Suchergebnisse

International audience ; E n Égypte, les soulèvements révolutionnaires de 2011 ont propulsé les femmes adeptes de la sala-fiya sur la scène politique et médiatique. Dès jan-vier 2011, des femmes niqâbées prirent part aux nombreuses manifestations qui se déroulèrent place Tahrir au Caire et dans les rues d' Alexandrie. Si au départ, comme beaucoup de jeunes salafistes, elles sortirent sans l'aval des cheikhs de la mouvance 1 , cette participation se poursuivit au côté des mouvements salafistes qui rejoi-gnirent les manifestations puis se politisèrent, ce qui leur donna une visibilité qu' elles n'avaient pas jusque-là. Les mouvements salafistes, que sont la Prédication sala-fiste Dàwa salafiyya), les « salafistes du Caire » et la Gamàa islamiya (« Groupe islamique ») entrèrent en politique en créant des partis politiques, respectivement le parti al-Nûr, le parti Asâla et le parti Construction et développement. Cette entrée des mouvements salafistes dans le champ politique et les nouvelles dispositions légales adoptées en matière électorale 2 , entraînèrent la mise au politique des femmes salafistes. Elles furent ainsi placées sous le feu des projecteurs, ce qui souleva 1 Les mouvements salafistes les plus importants numériquement ne rejoignirent les mouvements révolutionnaires qu'après la chute de Moubarak et le début des concertations quant à faire valider la feuille de route : à savoir si le gouvernement de transition devait procéder à des élections en premier ou à la rédaction d'une constitution d'abord. Avant cela les salafistes restaient en grande majorité loin de la sphère politique, résultat d'un accord tacite avec les gouvernements successifs de l' ère Moubarak, qui se servaient des salafistes comme levier contre l'ancrage des Frères musulmans. 2 Le système des quotas féminins, réintroduit en 2010 fut maintenu, avec des dispositions nouvelles qui imposent aux partis de placer au moins une femme par liste : cf à Eva Saenz-Diez, « Le quota de femmes au parlement Égyptien. Vers une normalisation de leur ...

Between 1999 and 2005 the deregulation of the international coffee commodity chain produced both a coffee crisis, characterized by the lowest prices ever for coffee farmers in producing countries, as well as a coffee boom within consuming countries as "the latte revolution" took shape. This research seeks to understand how social, economic and environmental change have unfolded in the producing country of Costa Rica following this coffee crisis. The impacts of two resistance strategies that peasant coffee farmers and their allies have deployed in the face of this crisis are tested: participation in Fair Trade marketing networks and the adoption of agroecological farming practices. Over six years of ethnographic community-based fieldwork, more than 70 agrobiodiversity inventories, archival research, semi-structured interviews, numerous farmer focus groups as well as a randomized survey of more than 100 farm-households were the main methodologies utilized to gather data for this research project.I find that Fair Trade price premiums were inconsequential in providing support for smallholder resistance to the coffee crisis in Costa Rica. I find pivotal, the role played by Costa Rican governmental institutions in a successful agroecological transition that reduced external input costs. This is significant because the process took place amidst the backdrop of "roll-back neoliberalism" characterized by privatization and declining state involvement in the provision of services. With no market, not even a "fair" one, able or willing to provide the training and unique resources these smallholders needed, the state not only stepped in, but was successful according to the results of this study. With innumerable environmental, social and economic spillover effects of this transition process accruing at several scales, the results of this study argue for the creation or redirection of state-led institutions with the power and support to conduct agroecological research and training, especially in the de-technification transitional process to low-external input agriculture.

This entry has been realised in the framework of the H2020-MSCA-RISE-2018 project "LoGov - Local Government and the Changing Urban-Rural Interplay". LoGov aims to provide solutions for local governments that address the fundamental challenges resulting from urbanisation. To address this complex issue, 18 partners from 17 countries and six continents share their expertise and knowledge in the realms of public law, political science, and public administration. LoGov identifies, evaluates, compares, and shares innovative practices that cope with the impact of changing urban-rural relations in five major local government areas: (1) local responsibilities and public services, (2) local financial arrangements, (3) structure of local government, (4) intergovernmental relations of local governments, and (5) people's participation in local decision-making. The present entry addresses local financial arrangements in Germany. The entry forms part of the LoGov Report on Germany. To access the full version of the report on Germany, other practices regarding local financial arrangements and to receive more information about the project, please visit: https://www.logov-rise.eu/. This project has received funding from the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under the Marie Skłodowska-Curie grant agreement No 823961.

