Suchergebnisse

The Lower Sesan 2 (LS2) Hydropower Project in northeastern Cambodia is presently under construction. As the largest dam to ever be built in Cambodia, it is expected to cause serious and widespread environmental and social impacts. This article analyzes, on the one hand, the relationships between Cambodian non-government organizations (NGOs) and villagers who will be negatively impacted by LS2, and on the other, NGO relations with the Cambodian state. While development actors frequently attempt to construct particular narratives in order to control development trajectories, this research demonstrates that such attempts can meet with serious resistance from local people, even when facing powerful opponents, including in this case NGOs that prefer to advocate for better resettlement and compensation conditions rather than for the cancellation of projects. Focusing on interactions, positioning, local agency, and the particular political culture of Cambodia, this article highlights the importance of particular types of patronage relations in Cambodia between NGOs and villagers, NGOs and the state, and associated territorialization. (Crit Asian Stud/GIGA)

The article is considered the concept of «coalition presidentialism». It has been considered the features in building coalition in parliamentary and presidential systems. Among the indicators of coalition building in parliamentary system are investiture rule, the formateur party, motives of politicians, agreement on the coalition formation, and political fragmentation. In presidential system, they are cabinet appointments, pork, and patronage. ; Рассмотрена концепция «коалиционного президенциализма». Также рассмотрены особенности построения коалиций в парламентских и президентских системах. Среди факторов, которые влияют на построение коалиций в парламентских системах, выделяют: правило инвеституры, партия-форматор, мотивы политиков, соглашение по поводу формирования коалиции, и политическую фрагментацию. В президентских системах этими факторами выступают: назначение в правительство, патронаж и «поощрения». ; Розглянуто концепцію «коаліційного президенціалізма». Також розглянуті особливості побудови коаліцій в парламентських і президентських системах. Серед факторів, які впливають на побудову коаліцій в парламентських системах, виділяють: правило інвеститури, партія-форматор, мотиви політиків, угода з приводу формування коаліції, і політичну фрагментацію. У президентських системах цими факторами виступають: призначення в уряд, патронаж та "заохочення".

The article is considered the concept of «coalition presidentialism». It has been considered the features in building coalition in parliamentary and presidential systems. Among the indicators of coalition building in parliamentary system are investiture rule, the formateur party, motives of politicians, agreement on the coalition formation, and political fragmentation. In presidential system, they are cabinet appointments, pork, and patronage. ; Рассмотрена концепция «коалиционного президенциализма». Также рассмотрены особенности построения коалиций в парламентских и президентских системах. Среди факторов, которые влияют на построение коалиций в парламентских системах, выделяют: правило инвеституры, партия-форматор, мотивы политиков, соглашение по поводу формирования коалиции, и политическую фрагментацию. В президентских системах этими факторами выступают: назначение в правительство, патронаж и «поощрения». ; Розглянуто концепцію «коаліційного президенціалізма». Також розглянуті особливості побудови коаліцій в парламентських і президентських системах. Серед факторів, які впливають на побудову коаліцій в парламентських системах, виділяють: правило інвеститури, партія-форматор, мотиви політиків, угода з приводу формування коаліції, і політичну фрагментацію. У президентських системах цими факторами виступають: призначення в уряд, патронаж та "заохочення".

В статье анализируется процесс элитообразования, характерный для 1990-х г. Он показал тенденции, связанные с усилением влияния и известной автономии региональных элит. Что позволило в ряде регионов перейти на паритетные отношения с властью Центра. В последующем Центр изменил механизмы регионального элитообразования, что позволило остановить "парад суверенитетов" и стабилизировать обстановку во власти и в стране в целом. Далее понадобилось выстраивание патронажной модели элитообразования, известной под образным брендом, как "вертикаль власти". ; The article analyzes the process of elite creation, characteristic of 1990s. It showed the tendencies, connected with strengthening of inuence and known autonomy of regional elites. This allowed in some regions to pass on parity relations with authority of the Centre. Later the Center changed the mechanism of regional elite creation, which let to stop «the sovereignty parade» and stabilize the situation in authorities and in the country on the whole.Later there was a need of developing the patronage model of elite creation, known under the image-bearing brand as «the vertical line of authority».

