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Explores to what extent a modernization & dependency approach synthesis might explain the difference in the level of democracy among countries in different regions. A quantitative empirical design was applied to data from 87 developing & developed countries over four (sometimes overlapping) time periods (1965-1975, 1970-1980, 1980-1990, & 1965-1990), measuring the size of the middle class, & path analysis estimated a causal model. The synthesis is empirically supported with the core modernization & dependency hypotheses confirmed. 1 Table, 1 Figure, 1 Appendix, 58 References. Adapted from the source document.

AbstractRecent theoretical literature studies how labour market reforms in one country can affect labour market outcomes in other countries, thereby rationalizing widely held policy beliefs and empirical evidence. But what is the quantitative relevance of such spillover effects? This paper combines two recent workhorse models: the canonical search‐and‐matching framework and the heterogeneous firms international trade model. Qualitatively, the framework confirms that labour market reforms in one country benefit its trading partners, replicating the stylized facts. However, when wages are bargained flexibly, the model quantitatively underestimates the correlation of structural unemployment rates across countries. Introducing some degree of real wage rigidity remedies this problem.

Purpose
The purpose of this paper is to investigate the potential determinants of FDI, in developed and developing countries.


Design/methodology/approach
This paper investigates FDI determinants based on panel data analysis using static and dynamic modeling for 20 countries (11 developed and 9 developing), over the period 2004-2013. For static model estimations, Hausman (1978) test indicates the applicability of fixed effect/random effect, while generalized moments of methods (GMM) (dynamic model) is used to capture endogeneity and unobserved heterogeneity.


Findings
The outcome across different countries depicts diverse results. In developed countries, FDI seeks policy-related determinants (GDP growth, trade openness, and freedom index), and in developing country FDI showed positive association for economic determinants (gross fixed capital formulation (GFCF), trade openness, and efficiency variables).


Research limitations/implications
The destination of FDI is limited to 20 countries in the present paper. The indicator of the institutional environment, namely economic freedom index, used in this paper has received some criticism in calculations.


Practical implications
The paper enlists recommendations for future FDI policies and may assist government in providing a tactical framework for skill development, thereby increasing manufacturing growth rate. The paper also throws light on vertical and horizontal capital inflows considering resource, strategy, and market-seeking FDI.


Social implications
FDI may bring significant benefits by creating high-quality jobs, introducing modern production and management practices. It highlights how multinational corporations and government contribute to better working conditions in host countries.


Originality/value
The paper uncovers important features like macroeconomic variables, especially country-wise efficiency scores, policy variables, GFCF, and freedom index, for determining FDI inflows in 20 countries using panel data methods and provides a roadmap for developed and developing countries. The study highlights endogeneity and unobserved heteroscedasticity by applying GMM one- and two-step procedure.

The goal of the current study was to describe the experiences of discrimination based on homelessness among youth between the ages of 18 and 24 using both quantitative and qualitative data. Pilot data were collected on 85 homeless emerging adults in New York City recruited at drop-in centers and residential shelters. Quantitative results show the majority of the sample (81%) experienced at least one instance of homelessness discrimination in the past year. Over half the sample felt like others treated them as mentally inferior because of their homelessness, labeling them as crazy, irresponsible, and lazy. Additionally, nearly a third felt like they were ignored and/or treated unfairly by police officers and service providers. Qualitative data are used to supplement these results by detailing specific discriminatory experiences. Written responses about specific incidents reveal that youth feel dehumanized by friends and family as well as service providers and random people based on their homelessness. Results are discussed in the context of the unique challenges and universal developmental changes faced by this vulnerable population.

A growing number of authors have been suggesting the necessary incorporation of children in the analysis of gender violence and, specifically, in the analysis of intimate partner violence against women (IPV). Such incorporation would be relevant not only for reducing children's invisibility and vulnerability, but also for achieving a better understanding of the characteristics and dynamics of IPV. Based on these considerations, we present in this paper the results of a secondary analysis applied to the data obtained in the last Spanish Survey on Violence Against Women. The available information allows us to analyze: 1) the presence of children exposed to IPV, 2) the relationship between this presence and the probability of reporting the violence, and 3) women's perception about the parental role of the aggressors.

Political scientists commonly draw on history but often do not read actual historians carefully. This limited engagement with historians, and with contextual information more generally, contributes to a loss of historical knowledge that can undermine the validity of quantitative analysis. This article makes this argument by means of an examination of the qualitative evidence underlying the important quantitative arguments about the origins of electoral systems advanced by Carles Boix and by Thomas Cusack, Torben Iversen, and David Soskice. The article explores how their respective attention to historical knowledge affects the quality of their data, the plausibility of their hypotheses, and, ultimately, the robustness of their statistical findings. It also analyzes how such knowledge sheds new light on the causal direction between institutions and their economic effects.

Climate change is one of the pressing issues of our time. In order to limit global warming, the greenhouse gas emissions (GHG) need to be reduced drastically over the next decades in all sectors. A special role is played by the power sector, because it is the one responsible for most GHG emissions and because its costs for decarbonization are rather low. Consequently, national policies aim at reducing GHG emissions by supporting the expansion of renewable energy sources for electricity production (RES) and initiating a coal phase-out (CPO). European policymakers have implemented the EU Emissions Trading Scheme (EU ETS), a mechanism for pricing GHG emissions in the power and industry sector across Europe that incentives carbon mitigation. This dissertation investigates how national and European policies affect the power market and especially its GHG emissions and examines how these policies interact. This dissertation shows that RES, in addition to the short-term, well-studied, merit order effect, which reduces power wholesale prices, also have long-term effects on electricity markets. The long-term effect describes the impact that RES have on investment decisions into conventional technologies, which are reduced by over 8 GW in Germany. This indicates that the power market adapts to the expansion of RES. With regard to the GHG mitigation of RES, it is shown that currently RES contribute substantially to the mitigation of GHG emissions. Because wind power substitutes coal power, it has a significantly higher potential to avoid GHG emissions than solar power in Germany. Provided wind stays favorable in the future, this portends from a climate perspective that politics should focus on the expansion of wind. It further justifies higher support schemes for wind than solar energy. The impact of the CPO on the GHG emissions depends strongly on legal implementation. If no further actions are taken, the demand for emission decreases, because existing emitters leave the market and the price drops to 0 EUR/t. The EU ETS loses its incentive effect and the emissions are realized elsewhere since the cap remains the same and is fully exploited. Therefore, alongside the CPO, emission certificates have to be deleted in order to maintain the incentive effect of the EU ETS. Furthermore, the loss in valuation of the German coal power plants depends strongly on the time of the CPO. Given high expected emission prices and the expansion of RES, coal-fired power plants cannot be operated economically advantageously in the long-term. Therefore, no devaluation is expected if power plants are phased out in 2038 or shortly before and hence, those power plants should not receive any compensation. Additionally, this dissertation shows that the EU ETS is a strong European policy that provides sufficient incentives to meet the European climate targets in 2030 and to realize the necessary expansion of RES. However, if national RES development paths are implemented, this leads to higher overall costs but also very different profitability of RES in each country This is because countries with high ambitions regarding the expansion of RES face self-marginalization effects, which reduces the revenues for RES due to the merit order effect, and increases the level of support needed for them to expand. In contrast, countries with low RES ambitions have little or no need of support schemes but benefit from low prices in the EU ETS due to strong RES expansion in countries with high ambitions. Summarizing, this dissertation demonstrated that both national and European policy contribute to the decarbonization of the European power sector. However, the different policies interact. This can have negative impacts, which indicates that a greater harmonization of policies is necessary. Further research should develop comprehensive policy approaches and discuss possible challenges.