First of all, in the following work I intend to present the identity of women from the native peoples, as stated in the framework of the wide women movement in Argentina, from the plurality of social and political trajectories that a statement of this category contains. This first objective revisits the participant observation performed in the Women National Encounters (ENM) (2007-2011). Secondly, I bring forth for consideration, from the native perspective, one of the political links that the indigenous women are currently debating. I am talking about the connection with feminism. To access the perspectives regarding feminism and feminists I include a series of interviews performed in women organization spaces outside the ENM's. It can be deduced from my research that the natives were present since the first Encounter in 1986, strengthening their participation after the 90's. Using the voices of indigenous women as a source, I could observe that the considerations about feminism and the links with feminist activists cannot be univocally defined. To the contrary, I found indigenous stances of rejection to feminism, as well as critical stances leaning towards the construction of a joint political agenda. ; En el siguiente trabajo me propongo en primer lugar, presentar la identidad mujeres de los pueblos originarios enunciada en el marco del movimiento amplio de mujeres en Argentina desde la pluralidad de trayectorias sociales y políticas que esta categoría de afirmación contiene. Este primer objetivo retoma la observación participante realizada en los Encuentros Nacionales de Mujeres (ENM) (2007-2011). En segundo lugar, traigo a consideración desde la perspectiva nativa, uno de los vínculos políticos que las indígenas se encuentran debatiendo en la actualidad. Me refiero a la conexión con el feminismo. Para poder acceder a las perspectivas respecto al feminismo y a las feministas sumo una serie de entrevistas realizadas en espacios de organización de mujeres por fuera de los ENM. De mi investigación se desprende que las originarias estuvieron presentes desde el primer Encuentro en 1986 fortaleciendo su participación después de la década de 1990. Tomando como fuente las voces de las mujeres indígenas pude observar que las consideraciones sobre el feminismo y las vinculaciones con activistas feministas no pueden definirse de manera unívoca. Por el contrario, hallé posiciones indígenas de rechazo hacia el feminismo así como también posturas críticas tendientes a la construcción de una agenda política conjunta. ; No presente trabalho proponho-me, em primeiro lugar, apresentar a identidade mulheres dos povos originários enunciada no marco do movimento amplo de mulheres na Argentina desde a pluralidade de trajetórias sociais e políticas que esta categoria de afirmação contém. Este primeiro objetivo retoma a observação participante realizada nos Encontros Nacionais de Mulheres (ENM) (2007-2011). Em segundo lugar, coloco em consideração desde a perspectiva nativa, um dos vínculos políticos que as indígenas estão a debater na atualidade. Estou me referendo à conexão com o feminismo. Para poder aceder às perspectivas no que diz respeito do feminismo e às feministas adiciono uma série de entrevistas realizadas em espaços de organização de mulheres por fora dos ENM. Da minha pesquisa deriva-se que as originarias estiveram presentes desde o primeiro Encontro em 1986 fortalecendo sua participação após a década de 1990. Tomando como fonte as vozes das mulheres indígenas pude observar que as considerações sobre feminismo e as ligações com ativistas feministas não podem se definir de maneira unívoca. Pelo contrário, achei posições indígenas de rejeição para o feminismo assim como também posturas críticas que visavam à construção de uma agenda política conjunta.

Coherence is a core objective in most multinational interventions and seems of particular relevance to UN peacekeeping missions with their increasing complexity and multidimensionality. Yet, coherence has rarely been studied empirically. We borrow the concept of 'fit' from organizational theory and use it to develop a conceptual framework to study coherence in peacekeeping operations. Fit is the degree of match between what is required by the mandate, on the one hand, and an institutional set-up and the implemented practices, on the other. We identify three relevant dimensions of fit to study coherence: strategic and organizational, cultural and human and operational fit. Our empirical material focuses on the UN mission in Mali (MINUSMA) and in particular on the interplay between the intelligence components and the rest of the mission. We draw upon a large empirical dataset containing over 120 semi-structured interviews, field observations and participation in pre-deployment exercises and evaluation sessions. Our empirical analysis suggests that low level of fit across several dimensions leads to inertial and widespread frictions in the practice of peacekeeping and could potentially undermine peacekeeping effectiveness. Building on existing scholarship on micro-level approaches to peacekeeping, we hope to further the debate on organizational dynamics within peace operations.

