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The dictatorship of Miguel Primo de Rivera put into practice, for the first time in Spain, a representative system away from the liberal parliamentary model. The acceptance of corporative principles, based on an organic conception of society, allowed for creating the National Consultative Assembly, a non-legislative body destined to cooperate in government tasks and provide a constitutional way out from dictatorship. An assembly that came to conceive a draft constitution in which the Cortes was planned with a corporatist character. Combining the exegesis of legal texts, the review of records of sessions and the contrast with doctrinal contributions, this article studies the nature, composition, organization and functions of these bodies, as well as the political rule they carried out within the structure of power at that time. ; La dictadura de Miguel Primo de Rivera supuso el ensayo, por primera vez en España, de fórmulas representativas alejadas del modelo liberal parlamentario. La asunción de postulados corporativos, fundamentados en una concepción orgánica de la sociedad, permitió la creación de la Asamblea Nacional Consultiva, cuerpo llamado a colaborar en las tareas de gobierno y ofrecer una salida constitucional a la dictadura. Esta asamblea llegó a alumbrar un anteproyecto de Constitución en el que se preveían unas Cortes de tintes corporativos que, sin embargo, no llegaría a aprobarse. Combinando la exégesis de textos jurídicos, la revisión de los diarios de sesiones y el contraste con las aportaciones doctrinales, este artículo estudia la naturaleza, composición, organización y funciones de estos órganos, así como el papel político que desempeñaron dentro del esquema de poder de la época. ; A ditadura de Miguel Primo de Rivera representou, pela primeira vez na Espanha, a implementação de fórmulas representativas distantes do modelo liberal parlamentar. A escalada de ideias corporativas, fundamentadas numa concepção orgânica da sociedade, permitiu a criação da Assembleia Nacional Consultiva, criada para apoiar as propostas do governo e oferecer uma saída constitucional para a ditadura. Tal assembleia chegou a possibilitar um anteprojeto de Constituição no qual se previam cortes corporativas, as quais, no entanto, nunca chegaram a ser aprovadas. Combinando a exegese de textos jurídicos, a revisão do direito de sessões e o contraste com as contribuições doutrinárias, este artigo estuda a natureza, a composição, a organização e as funções desses órgãos, assim como o papel político que desempenharam dentro do esquema de poder da época.

Aus ökonomischer Sicht wird vermutet, dass Unternehmen, die sich in Besitz einer Stiftung befinden, eine schlechtere Performance aufweisen als Unternehmen in Privatbesitz. Diese Annahme basiert vor allem auf dem Fehlen eines natürlichen Eigentümers, ließ sich in empirischen Studien jedoch bisher nicht eindeutig belegen. Stefan J. Mühlbauer nimmt diese Beobachtung als Ausgangspunkt seiner Untersuchung und versucht zu erklären, worauf der Widerspruch zwischen Theorie und Empirie zurückzuführen ist und welche Relevanz er mit sich bringt. So sind in Deutschland allein derzeit ca. 740 Unternehmen in Stiftungsbesitz, darunter namenhafte Unternehmen wie die Bosch GmbH und die Bertelsmann AG. Der Autor untersucht, ob die von der Theorie prognostizierte Ineffizienz stiftungsverbundener Unternehmen auf falschen Prämissen basiert, oder ob die in der Empirie zur Messung der Performance von Stiftungsunternehmen angewandten Verfahren unzureichend sind.Die Arbeit wurde mit dem bayerischen Kulturpreis 2018 ausgezeichnet.

