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THE IDEA OF APPROVAL VOTING AS AN ELECTORAL REFORM HAS RECEIVED GENERALLY FAVORABLE ATTENTION FROM SCHOLARS IN RECENT YEARS. THERE HAS, HOWEVER, BEEN VERY LITTLE OPPORTUNITY TO STUDY IT EMPIRICALLY UNDER DIFFERING CONDITIONS. THIS ARTICLE MOVES TO FILL THIS VOID WITH AN EXAMINATION OF THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN APPROVAL VOTING AND TWO OTHER ELECTORAL CONDITIONS, THE WORDING OF THE BALLOT INSTRUCTIONS AND THE CANDIDATE LIST. THE AUTHOR FINDS THAT THESE CONDITIONS, ESPECIALLY THE WORDING OF THE INSTRUCTIONS, INFLUENCE VOTER BEHAVIOR UNDER APPROVAL VOTING AND SUGGESTS THAT THIS MAY HAVE AN IMPACT ON THE OUTCOMES OF CONTESTS CONDUCTED UNDER APPROVAL VOTING. HE CONCLUDES BY CAUTIONING AGAINST UNCONSIDERED APPLICATIONS OF THE REFORM.

A vast number of e-voting schemes including mix-net-based e-voting, homomorphic e-voting, blind signature-based e-voting, blockchain-based e-voting, post-quantum e-voting, and hybrid e-voting have been proposed in the literature for better security and practical implementation. In this paper, we review various e-voting approaches to date. We first compare the structures, advantages, and disadvantages of the different e-voting approaches. We then summarise the security properties of the e-voting approaches in terms of their functional requirements and security requirements. In addition, we provide a comprehensive review of various types of e-voting approaches in terms of their security properties, underlying tools, distinctive features, and weaknesses. We also discuss some practical considerations in the design of e-voting systems. Subsequently, some potential research directions are suggested based on our observations.

Prior work on political effects of personal asset ownership in the United Kingdom has found a causal link between home and share ownership and conservative political preferences and voting. These estimates appear to confirm the "ownership society" thesis tying privatization and asset ownership to improved prospects for conservative parties. This paper proposes a new identification strategy for testing this causal connection that improves on earlier research designs. I exploit temporal variability in panel data to better specify the definition of home ownership and control for unobserved confounders associated with ownership. Under this design, home ownership is found to have no or very weak effects on voting in the 1997 and 2001 General Elections. Where weakly significant results are found, they suggest a mixed effect on partisan outcomes at the ballot box. Finally, while extending this strategy to financial assets does support the "ownership society" hypothesis, doing so illuminates a very different set of identification problems, which point to underlying flaws in the "ownership society" argument itself. [Copyright Elsevier Ltd.]

The author proposes a two-round process called minority voting to allocate public projects in a polity. In the first round, a society decides by a simple majority decision whether to provide the public project. If the proposal in the first round is rejected, the process ends. Otherwise the process continues, but only the members of the minority keep agenda and voting rights for the second round, in which the financing scheme is determined. In the second round, the unanimity rule or the simple majority rule is applied. The author provides a first pass of relative welfare comparisons between minority voting and simple majority voting and outline the research program.

Using questionnaire data from 11 European countries (N = approximately 300 respondents each) in 1989, the nature of issue evaluation & voting choice in national elections is examined. Comparative analyses reveal a similar pattern across nations with regard to lack of faith in political parties to address important issues. It is suggested that although vote choice correlates with the degree a party is perceived as competent, noncorrelated voting does not increase with political information or awareness. While the conclusions suggest that issue evaluation & vote choice can lack rational foundation, that is not sufficient reason to attribute voting outcome strictly to emotional factors. 8 Tables, 14 References. L. Baker

The decision-making processes of Southern white voters are examined using data from the 1968 Comparative State Elections Project. These survey data are combined with census information to assess the effects of community characteristics, black concentration & urbanism, on voting for & against G. Wallace for president. The effects of black concentration on voting, policy attitudes, issue salience, & perceptions of candidates are found to be generally greater in Ru than in Ur areas of the South. 6 Tables. AA.

Retrospective voting is a central explanation for voters' support of incumbents. Yet, despite the variety of conditions facing American cities, past research has devoted little attention to retrospective voting for mayors. This paper first develops hypotheses about how local retrospective voting might differ from its national analog, due to both differing information sources and the presence of national benchmarks. It then analyzes retrospective voting using the largest data set on big-city mayoral elections between 1990 and 2011 to date. Neither crime rates nor property values consistently influence incumbent mayors' vote shares, nor do changes in local conditions. However, low city-level unemployment relative to national unemployment correlates with higher incumbent support. The urban voter is a particular type of retrospective voter, one who compares local economic performance to conditions elsewhere. Moreover, these effects appear to be present only in cities that dominate their media markets, suggesting media outlets' role in facilitating retrospective voting.