The purpose of this paper is to contribute to the search of for effective tools for public participation in general and public deliberation in specific in strategic environmental assessment (SEA) through an experiment with citizens' juries in municipal energy planning. The experiment with a deliberative democratic tool is thought to lead to more legitimate public policy decisions. The experiment combines design principles of citizens' juries with scenario methodologies (Shell/GBN). The evaluation of the experiment is structured around a framework of analysis derived from Jürgen Habermas's notion of discourse as an ideal democratic procedure. The results show that the citizens' jury enabled a constructive exchange of information and arguments and co-operation between ordinary citizens and experts. This indicates that citizens' juries is a participatory tool that can be used to represent a means for reforming SEA in a more deliberative democratic direction. But the analysis also revealed a number of distortions in the communicative process. These distortions indicate how the deliberative democratic potential can be further increased through revisions of the institutional arrangements of the decision-making process. Furthermore, regarding effects of deliberation, it is clear that the participatory process generated new and fruitful ideas and that the citizens increased their knowledge through participating in the process.

THIS ARTICLE EXAMINES THE CONVERGENCE OF BLACK AND WHITE WOMEN'S INCOMES, LABOR FORCE PARTICIPATION RATES IN CAPITALIST PRODUCTION AND THE STATE SECTOR, AND CONVERGENCE OF OCCUPATIONAL DISTRIBUTIONS. IT IS ARGUED THAT CURRENT LABOR MARKET SEGMENTATION THEORY DOES NOT EXPLAIN THE EXISTENCE AND PERSISTENCE OF THE RACIAL AND SEXUAL DIVISION OF PAID LABOR. IT THEN CONSIDERS WHETHER LABOR MARKET SEGMENTATION THEORY CAN BE REFINED TO EXPLAIN THESE CHANGES IN THE LABOR MARKET EXPERIENCES OF BLACK AND WHITE WOMEN IN THE POST WWII PERIOD. IT IS ARGUED THAT SINCE RACISM AND PATRIARCHY PLAY IMPORTANT ROLES IN THE CONTROL OF LABOR AND THE ORGANIZATION OF WORK BOTH HISTORICALLY AND THEORETICALLY, SEGMENTATION THEORY CAN ONLY PROVIDE AN ADEQUATE EXPLANATION OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF SEGMENTED MARKETS AND THEIR RACIAL AND GENDER COMPONENTS BY EXPLICITLY RECOGNIZING RACISM AND PATRIARCHY. LABOR MARKET SEGMENTATION IS THE HISTORICAL PROCESS CREATING LABOR MARKETS DIFFERENTIATED BY RACE AND SEX IN CAPITALIST AND GOVERNMENT WORKPLACES.

With the transition to democratic life and the adoption of multi-party systems in the world, the concepts of majority and pluralism have become increasingly important. Majority and pluralism which are based on the concept of self-rule, have changed the management power in favor of the ruled, on the other hand they brought some debates in terms of government. Single party power which means the domination of majority and coalition process means pluralism are criticized in terms of merit in administration. Although democracy gives the right to equal participation in governance, state administration merit and experience represent a process that has become the foreground of state tradition. In particular, inter-party conflicts of interests in the coalition government, conflicts in management and polyphony can lead to a slower pace of government while at the same time bringing democracy into practice. For this reason, it is important that the difference between coalition and single-party power should be examined and put forth in multi-party systems. In this study, it is aimed to reveal this difference through the political history ofTurkey. According to the results obtained by literature review in the study, although coalition-based administration leads to delay in making decisions in state administration and public service but it is seen as a necessity of democracy. As a result, it is argued that the main problem in a fast-growing country likeTurkeyis conflict of interests between coalition partners, not coalition governments.Extended English abstract is in the end of PDF (TURKISH) file. ÖzetDemokratik yaşama geçiş ve çok partili sistemlerin dünyada yerini almasıyla birlikte, çoğunluk ve çoğulculuk kavramları giderek önem kazanmıştır. Her iki kavram temel olan halkın kendi kendisini yönetmesi ilkesi, bir yandan yönetim gücünü yönetilen lehinde değiştirirken, bir yandan da yönetim açısından bazı tartışmaları da beraberinde getirmiştir. Çoğunluğun hükmetmesi anlamına gelen tek parti iktidarı ile çoğulculuğun hükmetmesi anlamına gelen koalisyon süreci üzerine yapılan eleştirilerin başında, yönetimde liyakat konusu gelmektedir. Demokrasi her ne kadar yönetime eşit katılma hakkı verse de, devlet yönetimi liyakat ve deneyimin, devlet geleneğinin ön plana çıktığı bir süreci ifade etmektedir. Özellikle koalisyon yönetimindeki partiler arası çıkar çatışmaları, yönetimdeki anlaşmazlıklar ve çok seslilik, bir yandan demokrasiyi uygulama alanına taşırken, diğer yandan yönetimde daha yavaş bir seyre neden olabilmektedir. Bu nedenle çok partili sistemlerde koalisyon ve tek parti iktidarları arasındaki farkın incelenmesi ve ortaya koyulması önemlidir. Yapılan bu çalışmada, bu farkın Türkiye siyasal tarihi üzerinden ortaya konması amaçlanmıştır. Araştırmada elde edilen sonuçlara göre koalisyona dayalı yönetim devlet yönetiminde karar almada gecikmeye neden olup, kamu hizmetlerinin aksamasına yol açsa da, demokrasinin bir gereği olarak görülmektedir. Neticede Türkiye gibi hızlı büyüyen bir ülke yönetimindeki temel sorunun koalisyon yönetimleri değil, koalisyon ortaklarının arasındaki çıkar çatışmaları olduğu savunulmaktadır.