His study focuses on the works of Russell Banks, Raymond Carver and Richard Ford. They started writing during the 1960s and 1970s, at a time when the self-reflexivity and metafictional play of postmodernist writers were drawing a lot of critical attention in academic circles. However, they consider themselves to be realist writers. In "A Few Words about Minimalism," John Barth suggested that the return to realist fiction in the mid-1970s could be both a reaction against so-called "postmodernist" fiction and a symptom of the social and economic unease of the period. Indeed, Cathedral, Continental Drift and The Sportswriter describe in accurate detail the everyday lives of ordinary American men and women during Reagan's presidency. This study demonstrates that these authors are part of the American realist tradition, but that their strand of social realism also takes into account the postmodern context in which they write, by dealing with problems of representation that are typical of the period. Their works both use and challenge the literary conventions associated with the realist tradition, by underlining the artificiality of mimetic illusion at a time when reality itself is seen as a linguistic construct. ; Cette étude se penche sur les œuvres de Russell Banks, Raymond Carver et Richard Ford, qui ont débuté leur carrière dans les années 1960-1970. À une époque où les milieux académiques s'intéressent davantage à l'autoréflexivité et aux jeux métafictionnels des écrivains postmodernes, les trois auteurs revendiquent, quant à eux, leur appartenance à la tradition réaliste. Dans « Quelques mots sur le minimalisme », John Barth suggère que le retour du réalisme social à partir des années 1970 peut être vu à la fois comme une réaction à la fiction dite « postmoderne » et comme un symptôme du malaise social et économique de l'époque. En effet, Cathedral, Continental Drift et The Sportswriter décrivent, dans un souci de vraisemblance et d'exactitude, la vie quotidienne d'Américains ordinaires malmenés par la politique de Reagan. Cette étude montre que les trois auteurs s'inscrivent dans la tradition du réalisme social, mais qu'ils sont influencés par le contexte postmoderne dans lequel ils écrivent et tiennent compte des problèmes de représentation typiques de cette période. Leurs œuvres sont donc marquées par une tension entre le respect des conventions littéraires propres à la tradition réaliste et la mise en évidence de l'artificialité de l'illusion mimétique, à une époque où la réalité elle-même est vue comme une construction linguistique.

SUMMARY: The article surveys the practices of receiving academic degrees by different groups of state officials and by other representatives of nonacademic spheres in Ukraine and Moldova. To conceptualize them, the author suggests the model of neopatrimonial science. He traces neopatrimonial patterns of power/knowledge to the Soviet past. The social aspect of neopatrimonial science is explained by the credential nature of post-Soviet societies, while its political aspect derives from the existing type of political regime. The largest case analyzed in the article deals with heads of the regional administrative units in Ukraine who received their academic degrees between 1991 and 2013. The author establishes a connection between gender, science, and the political regime and makes sense of this connection by analyzing 7,000 Candidate of Sciences and Doctor of Sciences dissertations defended in Ukraine and Moldova in fields such as history, political science, sociology, and government administration. Ultimately, he defines "neopatrimonial science" as a system of meaningful and perfomative interactions of academic scholars with representatives of business and power. This interaction is determined by the basic characteristics of the neopatrimonial political regime. As a system, it is defined by (a) the special selection of [leading] actors who possess (b) a special type of [practical] motivation derived from (c) the patrimonial character of their position. This creates the potential for (d) accumulating academic capital by means of getting control over administering it. As a consequence, (e) the stress is placed not on preparation and competence, but on belonging to the most successful political/business regional elite. В статье рассматриваются практики получения научной степени различными группами чиновников и другими представителями невузовской среды в Украине и Молдове, что позволяет автору выделить особый и приобретающий все более масштабный характер феномен неопатримониальной науки. Его "историческое измерение" автор прослеживает в паттернах власти/знания советского прошлого. "Социальное измерение" он выводит из креденциалистского характера подавляющего большинства современных обществ ( credential society ), в том числе и постсоветских. Наконец, "политическое измерение" демонстрирует структурирующее воздействие на академическую жизнь нынешнего политического режима. Существование неопатримониальной науки устанавливается на основании исследования практик получения научной степени председателями областных советов и областных государственных администраций в Украине (1991–2013). Взаимосвязь гендера, науки и политического режима анализируется на примере почти семи тысяч кандидатских и докторских диссертаций по истории, социологии, политологии и государственному управлению в Украине и Молдове (1999–2012). Неопатримониальная наука определяется как система значимых взаимодействий академических исследователей, представителей бизнеса и власти, обусловленная или даже детерминированная в основных чертах сущностными характеристиками неопатримониального политического режима и носящая исключительно перформативный характер получения научной степени (и превращения ее в симулякр). Своеобразие неопатримониальной науки заключается (а) в специфическом контингенте (ведущих) акторов, обладающих (б) особым типом (практической) мотивации, основания которой (в) "вписаны" в вотчинный характер должностей, что (г) приводит к формированию научного капитала посредством административных средств управления последним, вследствие чего (д) значение приобретают не подготовка и компетенция, а принадлежность/близость к наиболее успешной в деле политизации бизнеса региональной элите.

