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Contents -- Acknowledgement -- Chapter One: Problem, Purpose, Plan -- Chapter Two: James Coleman: Educational Policy for Youth and High Schools -- Chapter Three: Eli Ginzberg: Manpower and Human Resources Policy -- Chapter Four: Morris Janowitz: Military Institutions, the Draft, and the Volunteer Army -- Chapter Five: Joseph A. Pechman: Comprehensive Income Taxation -- Chapter Six: Merton J. Peck: Deregulation of the Transportation Industry -- Chapter Seven: Peter Rossi: Unemployment Insurance Payments and Recidivism Among Released Prisoners

In 1977, Charles Lindblom concluded his study of Politics and Markets with the assertion that "the large private corporation fits oddly into democratic theory and vision. Indeed, it does not fit." In 1983, Robert Reich envisioned The Next American Frontier as the eradication of the distinction between business culture and civic culture in the United States and the full integration of the corporation into the country's key political and social processes. Failure to achieve such a new political-economic compact could mean, Reich asserted, the end of democracy's progress in America. Between Lindblom and Reich lie six short years in time and one vast gulf in political theory and policy perspective. Their positions set the framework for a whole series of political choices confronting American politics today. They also set an agenda for political science as a discipline that studies power, authority, and social change—an agenda calling for an expansion of both intellectual focus and analytical paradigms.Differences between the purposes and contents of Lindblom's and Reich's studies can be cited, of course. Politics and Markets presents itself as a scholarly work in the theory of political economy, whereas The Next American Frontier has a definite prescriptive flavor designed to influence current political debate. But such differences do not obscure the important element shared by the two books: recognition of the power and position of large corporations as the determining factor in the political-economic future of liberal democracy. Generated from this are several critical questions both authors confront: What is the purpose of public power and that of private economic power in advanced industrial societies today? What should be the relationship between the two as regards the preservation of liberal democracy? What is that relationship when the large corporation is taken into account? What redirection of corporate power is necessary or possible? What blending of corporate institutions and political institutions does liberal democracy allow—or demand?

Political scientists are increasingly integrating wargames into their research. Either by fielding original games or by leveraging archival wargame materials, researchers can study rare events or topics where evidence is difficult to observe. However, scholars have little guidance on how to apply this novel methodological approach to political science research. This article evaluates how political scientists can use wargames as a method of scholarly inquiry and sets out to establish a research agenda for wargaming in International Relations. We first differentiate wargames from other methodological approaches and highlight their ecological validity. We then chart out how researchers can build and run their own games or draw from archival wargames for theory development and testing. In doing so, we explain how researchers can navigate issues of recruitment, bias, validity, and generalizability when using wargames for research, and identify ways to evaluate the potential benefits and pitfalls of wargames as a tool of inquiry. We argue that wargames offer unique opportunities for political scientists to study decision-making processes both in and beyond the International Relations subfield.

Political scientists are increasingly integrating wargames into their research. Either by fielding original games or by leveraging archival wargame materials, researchers can study rare events or topics where evidence is difficult to observe. However, scholars have little guidance on how to apply this novel methodological approach to political science research. This article evaluates how political scientists can use wargames as a method of scholarly inquiry and sets out to establish a research agenda for wargaming in International Relations. We first differentiate wargames from other methodological approaches and highlight their ecological validity. We then chart out how researchers can build and run their own games or draw from archival wargames for theory development and testing. In doing so, we explain how researchers can navigate issues of recruitment, bias, validity, and generalizability when using wargames for research, and identify ways to evaluate the potential benefits and pitfalls of wargames as a tool of inquiry. We argue that wargames offer unique opportunities for political scientists to study decision-making processes both in and beyond the International Relations subfield.