Masalah yang melatarbelakangi penelitian ini adalah partisipasi kader DPC PDIP Kabupaten Bandung dalam konsolidasi menghadapi Pemiluhan Umum (Pemilu) Tahun 2019 yang rendah. Peneliti menghubungkan keadaan itu dengan pelaksanaan Kepemimpinan Ketua DPC PDIP Kabupaten Bandung yang tidak optimal. Peneliti mengemukakan masalah sebagai berikut: (1). Bagaimanakah Kepemimpinan Ketua DPC PDIP Kabupaten Bandung dalam Konsolidasi Menghadapi Pemilihan Umum Tahun 2019?; (2) Bagaimanakah Partisipasi Kader Ketua DPC PDIP Kabupaten Bandung dalam Konsolidasi Menghadapi Pemilihan Umum Tahun 2019?; (3) Bagaimanakah hubungan antara Kepemimpinan Ketua DPC PDIP Kabupaten Bandung dengan Partisipasi Kader PDIP di Kabupaten Bandung dalam Konsolidasi Menghadapi Pemilihan Umum Tahun 2019?. Hipotesis statistik yang diajukan sebagai berikut: (1). Hipotesis Nol (H0): Tidak ada hubungan yang signifikan antara Kepemimpinan Ketus DPC PDIP Kabupaten Bandung dengan Partisipasi Kader PDIP di Kabupaten Bandung dalam Konsolisasi menghadapi Pemilihan Umum Tahun 2019. (2). Hipotesis Penelitian (H1): Terdapat hubungan yang signifikan antara Kepemimpinan Ketus DPC PDIP Kabupaten Bandung dengan Partisipasi Kader PDIP di Kabupaten Bandung dalam Konsolisasi menghadapi Pemilihan Umum Tahun 2019. Metode penelitian yang dipakai adalah metode survei. Populasi 520 dengan tingkat kesalahan 10% (menggunakan Nomogram Harry King) diperoleh sampel sebesar 28 atau 28 orang sampel yang digunakan. Jadi, jumlah responden yang akan diteliti sebanyak 28 orang. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa kepemimpinan yang dijalankan Ketua DPC PDIP Kabupaten Bandung dalam Konsolidasi menghadapi Pemilihan Umum Tahun 2019 termasuk dalam kategori Lemah. Partisipasi yang dilaksanakan oleh Kader DPC PDIP Kabupaten Bandung dalam Konsolidasi menghadapi Pemilihan Umum Tahun 2019 secara umum juga berkategori Lemah. Adapun hubungan antara kedua variabel penelitian menunjukkan dari hasil uji coba instrumen penelitian diperoleh kesimpulan bahwa 10 (sepuluh) item alat ukur dinyatakan valid sebanyak 9 (sembilan) item pertanyaan, yaitu item pertanyaan pada Nomor 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9, 10 (digunakan atau dipakai), sdangkan yang menyatakan tidak valid sebanyak 1 (satu) item pertanyaan, yaitu nomor 6 (diperbaiki atau dihilangkan). Berdasarkan identifikasi masalah dan kerangka pemikiran, maka hipotesis dapat diajukan yaitu "terdapat hubunganKepemimpinan Ketua DPC PDIP dengan Partisipasi Kader PDIP Kabupaten Bandung dalam Konsolidasi Menghadapi Pemilihan Umum Tahun 2019". The problem behind this research is the participation of Bandung Regency PDIP DPC cadres in consolidation in facing the low General Election in 2019. The researcher connected the situation with the implementation of the leadership of the Chairperson of the Bandung Regency PDIP DPC which was not optimal. The researcher presents the following problems: (1) What is the Leadership of the Chairman of the Bandung Regency DIP PDIP in Consolidation Facing the 2019 General Election?; (2) How is Kader Participation Chaired by Bandung PDIP DPC in Consolidation Facing 2019 General Election?; (3) What is the relationship between the Leadership of the Chairperson of the Bandung Regency DPC PDIP and the Participation of PDIP Cadres in Bandung Regency in Consolidation Facing the 2019 General Election?. The statistical hypothesis proposed is as follows: (1) Zero Hypothesis (H0): There is no significant relationship between the leadership of Ketus DPC PDIP Bandung Regency and the participation of PDIP cadres in Bandung regency in the face of Consolidation in the 2019 General Election. (2). Research Hypothesis (H1): There is a significant relationship between the leadership of the Head of DPC PDIP Bandung Regency and the Participation of PDIP Cadres in Bandung Regency in Consolation in the face of the 2019 General Election. The research method used is survey method. Population 520 with an error rate of 10% (using Harry King Nomogram) obtained a sample of 28 or 28 samples used. So, the number of respondents who will be studied are 28 people. The results showed that the leadership that was run by the Head of Bandung Regency PDIP DPC in Consolidation in facing the 2019 General Election was in the Weak category. Participation carried out by the Bandung Regency PDIP DPC Cadre in Consolidation facing the 2019 General Election in general is also in the category of Weak. The relationship between the two research variables shows that the results of the research instrument trial concluded that 10 (ten) measuring instrument items were valid as many as 9 (nine) question items, namely question items at Numbers 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9, 10 (used or used), but the one that states invalid is 1 (one) question item, which is number 6 (repaired or omitted). Based on the identification of the problem and the framework of thought, the hypothesis can be proposed, namely "there is a relationship between the Chairperson of the Chair of the DPC PDIP and the Participation of the Bandung Regency PDIP Cadre in Consolidation to Face the 2019 General Election". Keywords: Leadership, Participation, Political Parties, PDIP, and General Elections