This contribution offers some reflections on the meaning and the effects of the involvement of national parliaments in EU decision-making processes, after the Treaty of Lisbon. It argues that national parliaments are a numerous and very differentiated family, composed of political institutions, each often with its own long history and traditions. The Treaty of Lisbon now confers new powers upon them, which can be exercised for different aims and according to various formations. Specific attention is paid here to the early warning mechanism, based both upon the provisions of the Treaty, and upon the first indications coming from institutional practice: it is a soft power, but it is designed to effect the principle of subsidiarity, a crucial hub of the EU ≪composite Constitution≫, which has been – correctly, it is argued – interpreted broadly, also in connection with the "political dialogue" put in place by the Commission. Till now, its effects consist most of all in accelerating the process of the Europeanisation of the national parliaments and in giving a small contribution in the fundamental direction of re-aligning politics (which is still mainly national) and policies (which are, for the most part, determined at EU level). ; Il contributo propone alcune riflessioni sul significato e sugli effetti derivanti dal coinvolgimento dei Parlamenti nazionali nei processi decisionali dell'Unione europea, dopo il trattato di Lisbona. Rileva che i Parlamenti nazionali sono una famiglia molto numerosa e differenziata al suo interno, composta da istituzioni politiche, ognuna in genere con una sua lunga storia e con tradizioni risalenti. Il trattato di Lisbona attribuisce loro nuove funzioni, che possono essere esercitate per fini diversi e con formazioni variegate. Una specifica attenzione viene prestata al meccanismo di "allerta precoce" ("early warning mechanism"): è un potere debole, ma disegnato per rendere effettivo il principio di sussidiarietà, un nodo cruciale della Costituzione "composita" dell'Unione europea, il quale è stato fin qui – correttamente, si sostiene – interpretato in modo estensivo, anche in connessione con il "dialogo politico" avviato dalla Commissione europea. Finora, i suoi effetti sono consistiti soprattutto nell'accelerazione data al processo di "europeizzazione" dei parlamenti nazionali e nel offrire un piccolo contributo nella direzione fondamentale di riallineare la "politics" (che è ancora prevalentemente nazionale) e le "policies" (per larga parte determinate a livello di Unione europea). ; W artykule zaprezentowano znaczenie i konsekwencje wynikające z zaangażowania parlamentów narodowych w unijne procesy decyzyjne po wejściu w życie Traktatu z Lizbony. W swoich rozważaniach Autor zwraca szczególną uwagę na tzw. "mechanizm wczesnego ostrzegania" ("Early Warning System"), jako procedurę skutecznie zmierzającą do wzmocnienia szeroko rozumianej zasady pomocniczości, leżącej u podstaw "unijnej Konstytucji", której towarzyszy "dialog polityczny" prowadzony przez Komisję Europejską z parlamentami narodowymi. Środek ten ma służyć również przyśpieszeniu procesu tzw. "europeizacji" parlamentów narodowych.Tłumaczenie: C. Bronowski

