Suchergebnisse

Intro -- Contents -- A quick word about terms -- Prologue: Meeting Jesus -- Part 1 -- Getting to know the Muslim Jesus -- 1 -- Jesus of Arabia -- 2 -- The son of Mary: the Qur'anic Jesus -- 3 -- The 'pious servant': the traditional Jesus -- 4 -- The good teacher: the Sufi Jesus -- 5 -- Yeshua: the contemporary Muslim Jesus -- Part 2 -- Corrupting Jesus? -- 6 -- Conspiracy -- 7 -- The Christians -- 8 -- The Apostles -- 9 -- The Council of Nicea -- 10 -- Paul -- 11 -- The Ebionites -- 12 -- The Gospel of the Hebrews -- 13 -- The historical Muslim Jesus -- Part 3 -- Locating Jesus -- 14

Abstract
Turkey's Islamic fashion market transformed during the 2010s with the entry of young, bourgeois, fashion-conscious Muslim female entrepreneurs. As designers, manufacturers, and retailers, these "Muslim fashionistas" not only gained the attention of young Muslim women but also became lifestyle gurus, projecting images of the successful entrepreneur, the ideal mother, the benevolent philanthropist, and the leisure enthusiast. This combination of roles resonates with the notion of the "ideal Muslim woman" promoted by the government. But its performance entails moments of imperfection and moral dilemma, as the demands of capitalism and consumerism place Muslim fashionistas in opposition to the teachings of their faith and traditional gender regimes. Drawing on practice theory, and on ethnographic fieldwork conducted in Istanbul, this article explores Muslim fashionistas' everyday performances in the fields of family, charity, and leisure. The objective is to analyze how these agents negotiate and interpret quotidian inconsistencies between their religious and social ideals and those ideals' manifestation.

The Muslim community in America has been facing turmoil, particularly after the events of 9/11. Muslims are facing a number of anti-Islamic and anti-Muslim discriminatory practices, biases, and sentiments from many Americans. These religious prejudices are apparent at the public and political leadership levels, as well as other facets of the country. The current study has concentrated on Trump&rsquo ; s emerging ideology that positions him within anti-Islamic and anti- Muslim discourses since he announced his candidature for the presidency. The study aims to examine and pin point the self-other representations that are evident in the Islamophobia and anti-Muslim sentiments in Trump&rsquo ; s statements during the American Presidential Elections of 2016. In order to examine Trump&rsquo ; s prejudicial discourse, the research engaged with Critical Discourse Studies as its framework, with a specific focus upon Van Dijk&rsquo ; s Ideological Square Model as well as NVIVO 12 Pro for linguistic inquiry. The results showed that the self-other binary is strongly evidenced in Trump&rsquo ; s statements and that he employed various discursive techniques to represent Islam and Muslims in a negative manner, while representing himself as very patriotic to the country. To legitimatize his arguments, he deployed several rhetoric strategies, including victimization, presupposition, authority, number game, evidentiality, polarization, and populism. Keeping the religious and economic context in view, the research reveals that Donald Trump has represented Islam and Muslims as a negative phenomenon and presented himself as an Islamophobe by negatively targeting Islamic components, like Shariah and Jihad. In his prejudicial representation of Islam, most of the Islamic beliefs are represented as anti-women and anti-American, threatening the security of America and its very way of life.

Since its founding in 1945, the Jordanian Muslim Brotherhood has enjoyed decades of almost continuous parliamentary presence and state acceptance in Jordan, participating in elections, organising events and even establishing a hospital. In this detailed account of the Muslim Brotherhood's ideological and behavioural development in Jordan, Joas Wagemakers focusses on the group's long history and complex relationship with the state, its parliament and society. It shows how age-old concepts derived from classical Islam and the writings of global Islamist scholars have been used and reused by modern-day Jordanian Islamists to shape their beliefs in the context of the present-day nation-state. Far from its reputation as a two-faced global conspiracy bent on conquering the West, the Muslim Brotherhood is a deeply divided group that has nevertheless maintained a fascinating internal ideological consistency in its use of similar religious concepts. As such, it is part of, and continues to build on, trends in Muslim thought that go back hundreds of years.

Over the centuries, there have been far-reaching differences in how Islam has been practised and how the Qur'an and the holy scriptures have been read and interpreted by believers. Professor Platti challenges Muslims to explore the diversity of Islam, in order for the Muslim community to become a fully integrated part of European society.

The book challenges the popular notion of a clash of cultures pitting Muslim and non-Muslim Europeans against one another. The study finds instead vehement conflict among three longstanding European public philosophies: liberalism, nationalism, and postmodernism. The consequential differences of outlook are demonstrated in four policy areas: 1) citizenship requirements, 2) the headscarf debate, 3) mosque-state relations and 4) counter-terrorism. The book reaches three important conclusions. First, Muslim Europeans do not represent a monolithic anti-Western bloc -- a Trojan Horse -- within Europe. They vehemently disagree among themselves but along the same basic liberal, nationalist, and postmodern contours as non-Muslim Europeans. Second, ideological discord significantly contributes to policy "messiness," that is, to inconsistent, contradictory policies. Third, both the discord and the messiness are remarkably similar from one European country to the next, thereby casting doubt on the dominant theory in comparative migration studies that posits distinct national styles such as French republicanism, German ethno-nationalism and British multiculturalism.This title was made Open Access by libraries from around the world through Knowledge Unlatched ; English

Intellectual groups have always been important in Islamic societies and Muslim communities in Southeast Asia have been no exception. This study posits that there are four primary Muslim intellectual groups functioning in the six Muslim communities of the region. It will concentrate on a description of these four groups, discuss their spheres of activity, and anlyze their reaction to several impotrtant political and cultural factors extant in the Southeast Asian region.DOI:10.15408/sdi.v6i1.746