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This study advances the decline of Parent-Relative Subjective Social Status (PRSSS) as a reconciling factor among radical right and radical left supporters. While self-employed workers, men and rural residents perceive socioeconomic decline relative to their parents and support the radical right, the well-educated, urbanites and low-income individuals are likely to feel similar decline given the rising levels of unemployment and social inequality. These structural changes may push the latter to support a party which stresses income inequality, a catchcry of the radical left. Using a 2017 Eurobarometer Survey, logistic regressions show positive associations between low PRSSS (versus equal or high PRSSS) and support for right- and left-wing radicalism in 28 European countries. The traditional attitudes of each group magnify the PRSSS effects on radical support: these are reinforced by anti-immigrant support for the radical right and by preference for redistribution for the radical left.

This study advances the decline of Parent-Relative Subjective Social Status (PRSSS) as a reconciling factor among radical right and radical left supporters. While self-employed workers, men and rural residents perceive socioeconomic decline relative to their parents and support the radical right, the well-educated, urbanites and low-income individuals are likely to feel similar decline given the rising levels of unemployment and social inequality. These structural changes may push the latter to support a party which stresses income inequality, a catchcry of the radical left. Using a 2017 Eurobarometer Survey, logistic regressions show positive associations between low PRSSS (versus equal or high PRSSS) and support for right- and left-wing radicalism in 28 European countries. The traditional attitudes of each group magnify the PRSSS effects on radical support: it is reinforced by anti-immigrant support for the radical right and by preference for redistribution for the radical left.

Chantal Mouffe's is presented as one of the leading theoreticians of the radical left, as a disciple of Carl Schmitt and as a resolute opponent of the liberal tradition. However, according to the her own admission, Chantal Mouffe is more in the "social democratic" camp than in the "radical left" camp, she marks a fundamental difference with regard to Carl Schmitt and she claims her attachment to the liberal ideal. Starting from these discrepancies, this article defends the idea that Chantal Mouffe's thought is perceived as more radical than it really is. Chantal Mouffe intends to reform the liberal tradition rather than denying it. ; Peer reviewed

Introduced belatedly into the French-speaking intellectual world, Chantal Mouffe's thought is of increasing interest. The philosopher is presented as one of the leading theoreticians of the radical left, as a disciple of Carl Schmitt and as a resolute opponent of the liberal tradition. However, according to her own admission, Chantal Mouffe is more in the "socialdemocracy" camp than in the "radical left" camp, she marks a fundamental difference with regard to Carl Schmitt, and she claims her attachment to the liberal ideal. Starting from these discrepancies, this article defends the idea that Chantal Mouffe's thought is perceived as more radical than it really is. Chantal Mouffe intends to reform the liberal tradition rather than denying it. ; Peer reviewed

The popularity of European Radical Right Populist parties (RRPs) has led to investigations into the distances between RRPs' and other parties' stances regarding immigration. This article adds to this literature by investigating the distance between RRPs and the other parties on a wider variety of typical RRP policy and style issues. Based on an Expert Survey organized in 2010, we consider ideological (immigration, nationalism, law and order) and style (anti-establishment, populism) dimensions. Furthermore, we examine to what extent characteristics of other parties and RRPs (ideological position, electoral success, being in office) are associated with these distances. Our results show that right-wing (neo-)conservative and Christian-democratic parties are closest, while green and socialist parties are furthest to RRPs regarding ideological dimensions. The opposite is found for the style dimensions. Additionally, we show that the other parties' characteristics, rather than those of RRPs, are associated with ideological and style distances between RRPs and other parties.

Non-Radical Changes: EditorialEditorial Nieradykalne zmiany. WstępArtykuł wstępny

L'évaluation d'un projet de développement se construit en référence à plusieurs mondes qui n'ont pas les mêmes rapports à la connaissance et à l'incertitude : les sciences sociales, l'expertise technique et financière, le système de l'aide au développement. Basée sur l'expérience en 2009 d'une évaluation rétrospective de projets d'hydraulique pastorale au Tchad, cette communication veut mettre en évidence le refus de penser la complexité et l'incertitude, refus inhérent à la reproduction d'un système d'aide. Cette contribution propose une discussion sur le rapport entre la production de connaissances, l'expertise, la prise de décision et l'incertitude. Alors que les finalités et les méthodes de l'expertise tendent à réduire l'incertitude, la démarche d'enquête intègre l'incertitude radicale au travers du scepticisme vis-à-vis des catégories données, de la pluralité des méthodes, de la compréhension des dynamiques locales. Ce rapport à l'incertitude, interrogeant certains aveuglements propres au système d'aide qui perdure aujourd'hui, est une condition nécessaire au dépassement de la crise de la pensée et de l'action en matière de développement en Afrique subsaharienne.

Within the political science community, scholars typically draw a sharp distinction between the "radical right" and "fascism." This chapter challenges such a distinction, and encourages scholars to reprise fascism's relationship to the radical right. It suggests that(neo)fascism's past offers the best route to understanding the present-day radical right. Such a historical interpretation seeks to enhance our understanding of the central importance of the neo-fascist European New Right as the "missing link" between fascism and contemporary radical right-wing populism. Moreover, much of the scholarly literature theorizing the radical right also fails to take into account activist cultures and shared domains. Rather than breaking the historical link between the radical right and fascism, this chapter calls on those studying this field to reinstate this important link, thereby acknowledging the continuing presence of fascism in today's radical right.

From interviews of Union for Radical Political Economics (URPE) members, founders, and activists, I discuss what radical political economics means. I argue that the meaning should go back to its original intent, so that it is broad and inclusive and examines the structure of the economy; the root of economic problems and conditions; issues of power; and oppression and inequality by race, gender, class, and nation. With a broad definition of radical political economics, we can continue to address problems of hegemony and inequality, which are as important today as they were fifty years ago.

Treats the postwar development of the radical Right in Italy in 4 periods, although these should not be considered too rigidly. These encompass the Fascist resurgence (1946-1955), the second phase (1955-1975), the turning point of the mid 1970s, and the Spontaneismo armator (armed spontaneity). (JLN)

They are 27 persons changing how we farm, how the food system operates, and how we eat. No two are the same, but all are far from ordinary. Some want to change how we farm to make it more sustainable, while others want to transform the food system in the name of social justice. Some seek to alter what we eat, while others want to change how and where we eat. They include regular farmers, but also farmers growing food without the sun or soil. They include architects, molecular biologists, Black Lives Matter activists, anarchists, undercover animal rights investigators, big farmers, small farmers, martial arts instructors, and more. Join us at the table to dine with 27 food radicals - and see the world of food as you have rarely seen it before.

What is the potential for using nonprofit institutions to foster radical change in the United States? At a time when the public sector is heavily constrained, does the third sector provide a base for radical activity? Recent writing advocating growth of the sector is surveyed, as are some of the sector's most significant areas of activity. While most nonprofit institutions function for social reproduction and tight constraints exist for all of them, they do offer some means by which to work for change.