W artykule zaprezentowano znaczenie i konsekwencje wynikające z zaangażowania parlamentów narodowych w unijne procesy decyzyjne po wejściu w życie Traktatu z Lizbony. W swoich rozważaniach Autor zwraca szczególną uwagę na tzw. "mechanizm wczesnego ostrzegania" ("Early Warning System"), jako procedurę skutecznie zmierzającą do wzmocnienia szeroko rozumianej zasady pomocniczości, leżącej u podstaw "unijnej Konstytucji", której towarzyszy "dialog polityczny" prowadzony przez Komisję Europejską z parlamentami narodowymi. Środek ten ma służyć również przyśpieszeniu procesu tzw. "europeizacji" parlamentów narodowych.Tłumaczenie: C. Bronowski ; Il contributo propone alcune riflessioni sul significato e sugli effetti derivanti dal coinvolgimento dei Parlamenti nazionali nei processi decisionali dell'Unione europea, dopo il trattato di Lisbona. Rileva che i Parlamenti nazionali sono una famiglia molto numerosa e differenziata al suo interno, composta da istituzioni politiche, ognuna in genere con una sua lunga storia e con tradizioni risalenti. Il trattato di Lisbona attribuisce loro nuove funzioni, che possono essere esercitate per fini diversi e con formazioni variegate. Una specifica attenzione viene prestata al meccanismo di "allerta precoce" ("early warning mechanism"): è un potere debole, ma disegnato per rendere effettivo il principio di sussidiarietà, un nodo cruciale della Costituzione "composita" dell'Unione europea, il quale è stato fin qui – correttamente, si sostiene – interpretato in modo estensivo, anche in connessione con il "dialogo politico" avviato dalla Commissione europea. Finora, i suoi effetti sono consistiti soprattutto nell'accelerazione data al processo di "europeizzazione" dei parlamenti nazionali e nel offrire un piccolo contributo nella direzione fondamentale di riallineare la "politics" (che è ancora prevalentemente nazionale) e le "policies" (per larga parte determinate a livello di Unione europea). ; This contribution offers some reflections on the meaning and the effects of the involvement of national parliaments in EU decision-making processes, after the Treaty of Lisbon. It argues that national parliaments are a numerous and very differentiated family, composed of political institutions, each often with its own long history and traditions. The Treaty of Lisbon now confers new powers upon them, which can be exercised for different aims and according to various formations. Specific attention is paid here to the early warning mechanism, based both upon the provisions of the Treaty, and upon the first indications coming from institutional practice: it is a soft power, but it is designed to effect the principle of subsidiarity, a crucial hub of the EU ≪composite Constitution≫, which has been – correctly, it is argued – interpreted broadly, also in connection with the "political dialogue" put in place by the Commission. Till now, its effects consist most of all in accelerating the process of the Europeanisation of the national parliaments and in giving a small contribution in the fundamental direction of re-aligning politics (which is still mainly national) and policies (which are, for the most part, determined at EU level).

Resumen:Pensados como objetos que representan el espacio geográfico de una época determinada, los mapas han constituido una valiosa fuente de información para los historiadores. Sin embargo, son más que meros registros del espacio pues, más bien, son artefactos visuales que configuran, vehiculizan y comunican una idea particular de cómo es el mundo. En ese sentido, este ensayo busca plantear algunas consideraciones para pensar en la complejidad de dichos objetos, a fin de dar cuenta de sus contextos de producción impresa y situarlos dentro de una cultura visual más amplia. Para el caso de los mapas del México independiente, esto debe hacerse siempre en función del paradigma del conocimiento geográfico que se gestó a lo largo del siglo xix, así como de la revisión de sus dimensiones materiales. En suma, este trabajo se propone conjuntar dichas aristas para mostrar cómo la cartografía decimonónica puede contribuir a explorar la historia cultural en cuanto a dimensiones visuales, editoriales e intelectuales, en un momento histórico en que la geografía y la delimitación territorial constituyeron aspectos cardinales dentro del proceso de formación del Estado-nación mexicano.Palabras clave: Cartografía, representaciones culturales, cultura visual, siglo xix.Recepción: 21 de enero de 2021 Aceptación: 13 de abril de 2021 Abstract:Considered as objects that represent the geographic space of a given time, maps have been a valuable source of information for historians. However, they are more than mere records of space because they are objects that configure, convey and communicate a particular idea of what world is. In this sense, this article wants to raise several issues to consider the complexity of these objects, in order to account for the context of print production and place them within a broader visual culture. In the case of maps of independent Mexico, they must always be done according to the paradigm of geographical knowledge that was developed throughout the 19th century, as well as the review of its material dimensions. In sum, this work aims to bring together these perspectives to show how nineteenth century cartography can contribute to exploring cultural history in its visual, editorial and intellectual dimensions, at a historical moment in which geography and territorial delimitation were cardinal aspects in the formation of the Mexican nation-state.Key words: Cartography, cultural representations, visual culture, 19th century.