Nigeria is famous for "419" emails asking recipients for bank account information and for scandals involving the disappearance of billions of dollars from government coffers. Corruption permeates even minor official interactions, from traffic control to university admissions. In Moral Economies of Corruption Steven Pierce provides a cultural history of the last 150 years of corruption in Nigeria as a case study for considering how corruption plays an important role in the processes of political change in all states. He suggests that corruption is best understood in Nigeria, as well as in all other nations, as a culturally contingent set of political discourses and historically embedded practices. The best solution to combatting Nigerian government corruption, Pierce contends, is not through attempts to prevent officials from diverting public revenue to self-interested ends, but to ask how public ends can be served by accommodating Nigeria's history of patronage as a fundamental political principle. This title was made Open Access by libraries from around the world through Knowledge Unlatched.

Si la guerre « est une chose trop grave pour être confiée à des militaires », elle a été, depuis les années 1970, saisie par les médiévistes. Longtemps discréditée, l'histoire militaire médiévale, sous le patronage bienveillant de Georges Duby (et son fameux Dimanche de Bouvines) et de Philippe Contamine, est en expansion. Elle a étendu son champ d'investigation à des zones géographiques de plus en plus nombreuses, et utilisé des documents jusque-là largement inexploités : sceaux, fortifications, récits littéraires. De multiples travaux incitent à rouvrir un chapitre d'histoire de l'Auvergne sous l'angle guerrier en focalisant le regard sur les XIIe-XIIIe siècles, période qui vit le rattachement de la province à la constellation capétienne.Nous tenterons, à travers l'Auvergne des XIIe-XIIIe siècles, une histoire du fait guerrier en analysant tous les aspects militaires, dans la mesure où les documents nous le laissent entrevoir : les effets des conflits sur les structures politiques ; les instruments de la guerre, armées, armement et fortifications. Nous étudierons enfin les conséquences de la guerre royale en Auvergne.

Si la guerre « est une chose trop grave pour être confiée à des militaires », elle a été, depuis les années 1970, saisie par les médiévistes. Longtemps discréditée, l'histoire militaire médiévale, sous le patronage bienveillant de Georges Duby (et son fameux Dimanche de Bouvines) et de Philippe Contamine, est en expansion. Elle a étendu son champ d'investigation à des zones géographiques de plus en plus nombreuses, et utilisé des documents jusque-là largement inexploités : sceaux, fortifications, récits littéraires. De multiples travaux incitent à rouvrir un chapitre d'histoire de l'Auvergne sous l'angle guerrier en focalisant le regard sur les XIIe-XIIIe siècles, période qui vit le rattachement de la province à la constellation capétienne.Nous tenterons, à travers l'Auvergne des XIIe-XIIIe siècles, une histoire du fait guerrier en analysant tous les aspects militaires, dans la mesure où les documents nous le laissent entrevoir : les effets des conflits sur les structures politiques ; les instruments de la guerre, armées, armement et fortifications. Nous étudierons enfin les conséquences de la guerre royale en Auvergne.

Si la guerre « est une chose trop grave pour être confiée à des militaires », elle a été, depuis les années 1970, saisie par les médiévistes. Longtemps discréditée, l'histoire militaire médiévale, sous le patronage bienveillant de Georges Duby (et son fameux Dimanche de Bouvines) et de Philippe Contamine, est en expansion. Elle a étendu son champ d'investigation à des zones géographiques de plus en plus nombreuses, et utilisé des documents jusque-là largement inexploités : sceaux, fortifications, récits littéraires. De multiples travaux incitent à rouvrir un chapitre d'histoire de l'Auvergne sous l'angle guerrier en focalisant le regard sur les XIIe-XIIIe siècles, période qui vit le rattachement de la province à la constellation capétienne.Nous tenterons, à travers l'Auvergne des XIIe-XIIIe siècles, une histoire du fait guerrier en analysant tous les aspects militaires, dans la mesure où les documents nous le laissent entrevoir : les effets des conflits sur les structures politiques ; les instruments de la guerre, armées, armement et fortifications. Nous étudierons enfin les conséquences de la guerre royale en Auvergne.

The changing connections between business and political Islam under liberalisation can best be studied through an analysis of moral justifications, political connections in business and institutional modifications. Our evidence on energy utility privatisations through a comprehensive analysis of party connections with firm and industry specific data demonstrates that Turkey's Justice and Development Party (AKP) reshaped industry structures to nurture a new breed of politically linked businesses. In order to build a patronage regime in energy markets, the AKP manipulated regulatory institutions, suppressed the media and advocacy groups, and immobilised the judicial process in response to allegations of misconduct. The highly personalised and opaque allocation of assets increased the power of business groups that enjoyed close ties with the prime minister and key party officials. Leading politically connected firms emerged as not only the major beneficiaries but also key supporters of authoritarian politics. Our findings have important implications for the analysis of political Islam, regulatory institutions and the vulnerabilities of energy privatisations in emerging economies.