Los efectos de la participación en un movimiento social son progresivos en el tiempo, por lo que preferimos hablar de grados o niveles de impactos, los que van cuajando en mayor o mediano plazo. Entendemos que los impactos internos funcionan como procesos culturales que van mutando irregular y discontinuamente a lo largo de la experiencia de habitar un colectivo social. Por lo tanto, los impactos internos que se exponen en este artículo traducen las diferentes experiencias y gramáticas de producción democrática "desde abajo" que los movimientos sociales en estudio ponen en la superficie. Considerando el "vacío" que existe en la literatura especializada sobre este tema, este artículo pretende contribuir a la construcción de conocimiento sociológico en esta materia. En términos metodológicos, se utilizó una investigación cualitativa basada en tres técnicas (48 entrevistas individuales en profundidad, análisis de material secundario y observación participante endógena). Los resultados exponen los impactos políticos de la participación en estas experiencias, el cuestionamiento a las formas de vida urbana y la revalorización del campo, la dimensión trascendental de habitar estos proyectos, la construcción de nuevas subjetividades y los hábitos de consumo como espacio de cambio. ; The effects of participation in a social movement are progressive along the time, so we prefer to speak of degrees or levels of impacts, whish settle on greater or medium term. This interpretation does not seek to establish causal relationships between participation and the effects, nor do either decipher from the logic of success or failure. We understand that internal impacts work as cultural process that mutate irregular and discontinuous along the experience of living in a social group. Therefore, internal impacts that are discussed in this article traslate the experiences and grammars of democratic production "bottom up" that the social movements on study take into the surface. Considering the "gap" that exists in the literature about this topic, this article aims to contribute to the construction of sociological knowledge in this area. On methodological terms, it is a qualitative research based on the application of three techniques (48 individual depth interviews, analysis of secondary material and participant endogenous observation). The results presented the political impacts of participation in these experiences, questioning the ways of urban life and the revaluation of the field, the transcendental dimension of inhabiting these projects, the construction of new subjectivities and consumption habits as a space of change. ; 257-265 ; pablo.saravia@upla.cl ; Trimestral