The work at hand explores the successive chronometrisation of public space using the example of Viennas public clocks from the middle of the 19th century until today.The need for knowing the exact time steadily increased since the middle of the 19th century. As two centuries ago the clocks had only hour hands, the minute hands soon became essential. Industrialisation, urbanisation, but primarily the rapid development of the railroading promoted the trend towards the modern time management of the society. Schedules demanded a higher precision of time specification; circulations of goods and persons had to be adjusted to each other; professional and private activities became standardised, tacted and adjusted to the abstract rhythm of the clocks. The knowledge about the social and economic value of time became a central criterion for the level of western civilisation. Especially the members of the middle-class got more and more used to a chronometer. It was a high goodness for them to use their time as efficient as possible. Pocket watches and wrist watches became familiar and also the number of public clocks continously increased. Especially the more and more complex organised cities became pioneers in the sphere of public timepiece. The work at hand explores, for the first time in the German-speaking historical research, the successive chronometrisation of public space using the example of Vienna from the middle of the 19th century until today. On the one hand it deals with the "exterior chronometrisation", that is the visible aggregation of the infrastructure of time and the construction of different kinds of clocks. Spatial, architectural and design related aspects were argued, contexts of technical history as the search for the ideal drive system and of the political and representative functions of public clocks were discussed. On the other hand it deals with the "interior chronometrisation" which means social, psychological and cultural aspects of the perception of time and their contextualisation in phenomena of scaling and standardisation on a local basis to a world scale. The actual trend of visualising public time to the split second marks the (temporary) end of the development which shows the speedup of all areas of life in a visible and sensible way.

In contrast, the common law had its origins in the decisions of judges, and its growth through the cases. The legal system thus built is one of the imposing products of the human mind; and all who serve it are justly proud of it. Not a little of the literature of our system, indeed, is concerned to assert the superiority of the case method. "Law grows, and though the principles of law remain unchanged, yet (and it is one of the advantages of the common law) their application is to be changed with the changing circumstances of the times. Some persons may call this retrogression; I call it progression of human opinion," said a nineteenth century English judge. His sentiments are echoed time and again from the Bench and from the rostrum. It is my purpose to raise for your consideration whether this description remains accurate and this appraisal valid. Are we not in a new, situation from our predecessors; and if we are, how suited are our techniques-of instruction, of advocacy, of decision-to the new conditions? In all the long and uninterrupted history of the common law to the end of the nineteenth century and well into the twentieth century (a span of some 800 years), the fashioning of the law was almost wholly in the hands of the legal profession. Only fitfully had resort been made to the legislature in building the system. So much is this so that the historians single out the reigns of the first Edward and the Tudors as exceptional by reason of the legislative activity of those times, an activity which, while it left its mark on the law, was short lived. Indeed, the writers can scarcely conceal their relish as they recite how the ingenuity of the old conveyancers, with the co-operation of the Court of Chancery, managed to circumvent the Statute of Uses and put aside the fiscal purposes of that piece of Tudor legislation—as neat a bit of tax avoidance as a modern tax expert could wish for. [Lectura at the Annual Order of Coif Banquet, July 22, 1964, Seattle, Washington.]

To adopt the least contentious of several definitions, the currents of thought and motifs in the arts that we associate with the Renaissance had their beginnings in fourteenth-century Florence. By the end of the fifteenth century they had spread out to other Italian cities while, during the sixteenth century, the Renaissance became a cross-European phenomenon. But was there also a "Renaissance beyond Europe"?

