus, in countries that facilitate the acquisition of citizenship & grant other participatory rights, immigrant groups that are large, homogeneous, & well organized will have greater influence over their host country's foreign policy. Conversely, in countries where immigrants are less organized & less able to participate in the political process, they will have less influence. Ultimately though, immigrant influence matters only if immigrant preferences are distinctive from those of the host society. This can be illustrated by examining Turkish immigrants in the Federal Republic of Germany & German foreign policy toward Turkey, & comparing this case with that of Cuban immigrants in the US. Adapted from the source document.
The presence of a foreign military base on the soil of another sovereign nation has political implications at many levels. The existence of US forward bases in the Middle East is certainly no exception, given that the US is the world's unopposed superpower and that the Middle East is a politically turbulent region. Given recent developments within the region and its ongoing vital strategic importance the politics of forward basing will continue to be an issue of importance for the US and host nations. The forward bases of the US are an important aspect of its ability to project power. The history of US engagement with the nations of the Middle East reveals the role that U S forward bases have played in securing both political and military objectives, although the distinction between these objectives tends to blur. This was very much the case during the imperial era, when imperial powers such as Britain e ngaged with the region in a similar, although more lopsided manner. Forward bases played a crucial role for the US throughout the Cold War, because the Middle Eastern region's vital resources were seen by the US as a likely target of the Soviet Union's aggressive expansionism . To protect these resources and to maintain a geopolitical advantage over the Soviet Union the US pursued alliances within the region. With these alliances tended to follow the ability to establish a forward military presence, particularly so in the case of Saudi Arabia which has been a nation of importance for US forward bases. The nature of relations between the US bilateral relations with the host nation of forward bases is unique in this time. The presence of US forward bases affects the independence and self-determination of the domestic government of the host nation. Many of the people of the host nations resent the presence of the US in their countries, particularly as many people feel that the US 'War on Terror' excessively targets those of Islamic faith. Pressures stemming from domestic discontent are increasingly destabilising the ruling governments of the Middle East. As well as local implications from forward bases, there are implications for the balance of power within the Middle East. Nations such as Israel have been unambiguously supported by the US, altering their relative standing within the region. Likewise, pressures applied by the US reduces the influence regional pariah states. Iraq has been an obvious example of this. The US forward base presence has identifiably impinged on the tendency of nations of the region to unite along pan-Arabic lines. A debate over how to reduce size and cost of the military emerged following the end of the Cold War. This debate focussed on whether or not US forward base presence should be replaced by long-range bombers that project force from the US mainland. The analysis of the intentions of the US administration and the current global political climate suggest that even were there to be a stronger emphasis on long-range power projection, forward bases would be needed to complement this capacity. The turbulent nature of contemporary Middle Eastern politics and the ongoing 'War on Terror' suggests that this region in particular will be a focus of future US forward basing because of the political influence that results from this presence. ime, as the US is the sole superpower at this time.
THIS PAPER REEXAMINES THE ACTIONS AND ATTITUDES OF PRESIDENT FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT TOWARD CRITICS OF HIS FOREIGN POLICY JUST BEFORE AND IN THE EARLY YEARS OF AMERICAN ENTRY INTO WORLD WAR II. THE AUTHOR ARGUES THAT FDR VIEWED MERE DISSENT AS EVIDENCE OF SUBVERSION AND DISLOYALTY.
THE RISING WAVE OF FOREIGN DIRECT INVESMENTS (FDI) IN THE UNITED STATES CAME PRIMARILY FROM THE DESIRE AND NEED OF EUROPEAN AND JAPANESE FIRMS TO MATCH THE GLOBAL PERSPECTIVE AND OPERATIONS OF AMERICAN MULTINATIONALS. HOWEVER, INCREASINGLY FDI--ESPECIALLY FROM JAPAN--IS THE RESULT OF U.S. TRADE PROTECTION OR THE THREAT THEREOF. BY PROVIDING DOMESTIC JOBS, FDI TENDS TO REDUCE OR DEFUSE THE THREAT OF PROTECTIONISM. SPECIFIC INDUSTRY DATA IN THE U.S. COLOR TELEVISION, AUTOMOBILE, AND STEEL INDUSTRIES CLEARLY INDICATE THAT A MAJOR FORCE STIMULATING FDI, ESPECIALLY FROM JAPAN, DURING THE 1970'S AND 1980'S WAS THE ESCALATION OF U.S. PROTECTIONISM IN THOSE INDUSTRIES. MAJOR INDUSTRIES THAT ARE MUCH LESS AFFECTED BY U.S. PROTECTIONISM, SUCH AS FOOD AND CHEMICALS, HAVE RECEIVED FDI PRIMARILY AS A RESULT OF THE GLOBALIZATION PROCESS.
Efforts to resolve interstate disputes are often characterized by repeated engagement and evolving strategies. What explains a state's decision to continue conflict resolution efforts but escalate their management strategy? Drawing from foreign policy literature, I argue that third parties escalate policies in response to past failures, shifting conflict dynamics and their relationship with the disputants. Analysis of management efforts from 1946 to 2001 reveals that the changing nature of the conflict, policy failures and relationships between the third party and disputants are integral to understanding the management decision process, but the effects of these factors depend on the management history. [Reprinted by permission; copyright Sage Publications Ltd.]
The South Carolina Commission on Higher Education requires reports on institutional effectiveness from each higher education public institution. These reports include student scores on professional examinations as well as other indicators of institutional effectiveness for programs.
The South Carolina Commission on Higher Education requires reports on institutional effectiveness from each higher education public institution. These reports include student scores on professional examinations as well as other indicators of institutional effectiveness for programs.