In Breaking New Ground or Dressing Up in the Emperor's New Clothes?: A Response to a Critical Review, Andi Mallarangeng & Peter van Tuijl respond to a critical examination by Gordon Crawford (2003) of the concept of 'partnership' in contemporary development aid discourse, using the Partnership for Governance Reform in Indonesia (the Partnership) as an example. The article contends that Crawford's deconstruction of the Partnership is highly questionable, as it is based on a selective inclusion of information that challenges many of his observations, to the point where his conclusions become untenable. Power relationships & processes of opinion making & decision making are increasingly located in complex & transnational settings, characterized by shifting alliances among international as well as domestic stakeholders. Crawford approaches the power relationship between donors & Indonesians as if it were locked up in the Partnership, which makes a mockery of his case study. There is no empirical evidence suggesting that Indonesians are easily 'mystified' by their donors. Instead, the short three-year history of the Partnership shows a process in which Indonesians have increasingly taken control of both day-to-day leadership & the development of longer-term strategy. It is suggested that, instead of a focus on structure & agency, a more promising approach to grasping shifts in power between donors & local stakeholders would be to analyze the discourse in a partnership following a concept of organizational culture. In Dancing to Whose Tune?: A Reply to My Critics, Gordon Crawford responds to criticisms raised by Andi Mallarangeng & Peter van Tuijl in Breaking New Ground or Dressing Up in the Emperor's New Clothes: A Response to a Critical Review, Crawford criticizes Mallarangeng & van Tuijl's challenge to Crawford's claims that the ongoing exercise of power underlies the rhetoric of partnership vis-a-vis governance reform. Instead, they argue that Indonesian actors are increasingly seizing the reins of the Partnership's agenda. The attacks on the author's academic integrity are insulting & baseless. Among the points of criticism refuted are questions about the Partnership's time-frame & history; comments about the multilateral assembly of the Governing Board; & claims about the Policy Committee, senior posts, agenda-setting, & finances. It seems peculiar that Mallarangeng & van Tuijl charge the author with naivete, given their own unquestioning acceptance of donor discourses of partnership, ownership, participation, etc, & of the apparent infallibility of international donors. 3 References. K. Coddon

International audience ; C'est en 1909, sous le regard bienveillant de Winston Churchill, alors Président du Board of Trade, que les Conseils lndustriels (Trades Boards), ancê­tres des Conseils des Salaires (Wages Councils), voient le jour. La législation vise avant tout à réduire l'exploitation salariale, qui dans certains secteurs de l'industrie britannique, est devenue insupportable. En effet, malgré une soumis­sion ancienne et presque totale à un système économique ultra‑libéral, l'opinion publique est bouleversée par de nombreuses révélations tout à fait scandaleuses sur les conditions de vie endurées par les ouvriers les moins bien rémunérés de l'industrie britannique et se montre de plus en plus hostile au " sweating system "1. Celui-ci réunit toutes les conditions propres à créer une insuffisance flagrante du niveau de vie des travailleurs, et se manifeste principalement par des conditions de travail insalubres et dangereuses, un nombre d'heures de travail excessif et des salaires anormalement bas. A première vue, le discours politique consacré à la fixation de salaires minima n'a pas évolué. En 1909, les uns craignent que ces minima n'aient des effets délétères sur le chômage et la compétitivité de l'industrie dans son ensemble. Les autres revendiquent le droit de chaque travailleur, en vertu de sa participation à la communauté, à un salaire équitable et juste. Ils prétendent en outre que l'avilissement des salaires n'aura d'autre effet que de pervertir la compétition commerciale. Si aujourd'hui, les diverses aides sociales parviennent à atténuer sensible­ment les méfaits des bas salaires, ce n'est pas pour autant que le terme " sweated labour " est tombé en désuétude. Il en va de même pour les Conseils des Salaires qui continuent à établir les salaires horaires minima pour les travailleurs employés dans vingt-quatre secteurs d'activité de l'industrie britannique. Depuis sa création, ce système de fixation par ordonnances ministérielles de salaires minima n'a subi aucune modification en profondeur. On constate, par ailleurs, que les types de métiers ainsi que les caractéristiques des employés soumis aux dispositions des premiers Conseils Industriels n'ont guère changé. Grâce à son processus sélectif surtout, mais également à sa discrétion, cette forme d'intervention étatique a manifestement été approuvée par l'ensemble de la classe politique. Toutefois, si l'on s'en tient aux menaces récentes des pouvoirs publics, ce sursis tire à sa fin.