Higher education today faces the challenges of adaptation to the Internet communications revolution, scarcer resources, greater variability in the student population, & changing labor markets. This makes it more difficult for academics to balance their roles as teachers, researchers, & administrators. In Europe, the Sorbonne & Bologna declarations pertaining to higher education offer new opportunities for higher education, especially in political science. The key objectives of these declarations -- a two-tier degree structure (undergraduate & graduate), a credit system, & the promotion of student & teacher mobility -- are reviewed. The declarations are not ideal, because student mobility has problems due to credit transfer, costs for poorer students, & excessive bureaucracy. Differing quality & standards across universities are another issue. In political science, key concepts & standard curricula need to be coordinated; the work of the Thematic Network in Political Science to this end is described. References. M. Pflum

IT IS PERHAPS A SIGN OF THE GREATER MATURITY OF THE DISCIPLINE OF POLITICAL SCIENCE TODAY THAT THE 'GREAT DEBATE' OF THE IMMEDIATE POSTWAR PERIOD ON THE ESSENTIAL NATURE OF THE SUBJECT HAS NOW DIED DOWN. THE VAST QUANTITIES OF INK THAT WERE SPILLED DID NOT RESULT IN A VICTORY FOR EITHER OF THE TWO GREAT CAMPS - THE TRADITIONALISTS OR THE BEHAVIOURISTS - BUT IN A RECOGNITION, THAT THE SUBJECT OF THE STUDY OF POLITICS WAS TOO GREAT, AND TOO COMPLEX, TO BE APPROACHED ONLY FROM THIS ANGLE OR THAT, BUT REQUIRED THE APPLICATION OF MANY DIFFERENT METHODS, AND OF MANY DIFFERENT KINDS OF MINDS, IF PROGRESS WAS TO BE MADE TOWARDS THE BETTER UNDERSTANDING OF THE WAYS IN WHICH MAN PROVIDED FOR HIS OWN GOVERNANCE. HOWEVER, IF THE STUDENTS OF POLITICAL THOUGHT, OF CONSTITUTIONS AND INSTITUTIONS, NOW WORK ALONGSIDE THE PRACTITIONERS OF 'EMPIRICAL', AND INDEED OF QUANTITITIVE, TECHNIQUES FOR THE STUDY OF POLITICS, IT IS IN LARGE PART DUE TO THE EFFORTS OF FRIEDRICH. THE NORMATIVE DIMENSION OF THE STUDY OF MAN AND HIS POLITICAL ACTIVITIES, IS AN ADDITIONAL COMPLICATION, BUT IT DOES NOT ABSOLVE THE THEORIST FROM THE NEED TO RELATE HIS THEORY TO PERCEIVED REALITY, NOR THE EMPIRICIST FROM THE NECESSITY OF PLACING HIS OBSERVATIONS WITHIN A CONTEXT WHICH ALONE WILL GIVE THEM SIGNIFICANCE.

Front Cover; International Economic Relations: An Essay on International Monetary Reform; Copyright Page ; Table of Contents; Preface; Acknowledgement; Publisher's Note; Chapter 1. Introduction; Chapter 2. The Fancies Explored; 1. DYNAMIC PROBLEMS AND STATIC MODELS; 2. INTERNATIONAL ECONOMIC RELATIONS AS A PROBLEM OF OLIGOPOLY; 3. A THEORY OF RESERVE-HOLDING; Chapter 3. The Facts Restated; 1. OLIGOPOLY IN PRACTICE: THE RETREAT FROM BRETTON WOODS; 2. INTERNATIONAL READJUSTMENT IN A FRAMEWORK OF OLIGOPOLY: INFLATION, BEGGAR-MY-NEIGHBOUR AND FLEXIBILITY; Chapter 4. The Elements of a Solution.

Disease is a transnational phenomenon which pays no heed to territorial state boundaries; yet it rarely features in the discussion of International Relations. It is important that the discipline should address the issue of disease and more broadly, health, not simply to facilitate containment of disease transmission across international borders but also because central notions of justice, equity, efficiency and order are involved.