This article examines why Günther Anders, one of the 20th century's most formidable critics of technology, deemed a critique of technology necessary at all. I argue that the radical philosophy of industrialism in Die Antiquiertheit des Menschen (The Obsolescence of Human Beings) and related texts is a response to what Anders's work presents as inadequacies of traditional Marxism, with its focus on class struggle and property relations. In effect, his critique of technology, which is more attentive to forms of domination emergent with mechanization, would come to supplant classical Marxist thought. The piece concludes with some thoughts about how Anders's 'post-Marxist' perspective provides insights for contemporary Marxism and, in turn, how the latter can throw light on problems in Anders's philosophy of the machine.

A bibliography of resources available through the Holy Cross Libraries which provide additional information related to "Crusades and Crusaders," a lecture by Kevin Madigan '82, held at the College of the Holy Cross on March 23, 2017. Professor Madigan explains what the Crusades were and explores how Crusaders viewed themselves as pilgrims on an armed expedition undertaken for Christ, authorized by the Pope, who were given full remission of their sins. He also traces the historiography of the Crusades in the 19th and 20th centuries to lay context for decision of the Holy Cross student body in 1925 to adopt Crusaders as their moniker. His talk is one of the Deitchman Family Lectures on Religion and Modernity. ; https://crossworks.holycross.edu/bibliography_events/1004/thumbnail.jpg

The BSPC Working Group on green growth and energy efficiency was launched by the 20th BSPC in Helsinki in August 2011. The overarching mission of the Working Group is to elaborate political positions and recommendations in the field of green growth and energy efficiency and to raise the political attention on these issues. The activities of the Working Group have spanned a broad range of initiatives and endeavours within the field of green growth and energy efficiency. The Working Group issued a first set of political recommendations in its mid-way report to the 21st BSPC in St Petersburg in August 2012. The final and consolidated political considerations and recommendations are found in this report, which also marks the conclusion of the Group's work.

Between the thirties and the fifties of the 20th cent., some Valencian irrigators communities agreed to do not passively accept the government policies of water regulation. The trustees of the Acequia Real ?the most important and complex irrigation entity at the Júcar basin? led this dynamic between hydraulic interventionism and ?peripheral? reactions. They experimented new forms of internal administration as well as collaboration with the other traditional users of the basin; they worked as stakeholders of the ministers of Public Works. In this sense, the Acequia Real del Júcar is suited to an analysis of the institution and even of the process that drove it to be head of lobbing group at different scales that defended their interests in the rivers.

Background: Levels of physical activity and variation in physical activity and sedentary time by place and person in European children and adolescents are largely unknown. The objective of the study was to assess the variations in objectively measured physical activity and sedentary time in children and adolescents across Europe. Methods: Six databases were systematically searched to identify pan-European and national data sets on physical activity and sedentary time assessed by the same accelerometer in children (2 to 9.9 years) and adolescents (≥10 to 18 years). We harmonized individual-level data by reprocessing hip-worn raw accelerometer data files from 30 different studies conducted between 1997 and 2014, representing 47,497 individuals (2-18 years) from 18 different European countries. Results: Overall, a maximum of 29% (95% CI: 25, 33) of children and 29% (95% CI: 25, 32) of adolescents were categorized as sufficiently physically active. We observed substantial country-A nd region-specific differences in physical activity and sedentary time, with lower physical activity levels and prevalence estimates in Southern European countries. Boys were more active and less sedentary in all age-categories. The onset of age-related lowering or leveling-off of physical activity and increase in sedentary time seems to become apparent at around 6 to 7 years of age. Conclusions: Two third of European children and adolescents are not sufficiently active. Our findings suggest substantial gender-, country-A nd region-specific differences in physical activity. These results should encourage policymakers, governments, and local and national stakeholders to take action to facilitate an increase in the physical activity levels of young people across Europe.