International audience ; C'est en 1909, sous le regard bienveillant de Winston Churchill, alors Président du Board of Trade, que les Conseils lndustriels (Trades Boards), ancê­tres des Conseils des Salaires (Wages Councils), voient le jour. La législation vise avant tout à réduire l'exploitation salariale, qui dans certains secteurs de l'industrie britannique, est devenue insupportable. En effet, malgré une soumis­sion ancienne et presque totale à un système économique ultra‑libéral, l'opinion publique est bouleversée par de nombreuses révélations tout à fait scandaleuses sur les conditions de vie endurées par les ouvriers les moins bien rémunérés de l'industrie britannique et se montre de plus en plus hostile au " sweating system "1. Celui-ci réunit toutes les conditions propres à créer une insuffisance flagrante du niveau de vie des travailleurs, et se manifeste principalement par des conditions de travail insalubres et dangereuses, un nombre d'heures de travail excessif et des salaires anormalement bas. A première vue, le discours politique consacré à la fixation de salaires minima n'a pas évolué. En 1909, les uns craignent que ces minima n'aient des effets délétères sur le chômage et la compétitivité de l'industrie dans son ensemble. Les autres revendiquent le droit de chaque travailleur, en vertu de sa participation à la communauté, à un salaire équitable et juste. Ils prétendent en outre que l'avilissement des salaires n'aura d'autre effet que de pervertir la compétition commerciale. Si aujourd'hui, les diverses aides sociales parviennent à atténuer sensible­ment les méfaits des bas salaires, ce n'est pas pour autant que le terme " sweated labour " est tombé en désuétude. Il en va de même pour les Conseils des Salaires qui continuent à établir les salaires horaires minima pour les travailleurs employés dans vingt-quatre secteurs d'activité de l'industrie britannique. Depuis sa création, ce système de fixation par ordonnances ministérielles de salaires minima n'a subi aucune modification en profondeur. On constate, par ailleurs, que les types de métiers ainsi que les caractéristiques des employés soumis aux dispositions des premiers Conseils Industriels n'ont guère changé. Grâce à son processus sélectif surtout, mais également à sa discrétion, cette forme d'intervention étatique a manifestement été approuvée par l'ensemble de la classe politique. Toutefois, si l'on s'en tient aux menaces récentes des pouvoirs publics, ce sursis tire à sa fin.

International audience ; The increase of sedentary lifestyle in the French population and the decrease in the time daily devoted to physical activity has raised public concerns. Promotional campaigns to raise energy expenditure and health awareness have recently increased. Nevertheless, although the recognition of such an imbalance is becoming more evident in the population, a real beneficial modification is still far from a full success. Numerous working groups are seeking to broaden the scope of action and take advantage of environments that facilitate the application of strategies. Local settings such as schools, businesses, urban authorities and sports representatives (clubs, leagues and associations) progressively increase their engagement. Through large collective participations gathered in the PNNS initiative (Plan National Nutrition Santé 2011-2015), we may witness a growing investment in the energy balance, an area that has been neglected so far. ; L'augmentation de la sédentarité des français et la diminution de la pratique des activités physiques ou sportives (APS) favorables à la santé suscitent de nombreuses tentatives publiques et campagnes de promotion visant à favoriser la dépense énergétique. Mais si la conscience de ce déséquilibre apparaît de plus en plus clairement dans la population, le passage à l'acte est encore loin d'être réussi. C'est pourquoi se mettent en place de nombreux groupes de travail et de réflexion cherchant à élargir les champs d'action mais surtout à tirer parti de tous les environnements favorables à cette remise en forme. L'école, l'entreprise, les collectivités territoriales ou les acteurs du sport (clubs, ligues, associations) sont de plus en plus impliqués dans la participation à ce grand mouvement, qui verra, par le biais du PNNS 2011-2015, croître l'investissement dans un domaine un peu négligé jusque là : celui de l'équilibre énergétique.