Purpose– This paper aims to examines whether firms' eco-friendly advertising claims are supported by environmentally friendly behavior.Design/methodology/approach– The paper develops a game theory model to determine the circumstances under which firms' environmental claims will be supported by the adoption of best environmental practice. Least squares regression is used to test major theoretical implications.Findings– The theoretical model suggests that the credence good nature of un-monitored environmental claims prohibits consumer validation; firms have an incentive to advertise green but no incentive to adopt best environmental practice. Third-party monitoring transforms the game, making eco-friendly outcomes possible. Empirical models based on North American data suggest that firm profit rates are related to verifiable environmental claims and to easily accessible external ratings of environmental performance.Originality/value– Unlike previous game theoretical models for similar goods, the eco-friendly outcome does not require a repeated game. The importance of the single period game is that continued patronage is not required for the firm to produce goods containing the desired attributes.

Few concepts if any are more central to Shiite Sufism (as to Shiism generally) thanvalāyat, and the current essay briefly explores its significance in and around an Iranian treatise of the early twentieth-century named theValāyat-nāme. Three perspectives frame the discussion: the modern theory of friendship generally, Christian mystical and Islamic concepts of Friendship with God, and (Sunni and) Shiite Sufi authority. It is proposed that typical Islamic formulations of Friendship with God are particularised from their mentioned Christian and secular counterparts by the Friend's conception as an initiatory patron, which provides a basis to Sufi authority. Given that Sufi claims to patronage remain contested in Shiite spheres, where legitimacy is predicated on subordination to the Imamate, ambiguous articulations of hierarchy are crucial to understanding Shiite Sufi authority. TheValāyat-nāmeread thus sheds light on the downfall of its author, the Sufi master Solṭānᶜalīshāh (d.1909). The latter's projection of spiritual authority unravelled on interrelated religious, economic and political grounds, in the context of the Constitutional Revolution in early twentieth-century provincial Khorasan.

This article provides an historic–theoretical understanding of civil-military relations in South Africa and an outline of important influences on South African civil-military relations at present. Historically, a well-developed professional officer corps shaped South African civil-military relations. Africa's postindependence history, though, is full of examples indicating that neglect of the military often translates into domestic risk and a dwindling of military professionalism. Post-apartheid South Africa seems to emulate this example. The South African military may be in the barracks at present. However, there are clear indications that, in the longer term, the military risks promotion of elite interests, patronage and uncompetitive practices rooted in a single political party. This tendency is rooted in a general decline of military professionalism due to factors such as a declining defence budget, obsolete military technologies, a diminishing role of Parliament in overseeing the military function, the nature of operations and institutional factors such as a distorted professional self-image of military personnel.

Automotive industrialization is the most relevant topic for discus to understand the development of industrialization in Indonesia. Because, automotive industry has specific character as representation of Indonesian strategy that is sensitive influenced by political factors. Many interests and missions have to accommodate in automotive industry have made automotive industry become dynamic and uncertain sector to be influenced. This research intended to understand the dynamic changing of automotive policies among 1966-1996, that are contains many controversial policies, with policy study approach. This approach does to answer the research question: how political contect will affect policy making process in Indonesian automotive policies. The research analysis focused on the understanding of factors interaction in policy making process by observing the patterns of the interaction among the government, business man, political and economical enviroment. Based on the research result, political context of automotive policies among period 1966-1996 was influenced by strong patronage in the Indonesian automotive policy making process because the interest in: nativism, foreign capital pressure, and nepotism.

International audience ; Les programmations des festivals de cinéma arabe qui se développent tant dans le monde arabe qu'à l'international présentent un constat unanime autour de la place centrale des femmes dans les sociétés maghrébines et moyen-orientales. Pour soutenir et diffuser une production en plein essor de films réalisés par des femmes émerge sur l'ensemble de cette aire arabe et depuis le milieu des années 2000 un nombre, lui aussi croissant, de festivals consacrés aux films de femmes. Ces manifestations permettent aux réalisatrices arabes d'apparaître aux côtés d'autres cinéastes internationales et d'entrer ainsi, par une nouvelle porte, sur le marché cinématographique mondial. À partir d'une étude comparée du Festival International des Films de Femmes de Salé (Maroc), organisé depuis 2006 par l'association Bourereg sous le haut patronage du roi, et du Cairo International Women Film Festival (Égypte), initiative indépendante lancée en 2008, nous avons analysé les politiques menées par les deux organisations et les liens tissés avec les institutions culturelles.